Search

In recent years, several emblematic cases of girls pregnant due to rape have occupied the Brazilian news. The obstacles they faced to access the right to abortion mobilized the public debate, especially through social networks. In this context, using a theoretical-analytical framework in relation to the narrative disputes and framing of social movements in networks, this article analyzes two of the most recent widely known cases on Twitter/X. To do so, quantitative and qualitative methodologies are employed. On the one hand, message exchange networks are analyzed, along with their influence and contagion relationships and automation in Twitter/X. On the other hand, narratives are categorized based on topic modelling combined with qualitative analysis, highlighting narratives for and against abortion rights in order to understand how the social imaginary is disputed in networks. It is concluded that the narratives for sexual and reproductive rights were successful in influencing the public sphere and in promoting ideas with positive effects for guaranteeing victims’ rights. However, these same narratives reproduced a moral dichotomy between “good” and “bad” abortions. Thus, it is necessary to overcome such antagonisms so that all people may have reproductive freedom in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, many women are victims of different forms of domestic violence, which can be physical, psychological, moral, sexual and patrimonial. Women victims of domestic violence tend to look for close people to ask for help to get out of the situation, therefore, an informal support network can be an important tool for women to feel protected and ask for help from public organizations. Given that solidarity economic enterprises (SEE) formed only by women are a space for women to strengthen each other, where they socialize and can create bonds, they can also serve as an informal support network for the women who form them, in addition to fostering their financial autonomy. The objective of this article is to identify whether SEE can be part of a support network for women, from the perspective of the women who form them. To this end, three SEE of women were investigated in the brazilian municipality of Araraquara, which has an important history of social movements and public policies aimed at the social and solidarity economy. From the semi-structured interviews carried out with 11 women from three of these SEE, it was possible to obtain results that explain what happens in the empirical field in relation to the theory, such as that women feel comfortable and trust each other, but at the same time At the same time, they do not identify patrimonial violence as violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of La Manzana de la discordia is the property of Universidad del Valle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista del Museo de Antropología is the property of Museo de Antropologia - IDACOR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista @mbienteeducação is the property of Nucleo de Publicacoes Institucionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Collectivus. Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad del Atlantico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Rural Education modality is a great conquest of the organized social movements and of the Brazilian peasants. Gradually, it was conquering space, consolidating its guiding principles, and operational guidelines, and structuring itself to serve the social groups abandoned by the system throughout the history of Brazil. This work is based on documentary research and a series of interviews with students of the Rural Education degree of the Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia who live in rural communities of the city of Laje-Bahia, Brazil. This work has as its main objective to understand the social function of the course and investigate the anthropological, teleological, and methodological conceptions that guide the work of the University professors. Investigating students, communities, teachers and the results obtained during their trajectory over time is very important to build records that help other researchers interested in this problem and contribute to improving, more and more, the services provided. by the investigated institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Educación is the property of Espacio, Tiempo y Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0034-8244) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a critical analysis of the relationship between work and subjectivity, based on reflections regarding experiences of dealing with the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) epidemic in the Unified Health System (SUS) in Sao Paulo, Brazil. In order to do so, context is first provided regarding Brazilian policy and the SUS, drawing attention to different modes of health policy formulation. The ways in which the challenges of the pandemic were dealt with in the SUS are then presented, through an examination of material from panel discussions held with healthcare workers – which are publicly available on Youtube – regarding what they have lived through during the pandemic and the political conflicts they have encountered, as well as their lived experiences with the primary level of care, with mental health, and with social movements. This material is analyzed vis-à-vis conceptual elements that seek to expand upon notions of healthcare work, policies and practices in health care, and subjectification processes, shedding light on lessons that have emerged and on future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of the debate on social networking platforms from the perspective of collective identity and collective action concepts. More specifically, we seek to identify who are the central actors on Twitter in the debate about the two delivery app workers' strike against the work regime and working conditions during the pandemics (Uber-Eats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) occurred on July 1 and 25, 2020, in Brazil. We also examined whether the most influential users played a role in the formation of communities around their interpretation of this topic. To do so, we collected 535,178 tweets published in two periods of workers' demonstrations, which occurred between June and July 2020. Based on temporal analysis of clusters, we identified the moment of entrance of each community on the debate and discussed how profiles of influencers, social movements, politicians, and celebrities on Twitter played central roles in mobilizing supporters and fostering public engagement linked to acts on the networks. The results show that social mobilization in digital environments occurs from interactions between groups with great involvement with the causes and profiles of more ephemeral performance, whose participation is fundamental for the promotion and dissemination of acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of A&C - Administrative & Constitutional Law Review - Revista de Direito Administrativo e Constitucional is the property of A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional (Instituto Bacellar) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aula (0214-3402) is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo se centra en la historiografía de la brasileña de 1964, golpe de estado. Diversos temas discutidos incluyen la historia de recuerdos, modernidad en Brasil, la ideología política de la historia de Brasil, país sociohistory, la historia de los movimientos sociales, la esclavitud allí, contemporáneo del trauma de esclavos y matanzas en el país.

This paper analyzes some aspects of Latin American social movements, especially their notion of participatory democracy. In order to explain what they are and how they solve the problem of political organization, following Zibechi, two countries are studied: Brazil and Bolivia. In the first, powerful rural social movements have emerged, but they have lost part of their political role during the years of the PT's progressive government. In the second, urban social movements have emerged that have transformed a country whose government lias decided to carry out an antiliberal political-economic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The web development encourages public participation in the new social movements, expanding the use of digital interactive tools to promote discussions and launch calls. This paper aims to analyze the features of the disclosure, though an event created on Facebook, specifically "5a Marcha das Vadias de São Paulo". We designed a methodology that combines web content analysis and semi-structured interview. On the one hand, the results suggest that the posts are concentrated around the date of the event, characterized by the coverage of the event, especially made by women. On the other hand, the organizing collective interview confirms that the use of digital platforms is positive for the construction of new militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many international analysts claimed that the Brazilian protests of June 2013 were a consequence of the country's rapid economic growth over the past few years, the rise of new middle classes, the heighten of expectations on government, the increase of citizen participation and the weakness of political institutions to handle all the above-mentioned situations. This explanation relied, explicitly or implicitly, on the modernization theory of Samuel P. Huntington, despite the fact more than forty years have gone by since the first appearance of Political order in changing societies (1968) -Huntington's most famous book on the political impacts of modernization. The purpose of this paper is to question whether Huntington's causality model actually explains the Brazilian protests. In order to do this, ethnographies of the protests that pay particular attention to their causes are contrasted with the model raised by Huntington. Based on the above, the scopes and limits of the modernization theory to explain contemporary social movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to relate the influence of the Pastoral Land Commission with its ties to Liberation Theology in. organizing the Landless Rural Workers of Brazil in 1984. That ecclesial model was one of the basic variables in the constitution of said social movement and its distinctive scale of national representation and socio-political coordination, which was to influence the methodology of rural collective action in Latin America in the decades that followed. The aim of the present project is thus to situate the debate regarding the agrarian issue in Brazilia during the military dictatorship, emphasizing the role of the Catholic Church in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I investigate the idea of ethics in terms of the theory and practice of the discourse of the so-called left, to have assumed significance within the framework of Latin American social movements, with a particular emphasis on Brazil. This analysis provides theoretical basis on how the categories of hegemony, proposed by Ernesto Laclau, and event, developed by Alain Badiou, extrapolate their theoretical limits when considered in terms of political practice. Based on the real-life example of the election to the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, an icon and leading figure in the Workers' Party (PT), I emphasize how the exercise of power blends with a certain concept of ethics to construct political discourse, and which strategies are employed in these hegemonic fields in the search for legitimacy. The primary source of analysis in this work is the documentary film by João Moreira Salles (Entre-Atos), along with some other supplementary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends to locate the participation of photographers in photo-cinematographic expeditions related to the creation of the Study Section (SE) of the Indigenous Protection Service (SPI) in 1941. Having done this, the focus will move to the SE, where these professionals were identified as civil servants, including the members of the normative body of the indigenist policy, the National Council for the Protection of Indians (CNPI). These members were responsible for creating and coordinating the work of the SE. The hypothesis is that the participation of anthropologists in the CNPI allowed the introduction of applied anthropology in the activities of the SPI. In this way, the team, responsible for the recollection of images and sounds of the indigenous groups enrolled set a fundamental starting point for identifying the ambiguity in indigenous policy at the time simply due to the documental and ethnographic materiality. It is shown such a practice was planned, highlighting the scientism in dealing with indigenous groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work proposes to study the different modalities that political institutionalization processes for social movements in Brazil and Argentina assumed under the governments of Nestor Kirchner and Lula Da Silva. The Brazilian “Movimiento de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra” (Movement of Landless Rural Workers), and two expressions of the Argentinean picketers’ movements - the Corriente Clasista y Combativa (Classist and Combative Current) and the Federación de Tierra y Vivienda (Land and Housing Federation) were selected. The main finding of this work states that Brazil has a broad political institutionalization process for social movements, involving political and civil society spheres, while the Argentinean process is restricted exclusively to civil society, since participation in public administration occurred without generating institutional political participation spaces for the movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents an empirical investigation on three non-governmental organizations (NGOs), working on behalf of social sectors of extreme rural poverty in Brazil, Chile and Guatemala to fight against their respective governments for land tenure. The organizations analyzed in the study, all rural or agriculturally based groups, are the Movimiento dos Trabalhadores Agrícolas Sem Terra (MST) in Brazil, the Consejo de Todas las Tierras in Chile and the Coordinadora Nacional de Organizaciones Campesinas (CNOC) in Guatemala. The groups' legal and illegal actions used during the early 21st century to protest government interference with their land, as well as the co-evolution of their strategies, are also discussed.

This paper briefly outlines how the political scenario and the mobilization of different actors have contributed to the construction of a public health policy in response to the AIDS epidemics in Brazil. Three factors are presented and discussed: the political context of the 1980s, characterized by redemocratization, growth of social movements, and consolidation of the Brazilian health care reform; the socio-cultural context of the 1970s and 1980s, characterized by achievement of individual freedom, which was key to the organization of the AIDS movement; and finally the actions carried out in the international scenario to support the sustainability of the Brazilian domestic policy and the reinforcement of a global response to face the epidemics in lower-middle income economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cayapa is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socialismo y Participación is the property of Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Participacion/Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on field theory to explain why leftist parties in Brazil first broached debates on homosexual liberation in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The concept of a cultural field allows one to bring together both an institutional and a cultural analysis of changing debates in the left, casting light on processes of contestation often obscured in the institutionalist party literature. Electoral institutional changes and the emergence of a new generation of cadres, particularly from the student movement, fundamentally changed who and what were representable in the field. The emergence of a youth counterculture also expanded the discursive repertoire available to activists and their party allies, supported by debates in Marxist circles occurring internationally. This conjuncture of forces ultimately allowed party militants to contest meanings historically attached to the body, sexuality, the political, and everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a contribution to the studies of social-religious movements in Brazilian backlands, the so-called "rustic messianisms". Contrary to traditional approaches, often oriented to psycho-pathological, economical or social explications, the present interpretation focuses on the understanding of the movement's symbolic universe as a tool for reading and changing the world. It seeks to show that such universe, which can be seen as an "end of the world culture", results from a complex historical process that started in the beginning of the seventeenth century, with the encounter between Iberian Catholicism and indigenous cosmology in Jesuitical backlands villages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]