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Copyright of Redes (1414-7106) is the property of Associacao Pro-Ensino em Santa Cruz do Sul - APESC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the most recent changes in Argentine federalism and the challenges that arise from the migration process from a dual model to a cooperative one. Specifically, it reflects on the political and institutional challenges for the formulation and implementation of public policies and the transformations in terms of articulation of these policies in heterogeneous contexts: large differences between different levels of regional development, and also in terms of political-ideological conception and policy orientation of the highest authorities of the executive in each of the levels of government. In order to analyze these challenges we work over the federal councils, considering them as an instrument that promotes public policy coordination between the national government and the provincial states. In this sense, we explore the transformations of the federal management of educational policy since it provides evidence to identify significant milestones in the process of transformation of the management arrangements of Argentine federalism and, on recent experience, how the consolidation of the Federal Education Council (FEC) contributes to improve the conditions of the joint cooperative model. The paper seeks to contribute to the debate on federalism and intergovernmental relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to contribute to the critique of Neoliberal Ideology, assuming that a new political situation claims to attend the ideological aspect in which Neoliberalism never stopped producing effects. The paper interrogates that level in which subjectivities are affected by Neoliberalism as Ideology, by identifying four central ideological cores: Justification of inequality, Meritocracy, Technocratism and Ideology of Life’s Flexibility. Through the analysis of the results of a survey and certain public discourses we propose to observe the extension and articulation of these cores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In previous papers we have analyzed police functions, purposes and norms as agencies of social control; historical and structural impediments in the police-state relationship and in the formation of political programs, experiences with community models of urban security and its practical results in Argentina, etc. In this paper we will emphasize the consideration of violence as a constituent element of police culture, and even more so in a police state, in its semantic multiplicity: legal, abusive, extralegal diffuse, symbolic violence (Tavares Dos Santos, 2000). On the other hand we study the construction of the "suspect" population and of the types of delinquency, realizing a critical analysis of the typologies of crime and delinquency, determining the manner in which official statistical analysis is made (what the penal and political system understand) and visualizing the omissions they include in an attempt to explain the same. (It is interesting to analyze statistics searching for the holes in empirical analysis in reference to the questions proposed and not because we are excessively positivist) It is necessary to have as a back-drop the overlapping of political programs and their consequences: one of these programs, one of zero tolerance, according to Crawford, is an erroneous and discriminatory designation of groups, which converts these happenings into selective intolerant events. Examples: the technique of "halt and frisk" and "class-cleansing" techniques in public areas and the overlooking of certain typologies such as administrative crimes, commercial fraud, contamination and health and security infractions (Wacquant, 2000). Finally we present the manner in which this selective intolerance is translated in the country, beyond political and media discourse ambiguity ("cero tolerance" is not assumed to be continually sustained) which worsen the situation of violence and criminality in the framework of a high exclusive social and economic model in which strategies are the repetitions of repetitions of reforms, grand rhetoric and technical terminology which conjecturally circle about while society observes and is absorbed in this "dislocated scenario" managed by an uncertain state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Territorios: Revista de Estudios Regionales y Urbanos is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper makes two contributions to the classical thesis in American Political Science on the existence of "two presidents", as applied to the Argentine case. Analyzing rollcall votes for the recent period, we confirm the validity of the thesis in a markedly presidential and multiparty system. Furthermore, comparing international and domestic legislative topics, we analyze which factors affect the legislative support received by the president. Using robust regressions, we find that popular approval is positively associated with the level of support that the president received for domestic but not international initiatives. The use of Necessity and Urgency Decrees, the economy's performance, the ideological polarization between the parties in Congress, and the chamber in which the initiative is submitted are all variables that affect legislative support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Kirchnerism as a populist political process. Using specific literature, it is possible to reconstruct the change in the political and social alliances of the government, marked by the conflict with the agricultural fraction of the bloc in power in 2008. This conflict caused a change in the emphasis on the political strategy of the government, which modified its discourse and alliances. On this basis, the article proposes a periodization of the process in two stages, changing from the populist rupture to a particularistic affirmation of the Kirchnerist identity. The article shows in detail the new features of the political order after 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research will analyze the last two political- electoral reforms carried out and/or under discussion in Argentina: the first, promoted by the Kirchnerist government, sanctioned in 2009, and the second, promoted by the Macrist government, debated throughout 2016 and still under legislative treatment. In this paper, we propose a critical reading of both Political Reform projects, first setting forth the assessment that preceded each one, then reviewing the arguments that have supported each proposal. Subsequently, we will analyze in detail the content of both reforms, pointing out the concrete effects of the clauses (real in the first case and possible in the second), theoretically outlined or incorporated with each one. Thus, through the evaluation of the three elections celebrated since the enactment of the first law, we will consider that the objectives set forth with its enactment were not achieved. But, at the same time, there is no evidence -based on recent international experience- that the proposals included in the new project will lead to this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociales (Santa Fe) is the property of Universidad Nacional del Litoral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to analize the potencialities and weakness of the Latin American Insitutions in general, and in particular the problems of the argentinians ones. The 2001 Argentinian crisis set up a new discourse in wich the actaull government legitimice itself. However, the process of the crisis show a very interesting relashionship betwen Crisis, Representation and democracy wich we want to work on looking for the potentilities of the of the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Etnográfica: Revista do Centro de Estudos de Antropologia Social is the property of Centro em Rede de Investigacao em Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)