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The paper analyzes the private listed real estate funds in Argentina as an expression of the process of real estate and housing financialization. Taking into consideration other national REITs regimes analyzed by current research, this paper argues that the limited expansion of these funds ought to be interpreted in light of the subordinate condition of Argentina in the process of financialization, which intensified both macroeconomic volatility and dependence on the hegemonic currency. In this context, the efforts to channel surplus from/ to housing, appear to the agents as an arduous process of marker making, in which fiscal incentives and credit orientation are unavoidable conditions. However, as explained, specific elements of housing production and capital market functioning in Argentina show tensions in their articulation, and a rather tailor-made development of real estate funds for national investors that take advantage of these fiscal benefits in conjunctures of "opportunity" for extraordinary gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lexicographical corpus of the Mapuzugun produced in the period 1880-1930 has not yet been subject to studies that place it in relation to its specific historical and linguistic context. This paper presents a first analysis of the bilingual lexicographical repertoires produced in the aforementioned period, which marks the end of the Mapuche resistance and the beginning of the state occupation of the territories in the south of the current republics of Argentina and Chile. In relation to this historical context we analyze how these linguistic instruments (Auroux 1992) configure discourses on language that mobilize certain linguistic ideologies about the Mapuzugun. From a glottopolitical perspective (Del Valle 2017) that considers the principles of critical studies of lexicographic discourse (Chen 2019), it is characterized the interaction between diverse discourses on language in the period as well as the incidence of political and military processes in the language space. Based on some characteristics of the works reviewed, general categories are proposed that allow locating and describing the corpus according to the discourses on the Mapuche language that are identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a part of a research on the origins of anti-peronism in Argentina, this paper focuses on the position of the Democratic Union on aguinaldo (annual complementary salary), which was established two months before the 1946 elections. In the campaign, the Democratic Union tried to dispute peronist claim of "social justice" under the concept of democracy and anti-fascism, but the annoucement made by the military government left the anti-peronist coalition in an uncomfortable place between indifference and rejection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in Argentinean right wing-nationalist political discourse of the sixties can only be explained in relation to the international Cold War-context. Thus, some fundamental concepts of Argentine nationalist political tradition were altered by the ups and downs of the international agenda. Because of this, this paper intends to trace the transformations of the nationalist political program, starting with the discursive mutations of the ideas of "Hispanism" and "Revolution". Hence, this renewed revolutionary program -even when related to inherited ideological elements of previous nationalist generations- was reinterpreted in light of new Cold War-meanings of the concept of Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to enrich the analytical record of the process of formation of the political system of the Argentine “Confederation” in the 1850s, from the specificities of San Juan province. We considered variations of San Juan political and economic integration in the national and “transcordillerano” stage. We reveal that the attempts of San Juan authorities to (re)articulated in a long-standing activity as overland trade with Chile, though not always successful, were important both to define provincial political tensions and the gravitation of the province in the political and institutional frame of the “Confederation”. So, we analyzed provincial, regional and international aspects of this process, taking into account the multiplicity of actors, resources, ideas and practices that were involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political reform process implemented in1912 in Argentina in order to discuss some general understandings in national historiography about the scope of the reform. The analysis focuses on the province of Corrientes, the only one in which the Radicalism failed o reach power throughout the period. This paper seeks to assess the limits of reformism, strategies and mechanisms implemented by the Conservatism to stay in power despite the national political situation that presented it adverse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike most Latin-American countries where collective bargaining is decentralized at the firm level, in Argentina -as well as in Brasil-, collective bargaining is centralized and carried out by a single union per activity branch. However, in Argentina these branch unions articulate themselves with a union-based representation in the shop-floor, the so called “internal commissions". The first two Peronist governments (1946-1955) are a crucial period in the development of these organisms. In this paper we study the conflicts related to the internal commissions that arose in these years in the metallurgical and the shoe industries and we analyze the rules and regulations governing the internal commissions fixed in the collective labor agreements of 1954 and the tensions that emerged in their negotiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to reconstruct the early action of the Argentine Council for Peace, local headquarters of the World Peace Council, the most important front organization supported by communism during the Cold War period. Through the itineraries of writers María Rosa Oliver and Alfredo Varela and the essayist Ernesto Giudici, key figures in the Movement for Peace in Argentina, the article analyzes the relationship between intellectuals and communist efforts after World War II, in the context of Juan Domingo Peron's government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the concepts of migration, memory and tikkun olam (fixing of the world) in the work of the argentine artist Mirta Kupferminc, in the context of the Argentine-Jewish culture. These concepts are identified as the pillars that support the artist's work and draw on multiple and complimentary identities. Through the study of the ideas of migration, memory and tikkun olam as expressed in M. Kupferminc's works it is possible to express how the national (Argentine) identity and the Jewishness interact on the canvases, taking advantage of the simultaneity and multiplicity facilitated by the visual medium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we are interested in investigating two issues that have been studied in relation to hegemonic discourses of eugenics and its responsibility in building a model of female sexuality, but have been meagerly investigated in other locutions. So, here we analyze the eugenics and neo-Malthusian anarchist discourse with the intention of placing it as a locution that, in contrast to the hegemonic, led to the sexual freedom of women. Our focus for this in the production of two doctors anarchists who, with great display until the second half of the twentieth century, acted within the anarchist movement nationally and internationally. These doctors, far from the dominant ideas of the time, defended innovative proposals on sex education, birth control, conscious and voluntary motherhood and sexual freedom of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As women began to increase their participation in the labor market, the economic literature began to devote more attention to the differential treatment they receive. In that sense, the discrimination by employers has been identified as one of the possible causes that might explain the differential treatment between genders in the labor market. The purpose of the present paper is to analyze whether there are gender preferences on the part of employers when it comes to filling a certain position. Hence, labor demand was analyzed according to four key variables: categories of the positions demanded, skills needed, academic level achieved, and maximum age required. The obtained results suggest marked preferences of employers towards the male gender for covering managerial positions, gender segregation of skills and university studies requested, and more inequality for women in their access to employment according to the maximum age required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Modernity there was formed an idea of the body centred on the regulation of the life of the population (bios) and on the "disciplinamiento" of the body of the individuals (biopoder). In the beginning of the 20th century in Argentine, in the context of the "social question", one appealed to the representations concerning the idea of the social body and of the body of the individuals. To the body of the Nation he imagined it under the notions of disease and health, integration and exclusion. Since then, the metaphors of the social body have not stopped being present in the rhetoric of the national discourse in different contexts. This paper study the diffusion and intervention of the medical speech (hygienist and eugenista) in the school institution by the intention of acting on the body of the small students to the effects of moralizing his behaviors and of guaranteeing an integral formation that was preserving his physical and intellectual health while they were estimated as the civil futures of the republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1870, a prolific production of lexicographic instruments registering lexical singularities began in Argentina. The awareness of this peculiarity led to the elaboration --thus following a Hispanic American tradition-- of complementary and contrastive dictionaries of different modalities. On the one hand, descriptive works were published that collected ruralisms, indigenisms, regionalisms (both Americanisms and provincialisms, or localisms), and Argentinianisms. On the other hand, some normative works emerged that collected barbarisms and censored their use, on account of their deviation from the peninsular Spanish variety. This paper studies the relations among the different stages of the dictionarization process and several dictionary-making modalities. To this effect, we analyze those dictionaries that included the Argentinian variety of the Spanish language, published between 1870 and 1910, by taking into account two aspects: a) the different conditions of the dictionarization process; and b) some cuts of segments selected from several domains of the lexicographical discourse (paratext, macrostructure, microstructure). First, this study intends to demonstrate that the monolingual dictionary is a discursive, historical and ideological instrument. Second, the analysis of the lexicographical discourse allows us to observe that these dictionaries operate for the construction of the national imaginary within the process of formation and consolidation of the modern national state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main object of this paper is analyze to the notion of civic nation, a concept and a politic representation which is fundamental in the production of the Generation of 1837 in Argentina The interpellation power of this concept still persists in recent moments of argentine history. To this end, we shall study, with the heuristic tools of Conceptual and Intellectual History, the uses of 'civility', civism', 'civilization', 'patria' and 'nation' in an specific corpus of Juan Bautista Alberdi and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's production. Our reading hypothesis is that for understanding the differences between these two interpretations of the civic nation and the internal tensions that each proposition has is necessary to question their discursive representations. Because it is inside these representations of civic nation we can identify oppositional conceptions of politics such as the civic republicanism and the domination of the civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October, 1934, on the occasion of the International Eucharistic Congress, one million Catholics gathered at Buenos Aires to show their faith and support of the Catholic Church. Those public meetings went on for ten years, as part of a Catholic political mobilization -The Army of Cristo Rey- in times of a strong political radicalization. This paper examines the characteristics of this phenomenon, which combined in a unique way three elements: the hierarchy of the Church, Catholic activists and common Catholic believers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we consider different perspectives on Chilean and Argentinean Judaism, related to four main traits: a) the organization of Jewish and secular identities, with progressive and liberal components, although religion is not the central identity element; b) the consolidation of a religious orthodox space; c) the formation of new Jewish identities, that are not integrated into the structures of institutional Jewish communities; e) the emergence of some dissidence in Chilean and Argentinean Judaism, as part and parcel of a reaction to the official discourse about the Arab-Israeli Conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]