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This paper considers the notion of "gambiarra", a feature of Brazilian and Latin American culture, as a literary element in two short stories of the Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano. In this sense, some theoretical-critical approaches will be proposed for possible meanings to "gambiarra," not only as a materially objectified element, but also as a process, an action and a production method. I present as hypotheses some of the socio-historical determinations that enable "gambiarra" as a social phenomenon as well as its categorization as a concrete expression of a certain ontological human tendency. The analysis of the short stories, after brief considerations about the author and his work, seeks to understand how the articulation of the "gambiarra" manifests itself in the narratives, allowing also dialectical glimpses about its social dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his essay on the work of art, Benjamin approaches the phenomenon of the aestheticization of politics, to which, in his own words, communism must respond with the politicization of art. In this paper I will focus on this problem, and I will examine the hypothesis that the diagnosis of a "aestheticization" is not exclusive, in the framework of Benjamin's philosophy, of the field of art and its relation to politics. I will argue that this problem is also rooted in history in the form of an aestheticization of the past, to which Benjamin, above all in the thesis "On the concept of history", proposes to respond with the politicization of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 (2017), this paper presents a study of the degree and types of political and religious participation - as well as the links that connect one to the other - among the youth of five Arab Mediterranean countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon). In politics, four types of participation are distinguished: official, everyday, community and protest. Between 5% and 17% of those surveyed could be considered hyperactivists, in that they participate in three or four of these types; in around a third, there was no participation at all. On the other hand, the majority of the young people considered themselves to be highly religious and, in three of the countries, a third attended the mosque at least three times a week. But the levels of religiosity did not influence political participation, as even the majority of the highly religious supported separating politics from religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the case of Latin America, discussions of this kind on the political economy of academic research soon acquire a linguistic connotation. Many Latin American scholars regard English as a colonial or neocolonial language engaged in a permanent struggle with Spanish. This is an interesting point because in Latin America Spanish is itself a „„colonial" language that for more than 500 years has dominated a host of indigenous languages. In this paper discussion is rendered more complicated by the fact that those fostering progressive political aims have reverted to the nineteenthcentury ultranationalist view of English and Anglo-Saxon culture as a directthreat totheir (superior)Hispanicculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a critical analysis of the last 250 years of Cuban political history, from a perspective of its integration in the Spanish Caribbean. We discuss how the traditional Cuban political and ideological intolerance has contributed to the creation of an inefficient model of regime succession that has taken the country to its current stage. We present and examine several national and international conditions that we believe are necessary to achieve a peaceful transition toward an open and pluralistic system. We analyze and compare the transitions in Brazil, Mexico and Spain. And we draw several conclusions that may be applicable to the Cuban case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Brazilian republic triggered political agents within the religious sphere to analyze the 1891 Constitution. The Protestant political insertion increased and one may trace the catalyzing elements of its political activities, even though most segments kept aloof from politics. They merely manifested themselves when religious issues on religious freedom were involved. The 1950 political context brought to the fore new concerns on the religious polarization. Foregrounded on the conflict theory of Lewis Coser, current paper discusses the construction of these two subjects that heralded the social and religious projects of the republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focusses on the specificity of study the body. To perform this task we carried out four reflections to think how to investigate the object body: that it is an epistemic limit begin conceiving as essential or a material object that, therefore, strictly speaking we do not study bodies but practices which take the body as an study object, that implies necessarily interpreting and questioning the body as plural - in other words, not presuppose it as a holistic uniqueness or as a dualistic unity, or a union result of an integration of parts - and that investigate the body undertakes to think about the historical socio-cultural context in which that practice investigated develops, as well as those who carry it out -what we have called the framework body-subject-political-. Towards the end of this text, as appendix, we outline a set of guidelines about the specificity of analyzing the education of the body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the articles written by Enrique Pichon-Rivière and Ana Pampliega de Quiroga for the magazine Primera Plana, between 1966 and 1967. We have specially focused on the articles that try to situate the subjective effects of socio-economic and cultural modernization of the moment. In this regard, we have been interested in showing that these writings reflect the tension of a time in which the traditional ways of living and thinking coexisted with discourses and practices that questioned them. Furthermore, and considering the political situation of the moment in which these works were published, we went through some articles on this topic. We notice a stand in favour of the validity of the democratic system. This standpoint confronted with the media campaign led by the magazine itself, which sought to create the necessary consensus for the military coup of June 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central element in Michel Foucault' s thought is the complex relationship between history and politics. On earlier works as The Archeology of knowledge Foucault highlights the "espistemologicall mutation" which allowed a practice of histografy close to scansions and discontinuities. This practice or historical perspective shocked up the the Philosophy of History on which traditional History stands. Thus, usual notions inside this field such as continuity, regularity, totality and subject' s sovereingty are inquired and reformulated along with an important political factor: the idea of "becoming aware" set as a condition of revolution. On his late works Foucault focus on the analysis of self-construction and the breakthrough of subjectification process. The practice of liberty and creation of autonomy opposite the forms of domination -drawn by disciplinary and security societies- led the french thinker to retrieve the "attitude" (éthos) of Enlightenment' s philosophy. This movement implies the introduction of modern components (freedom, autonomy) and, as a consequence, the actualization of a kind of subject conception familiar in somehow to the one was critized in the works of his first and second periods. This paper will try to answer the followings questions: a) In which way the late research of Foucault doesn´t impliy a turn to the sovereignty of subject and, as a result, to Philosophy of History? b) How can be comprehend the breakthrough subjectification process if is not throughout "becoming aware"?; and c) Which status has the knowledge of history in the context of this issue? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political facts in Africa have often been studied from a historic, folkloric or even excessively focussed from colonial perspectives. Nowadays the need of a serious revision of African political issues topics, from their historical --diachronic and synchronic-- perspective and also from their politological one is recognised. Thus, confirming both the colonial impact and the agency itself that African people have developed during that period. Also, two fundamental facts are considered, the long previous past and, specially, the current situation on the continent. The globalization context, the inter-relation of every economy, the regional differences in Africa itself, have been tackled from the academy point of view, considering its special feature and avoiding every reification or homogeneization, so common in the past. This paper pretends to propose a panoramic vision of these topics, offering the alternative called today afrorrealism, which focuses the sociopolitic problems of the continent and suggests endogenous and regional solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims to explore the issue of how historians have used the concept of social movements. To reach this goal, it is necessary to provide a brief review of how this concept has been utilized and a succinct comparison of its multiple usages in the area of human sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with some beliefs and attitudes produced by the victorious groups of the coup d'état that took place in October 1820. We attempt to show that after these violent political episodes, centralist sectors displayed a conciliatory rhetoric that can be traced in periodicals and in the messages announced by men with political and military power in the province. Such a rhetoric was accompanied by measures taken by the provincial executive power and they were intended to integrate some federal sectors recently defeated. This statement allows to question the idea that October winners started an intense revenge over defeated groups, which could be noticed in the new military reforms where no former revolutionary would be included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies why the Archbishop Víctor Manuel Sanabria supported the electoral alliance between the Republicano Nacional and Comunist parties in 1943. In addition, it examines to what extend this endorsement generated a division within the Costa Rican Catholic Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the similarities in terms of historical conceptions between Hannah Arendt and Arthur Danto. On the basis of those similarities, and m view of the fact that the works of Arendt related to this subject were published before those of Dante- middle and late 50s- we will try to show how this authoress anticipated, m a certain way, the general approach of historical narrativism that began with Dante's publication in 1965 of his book Filosofia analítica de la historia en We also consider that, unlike Dante. Arendt deals not only with the epistemological issues of History but also with the relationship between History and Politics This particular aspect in Arendt's approach, that we will call the political dimension of History, plays a key role In the strengthening o1 the public sphere [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]