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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desafíos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to assess the importance of political communication in the Mexican political culture, this paper probes into the behavior of digital communities in Twitter during the 2018 Mexico's presidential election. Research followed a two staged design. First, a large sample of tweets were collected on a daily basis using the package "rtweet" in the R programming environment. Following that, the collected tweets were filtered, cleaned, and a codebook was designed to analyze their contents. The results show that, out of a sample of 4664 publications, candidate Jose Antonio Meade had the largest number of mentions (47%), followed by Andrés Manuel López Obrador (29%) and Ricardo Anaya (24%). "Common citizens" issued 31% of the tweets analyzed, out of which 20% show links to online news outlets, while journalists and media publications accounted for 40% of the sampled tweets. The authors consider that these results characterize the observed digital communication practices as either transformations or extensions of the offline public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nóesis: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Revista Noesis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After several decades with scarce information about the relationship between corruption and electoral participation, recently some literature has emerged on this subject. There are several hypotheses that try to explain this phenomenon; one of them considers corruption as a mobilizing agent and another one as a paralyzing agent in electoral activities. In this paper, we study the role played by corruption over electoral participation in the municipality of Culiacán, with information obtained through a survey on political culture and electoral behavior. The statistical results suggest that the probability of voting is negatively related to higher levels of perceived corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the downfall of the authoritarian regime ruling Mexico for more than seven decades, the relationship between politicians, the mass media and public opinion transformed dramatically. This paper addresses such a transformation of political communication by looking at the 1994, 2000 and 2006 presidential campaigns in a comparative perspective. The analysis observes specific changes in the area, such as the displacement of the traditional centers of power which determined the political relations during the authoritarian regime, as well as the breakdown of the corporatist compliances that characterized the media-government relations. Further traits that illustrate contemporary changes in political communication in Mexico are the establishment of a plural spectrum of powerful media whose barons act as powerful pressure groups; and the instability of Mexican electorate, which in turn fuels the prevalence of both independent and 'soft vote' over the 'hard vote'. Finally, the paper concludes that candidate's media and communication strategies during the 2006 presidential campaigns were the most influential factors of the election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perfiles Latinoamericanos is the property of FLACSO - Mexico (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

San Juan del Rio is the second municipality of the State of Queretaro, Mexico. It was also the first city ruled by a party different from the PRI. During four trienniums, from 1991 to 2003, the City council was presided over by panistas. That last year, the PRI recovers it. The paper analyzes, to the light of diverse theories of the electoral behavior and the statistical series of the results, the paper of migration, party identification and rational choice, particularly non-voting role in this recovery. The lack of consolidation of a left option like third possibility also stands out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the institutional design of the state of Quintana Roo and its political change during 2016 elections. In this context, it is exposed that beyond the causes that led to democratic change in the state, these are not decisive to consolidate the political change due to the original institutional design, which manifests itself in a bureaucratized society and depending on government agents, which faces a dichotomy: on the one hand, it seeks an improvement in the state government decisions, and on the other hand it resists the institutional equilibrium change on which its socio-political structure was designed. The analysis is carried out with the theoretical contributions of New Institutionalise! and Subnational Democracy, supported by open interviews with key actors of local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the major transformations in the Mexican party system that occurred during the protracted process of democratic transition; it is divided into three parts. The first part is a brief review of the factors that contributed to the process of political-electoral change. In the second part, we carry out an analysis of changes in a number of dimensions of the Mexican party system, based on aggregate electoral data at national and district levels, as well as on data from public opinion surveys. The third part presents an analysis of the ideological structure of political competitiveness based on data from surveys on the left-right ideological stances of Mexican federal legislators. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment, as well as a growing level of competitiveness and fractionalization of the party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing works on the Party of Democratic Revolution usually emphasize charismatic leadership or internal groups. Little has been said about why fraudulent elections occur inside the party. This work unpacked the unit of analysis in four observations (1999, 2002, 2005 and 2008) to perform two synchronous comparisons (1999-2005 and 2002- 2008), achieving depth and explanation. If we consider the charismatic leadership or groups as independent variables, we would not be able to predict fraudulent elections, since the influence of the two is only to only shape the formulas in dispute. The paper concludes by arguing that the explanation lies in the similarity of forces and the reduced cost of violating the rules by the competitors; this will provide empirical evidence to show that in the presence of these conditions there can be fraudulent elections (1999 and 2008), whereas in their absence there can be fair elections (2002 and 2005). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the adaption of the political parties in the context of the State of Mexico between 1993 and 2006. The political parties as organizations respond to complex interests which are also expressed in diverse forms. In the last years, these political organisms have adapted to the market, leaving their ideologies behind and introducing themselves into the electoral competition, this forces their leaders to make decisions in a context of rational election. The typology they now respond to is that of the professional party, catch-all or cartel, leaving behind the answer to social cleavages or the ideology that once identified the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explain the relevance of implementing a System of Indicators for Electoral Law actions in the Electoral Tribunal of the State of Mexico (ETSM), from the perspective and principles of evaluation by results to generate indicators which are measurable, observable, countable and verifiable, and to comply with the principles of certainty, legality, independence, impartiality and objectivity, stated in the mission of ETSM. The related theoretical-methodological referents on management for results are outlined as tools for decision-making and their impact on their implementation in the legalelectoral filed is related illustrating a study case for ETSM, where elections have become an increased demand for attention from the actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is investigated through a careful quantitative and qualitative monitoring of the news in Veracruz, to figure out the influence of the press in the electoral behaviour through the analysis of the media tendency of 10 local papers, selected from their regional geographical cover, during the Elections to choose Federal Representatives in 2009. The Theory is based on the paradigm of the electoral behaviour in the psychosocial model that matches with the researches of the mass media, political culture, and public opinion, all these framed in social representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to study the Mexican elections of July 4th, 1926, which enabled Plutarco Elías Calles to seek a second presidential term on a fully constitutional basis. Those elections had their own significance, but also provided the framework for the second half of Calles' administration. I focus only on the elections in Mexico City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether elections in Mexico affect the growth of GNP, unemployment, inflation and public expenditure. According to the results of an econometric exercise elections have no effect on all these variables except for public expenditure. It turns out that public expenditure increases just before the presidential elections having no effect on the economic cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the author's views on the influence of elections on insurgent territories in Zacatlán, Mexico in 1813. Topics discussed include document of priest Francisco García Catarinas on the role of elections, leadership of insurrection, history of elections and military crises in Mexico.