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The following paper contends that Plato’s philosophy is essentially a political activity. This imply, however, to distinguish how this political philosophy carries out, its meaning and scope. Many scholars have attributed to Plato the political project, which Socrates develops in the dialogue Republic. Nevertheless, the simile of the cave reveals the impossibility of such a project or, at least, the serious problems that lie behind it. So, I suggest, that is not in the dialogue Republic where it finds Plato’s authentic political philosophy, but in the so-called aporetic dialogues. In these dialogues it does not discuss about a possible city, but it exercises in a lively way a politics builted by Socrates’ dialectic therapy, whose task is unveiling the virtue through the unmasking the faces of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a brief historical account of woman in philosophy and of the critique to the patriarchal vision predominant in philosophy. María Zambrano is highlighted as a twentieth-century philosopher as well as her political thought, marking a change of direction in the look at what so far has been highlighted in her work. The content, an introduction and four sections, addresses gender as a cultural construct plenty of masculine and feminine meanings and its relationship to women's role in philosophy. Then, the paper focuses on María Zambrano and her philosophy, looking for understanding her thought, keeping in mind the importance of recognizing her life and work from its historical context. In the conclusions the nuances in the Zambranian philosophy and the multiplicity of readings and interpretations that can be made of it are shown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to analyze the role played by ideology in regard to the historical implementation of human rights, questioning whether this implementation has fulfilled an eminently ideological function. The reflection will pass through the vision of two scholars who have held one of the most interesting contemporary philosophical discussions: Louis Althusser and Michel Foucault. At first, the Althusserian theory of ideology will be outlined, in order to defend that human rights have operated as an "ideological apparatus", questioning the individual from an immanently capitalist context. Then, we will verify that Michel Foucault was very critical of the Althusserian approaches. The notion of a transcendental subject will be crucial in such criticism, since in the Foucaultian perspective there are never subjects that are constituted prior to effective dynamics of power. In Foucaultian analysis, ideology will no longer occupy an essential place. The contributions of Slavoj Žižek will also be, by the way, decisive throughout this discussion. Finally, some critical reflections will be drawn to think about the emancipatory possibility of human rights in the contemporary world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews some of the most frequent objections against Nozick's version of Lockean Proviso. In particular, it examines two of them: the one that affirms that the stipulation is self-defeating and the one that, on the contrary, maintains that it is insufficient or to weak. Both criticisms are rejected. The first because it ignores Nozick's distinction between not diminishing the opportunities to use a specific good and the opportunities to appropriate it; the second because it erroneously assumes that the baseline of the stipulation is always in the state of nature. Finally, a formulation is offered on the principle of justice in acquisition that includes the stipulation restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the philosophical debate between Ernst Cassirer and Martin Heidegger in the interwar period, starting from their dissimilar way of understanding human freedom as a process of self-configuration (Selbstbildung) of the subject or Dasein. First, we will examine the global reinterpretation of Kantian philosophy by both thinkers in the light of their philosophical projects: in the case of Cassirer, the philosophy of symbolic forms, in the case of Heidegger, the hermeneutics of facticity. Second, their interpretations of the aesthetic thought of Friedrich Schiller will be analyzed, within the framework of their reflections on the function of art for the understanding of the Selbstbildung. This will illuminate a new aspect of this debate and determine the distance between their two philosophical and political orientations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines seven philosophical conceptions of freedom -including the distinctions between positive and negative liberty, and liberal and republican liberty-, exemplifying them with great authors in the history of philosophy. On the other hand, in order to enrich the vision with a concrete legal document, we examine the Ecuadorian Constitution of 2008. The central aim of the research is to probe the use -made by those who participated in the drafting of that Constitution- of philosophical ideas concerning liberty in its threefold relation to: 1) values, such as common good and equality; 2) the correlative duties imposed on individuals and the society at large with respect to the holder of the right to freedom; and 3) the state and its laws. We hope that the results provide greater clarity in those debates of normative philosophy in which freedom is involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I defend the stance that republicanism --in comparison to other central notions-- has not been interpreted as one of the main traits that characterize Kant's legal and political philosophy. A plausible reason for this is that Kantian republicanism has not occupied a prominent place in the republican narratives, historiographical or systematic, that are dominant in contemporary discussions. To my mind, the reason for this is that some innovative characteristics in the Kantian republican enterprise are at odds with other republican philosophical projects. Here I discuss some distinctive traits of Kant's project regarding his conceptions of the rule of law, citizenship, political authority, free speech, and international law with the aim of showing that they are an integral part of a political and legal theory that is still attractive and compelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will demonstrate that it is possible to identify the foundations of the philosophy of freedom that began with Kant in the work of Rousseau, specifically in his vision of an essential relationship between freedom and humanity. By means of a critical and hermeneutical method, the analysis focuses on elucidating the historical and philosophical meaning of the anthropological conception consolidated in his first two Discourses. The aim is to show that freedom acquires the unprecedented significance of becoming the principle of humanity and the ground that determines humankind's destiny. The results of this study suggest that this idea of humanity, defined by freedom, sets the basis for subsequent philosophical thinking and evidence the decisive importance of Rousseau for the modern consciousness of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the doctrine of recognition that Hobbes clearly implied throughout his political writings. To this end, it deals with the systematic exposition of the canon of "natural laws" that Hobbes elaborated in works such as Elements of Natural and Political Law, Treatise on the Citizen and the Leviathan. Our underlying thesis is that the exposition of these laws, also called "moral laws" by Hobbes, leads the author to postulate the idea that the "natural equality" of men, by which he understands equality of rights, not equality of power, is only assured to the extent that individuals are intersubjectively recognized as bearers of the same rights that, as men, belong to them. This thesis seeks to show that, contrary to the traditional reading of Hobbes, which concentrates on the absolutist nature of power, Hobbes traces the very possibility of civil and political life, not to the mediation of the absolute State and its coercive power, but to the intersubjective recognition of rights, which obtains its normative force from the moral conscience of each man. The present article intends to show that with its postulate, Hobbes manages to outline a protomoral of recognition, which would not remain without repercussion in the philosophical discourse of modernity. This purpose is one with the one to show the difficulties, the tensions and the limits of the Hobbesian approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explain two dimensions of public sphere where the tensions of modern ethical life are clearly perceived, according to Hegel's Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. First, we present the public side of the states assembly, which has the function of mediating and overcoming the tensions characteristic of the private sphere by means of the political representation of particular interests of civil society. Second, we analyze Hegel's ambivalent position regarding public opinion. According to Hegel, a people knows its true interests only through political representation. The publicity of the parliamentary debates is a necessary condition for the constitution of a people. This original perspective of political representation anticipates current political theories and clearly differentiates itself from classic understandings of representation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to reconsider the feasibility of overcoming violent situations. Situations in which reality imposes itself in an indefectible and aggressive manner and in which it is hard to generate spaces of justice, since in them, social inequality and marginalization prevail. The persistence of injustice is the breeding ground for violence. An explicit case of such conditions was the massacre of 43 students of the Rural Teachers’ College in Ayotzinapa (Guerrero) on November 26, 2014. Under these circumstances, and, in order to formulate alternatives where peace becomes a viable horizon, this paper assumes the perspective about real injustice developed by Luis Villoro. Based on the recognition of this condition, the collective imagination of alternatives for overcoming violence and achieving peace becomes possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper approaches the concept of "praxis" as stated by Ignacio Ellacuría, examining it in relation with the main concepts that Ellacuría presents in his work. This concept of "Praxis", fundamental at the moment of approaching the topic of historical reality, last and absolute object of the philosophy, needs to be supported by a series of elements that are rescued in this paper. For doing that we will consider some components of this "praxis", its conditions and its place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents two views regarding democracy and its relationship with liberal thought. Specifically, it shows the main features of radical democracy and how this one can make a proper contact between individual and social aspects and respects the minimum guarantees that must be given to all individuals in order to carry out its own conception of good. It fosters adequate conditions of participation and control over public affairs. So, the paper shows the visions of Hayek and Nozick confronted with the conception of radical democracy proposed by other authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will show how the tendency to a bigger growth of capital than the one of the overall economy has generated an excessive inequity. I will also show how this is linked to a regression in the welfare state and the transformation of the citizen into a producer of goods and a consumer. I will try to show that this situation contradicts the principles of protection of the social and economic minimal conditions stated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and how international capitals influence political decisions and how it helps to transform the traditional concepts of sovereignty and citizenship. It is then evident that it is necessary to make political decisions to impose taxes to capital in particular to the international one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some libertarian's opinion, social rights are inexistent as 'rights'. In this paper, I will first identify some of the main libertarian's approaches to then show Locke's positions. This will allow tracing the conditions for the potential foundations of the economic and social rights back to the beginnings of the liberal thought. I argue that there is a contradiction between Locke's theoretical principles and the libertarian's radical approaches. Finally, I show how the need for an economic redistribution looking toward a greater political equality can be supported based on Locke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses justice in terms of political problem as viewed by John Rawls' philosophy. It claims that the Kantian politic constructivism has some implications on the base of the Rawlsian liberalism. It argues about how the connection between these two different types of constructivism provides a construction procedure in which rational autonomous agents, submitted to reasonable conditions, make agreements concerning public principles about justice in order to reach a fair system of cooperation that goes beyond the generations. It concludes showing the limitations and achievements of the proposal in contemporary political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The assumption of strict obedience, and other features of the well ordered society (WOS), is a great idealization that Rawls does from the actual and historical circumstances in which contemporary societies exist. From there comes the objection according to which the whole project of justice as fairness is just useless, for it has no purpose at all to know what would it be the principles of justice for a well ordered society that only exist in theory. The aims of this paper are to make clear the meaning of the well ordered society's assumption - the society which the ideal theory takes care of -; to point out the links between this kind of theory and the methodology of the political philosophy and the notion of feasibility; and to look again at the useless objection in the light of the above considerations. Before the useless objection, a twofold answer is proposed that could be inferred from Rawls work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]