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Performance Audits are among the competences of many Supreme Audit Institutions (sais), both in developed and developing countries. However, the level of real implementation of this technique in Latin America is underexplored. This paper aims to contribute to the analysis of the implementation of performance audits in Latin-American countries. This paper analyzed the situation of performance auditing in Latin America through a comparative study based on the evidence obtained from the websites of the sais and on a questionnaire sent to them. Results show a common rhetoric with respect to the importance of this technique but variations in practice. These variations can be explained by three reasons: rhetorical implementation, lack of fit between this technique and the problems facing Latin American countries and different levels of political and economic development. Access to information is quite difficult, fears to answer the questionnaire and lack of accessibility to the reports makes having a full picture a daunting task. Latin American sais should reevaluate the type of performance audit that suits their aims and adapt rather than adopt the tools developed in countries with different problems in public management. This paper offers a broad view of performance audit in Latin America. It reflects the effort of international organization and the limitations that performance audits confront in certain settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes constitutional design as it pertains to the powers, composition, selection procedures, and duration of the mandate of supreme courts and constitutional tribunals in 17 Latin American countries between 1900 and 2009. The analysis is based on an original database that contains the text of all constitutional articles in the central organs of the judiciary. The paper relies on this information to demonstrate to what degree the job stability of magistrates can be explained in terms of the institutional conditions that regulate the judicial system. Our analysis emphasizes that the survival of magistrates is determined by the stability of the constitutional framework, rather than any specific legal content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past democratic presidents were removed by military coups. Since the return of democracy in Latin America there were numerous presidential interruptions, but these took place via constitutional mechanisms. Governments fell, but the democratic regime remained. Over the last three decades, the experiences of presidential dropouts have led to the development of a theory about presidential interruptions, which attempts to explain the phenomenon of new presidential instability in Latin America. This paper touches on seven distinct issues, in order to add insights to the theoretical debate on presidential interruptions. These issues are: 1) presidential interruption's connection with the theory of constitutional succession; 2) the alleged breach of the fixed term and independence of powers; 3) the reconsideration of the alleged new flexibility of the presidential system; 4) timing and rules of the presidential fall and the timing and rules of the president's replacement; 5) the situation of "ruling gaps", both in relation to the presidential interruption, and the president's replacement; 6) the so-called "thin line" between the parliamentary coup and impeachment; 7) expectations and cycles of presidential strength and weakness that show a certain structural vulnerability of the system. These issues add to the debate by introducing new approaches to studying the phenomenon of presidential interruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to contribute to a burgeoning comparative literature about nationalization of party competition (political parties and party systems), clarifying its terminology and evaluating three different indices of measurement of this phenomenon and used recently in Latin America. This paper argues that despite the confusion in the terminology, the term nationalization should be understood as homogeneity of electoral support across the territory and that a proper measure of nationalization should take into account four basic elements: party presence across the country, number of subnational units where it is measured, its magnitude and the size of the party. The revision of the literature dedicated to Latin American countries reveals that more case studies of longterm evolution of party systems and explanation of its changes and party-centred variables are necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of new political and legal conditions, social actors in Latin America have recently developed new forms of collective action, including in particular legal mobilization. This paper intends to contribute to the study of this development, through the incorporation of elements of three scholarly traditions that have generally developed separately from each other: social movement theory, legal mobilization studies and constitutional theory. It points out in particular the contribution of democratic constitutionalism to the analysis of the role of social movements in legal change. It also proposes the use of the terms counter-movement and counter-legal mobilization for the study of collective action and legal strategies developed by conservative sectors that oppose the advancement of social movements in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some democracies around the world --including those from Latin America--present equal or higher levels of state repression than the global mean of autocratic regimes. Despite the political and normative relevance of this phenomenon, comparative research on democratic repression is scanty and poorly systematized. Introducing the distinction between centralized and decentralized state repression, and considering advances derived from the global agenda and area studies of Latin America, this article presents a review of theories and empirical explanations that can contribute to the construction of a theory of democratic state repression. Moreover, this paper presents a catalog about the challenges related to the processes of theory generation and empirical evaluation, and offers alternatives to those challenges. The main conclusion is that modeling the use of state violence in terms of principal-agent relations (elected politicians-state security agencies, state security agencies-citizenship) LA-area studies offer fruitful analytical tools for comparative research on democratic state repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]