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This paper is part of a more comprehensive study in which I focus on teaching practice conflicts in Cordoba during the 90's, in the context of state reforms. Within this framework, on one hand I am interested in showing the real nature of official and pedagogic discourse around the educative reform; on the other hand, to discusse and leave open the possibility of thinking that there was a displacement of logical organization of the business sector to the educative area and also that the use of philosophical assumptions of onhism were being applied to other work areas. This factor had also a great influence on educative sphere as a part of global transformation and in consequence, it influenced national and provincial government discourse around that reform. Finally, this paper aims to suggest deeper analysis to follow on how those discourses were received among teachers, and the individual or collective resistance that they might have generated. This article points to answer three questions: Did the national and provincial government discourse about this educative reform point to change the organization of the teaching job and the teacher's profile? In what sense did they do that? And how did the teachers receive those government interpellations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores changes and continuities in political culture of the 90's taking into account the use of March 24 commemorations that took part between the pardons of 1989-1990 and the political crisis at the end of 2001. It proposes it as cartographies of sociopolitical conflict. As a main concern it assumes the role played by human rights matter in recent history under a political regime of an excluding democracy It holds the progressive conversion of March 24th into a space that gave rise to a process of social recomposition that took place through the widening of the impunity framework and the constitution of networks of action. This process was traversed by provincial conflictivity. As specific hypothesis three moments or sub periods are acknowledged. The first one goes from 1989 to 1993, a moment of minor importance in which the commemorations acquired almost endogamic features. The second one, from 1994 to 1997, a moment of transition characterized for the promotion of new actors and identities to whom the experience of provincial crisis was crucial; the third one from 1998 up to 2002, in which ritualization of March 24th was produced, turning itself into a commemorative event which is at the same time was an opportunity to experience political sociability. For that, a map of the commemorations is constructed, dwelling on actors, demands, staging and constructed meanings, as well as on agreements, tensions and negotiations. It applies to the contributions of the renewed political history, to local studies on protest and collective action and tries to establish a dialog between social and political aspects, wishing to contribute to a new look on relationships between collective actors and public space that recovers the political use of streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The irruption of social protest in big scale is a characteristic element of the Argentina's society from '90 decade to the present. The roadblock, the practice of the assembly, the emergence of social actors such as the "piqueteros", as well as traditional repertories such as strikes leaded by syndicates place these and other ways of collective action as privileged resources that scholars call "modular repertories", that is, models of actions that are used by the rest of the society despite the fact that they may not share the same goals of those who created them. In this sense, the following paper proposes the discussion on this phenomenon from a conceptual approach around the idea of political culture of protest. This idea is articulated on the tension between politics and culture concepts, the first idea of political culture, and de last contributions that come form theories of collective action applied to the social movements, protest and revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]