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There are two milestones that marked Chilean politics during 2020: the COVID-19 pandemic, and the constitutional plebiscite. While the former was an absolutely unexpected phenomenon that forced an important turn in the country's political agenda, the result of latter was foreseeable yet surprising. In fact, the plebiscite was likely to end in a triumph of the option in favour of constitutional change, but the forcefulness of the result was surprising. In this article we look at both milestones in detail. On the one hand, we examine how the government in particular, and the political system in general, reacted to the emergence and development of the pandemic. On the other hand, based on a representative face-to-face survey of the population - which was carried out just after the plebiscite - we empirically show that the "Reject" vote is largely explained by the factors used in comparative studies to predict support for populist radical right (PRR) forces, while the "Approve" vote is characterized by high heterogeneity in ideological and sociological terms. In summary, the evidence presented here reinforces previous findings that show an increase in tensions within the centre-right bloc and, in turn, suggests that in Chile the conditions are ripe for the establishment of a populist radical right force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the joints between pedagogy, psychology and politics in Chile during the twentieth century, trying to understand its current evolution in relation to Non-Formal Education (NFE). To do this, first, an historical review of some pedagogical, psychological and politic arguments that have profiled this meeting it's offered. Then, an evaluation of the discussion around the concept of NFE is concluded by identifying two rationalities, that we call the Rationality of Complement (CR) and the Rationality of Transformation (TR), that have struggled to become hegemonic in the articulation of the NFE's field. Finally, based on that recognition, a set of elements its proposed for the analysis of NFE modalities in the country and, from its consideration, a new possible articulation in between the psychological, pedagogical and political fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the repercussions of the process of de-Stalinization in the Communist Party of Chile and its youth wing. Initiated in 1956 by Nikita Khrushchev's "Secret Speech" to the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, de-Stalinization has been understood by some scholars of European Communism as signaling the terminal crisis of International Communist Movement. By focusing on Chile, this article broadens the discussion on the international repercussions of de-Stalinization to include Latin America, whose social and political realities differed from that of Europe. It argues that de- Stalinization put forth a new and improved version of Communism, which helped the Communist Youth of Chile recruit new members. Influences coming from the Soviet Union during the process de-Stalinization were crucial in the development -on the part of Chilean Communists- of an alternative youth culture, which began to take root in Chile in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following document is a translation of a report on the finances of the Communist Party of Chile, produced by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on December 17, 1946. It contains information about the Party's financial status, constitutional framework, mechanisms of financial control, methods of raising funds, expenditures, and capital investments, as well as about some party enterprises. The information concerns mainly the years 1944, 1945, and 1946. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The philosophical criticism elaborated by Nietzsche and Benjamin to the historical narrative, was the foundation that shaped a narrative based on collective memory, gave an account of a past of shared oppression, and led to the creation of a social project of equality elaborated by the resistance, dissident to the program of the ruling hegemony. This essay proposes a theoretical discussion, to demonstrate that the origin of the notion of memorys of resistance is found in the criticism of the historical narrative. Likewise, suggests an empirical study that analyzes the news discourse of the Chilean official press, associated with the commemoration of the "day of the young combatant", from 1986 to 2000, to demonstrate subversion and insurgency as a strategy and achievement of the memorys of resistance respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss the characteristics of a sociability space in Gran Concepción under the Chilean dictatorship. Taller de Análisis Social y Sindical (TASYS), which emerged in 1978 as a meeting space and training for the world of workers. over the years, TASYS became one of the main places for resistance and local opposition to the regime of Augusto Pinochet, where it was not only a matter of organizing and educating workers and settlers, also resisting and denouncing the economic measures and repressive policies of the civil-military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explain the logic of the appointment process for officer and commander of the National Guard in Chile, in the mid-nineteenth century. The study of the recommendations for these civic positions, reviewed in the General Archive of the Army and in documents of the Ministry of War, indicates that public order would not reside as much in the imposition of the State as in the willingness of decent men to collaborate. In effect, local powers assume the positions and mobilize their social resources, recommending those who have the capacity to ensure tranquility in their territories. This 'logic of the acquaintance' would explain the functioning of the National Guard in the diffuse boundaries between State and society and would show that this is not a consolidated State but one in construction that, despite its precariousness, well uses the strengths of the local social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies the political discourse on the popular sectors and the proposals of their education in the newspapers La Aurora de Chile, El Monitor Araucano and El Semanario Republicano during the Patria Vieja. It is evident the pedagogical-political use of the press and the pretension to forge the political legitimacy of the new authorities in a context of change and revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research reviews the relationship between the Communist Youth of Chile and the university student movement between 2000 and 2011, identifying the transformations in the communist identity generated by this process. In addition, elements of the organization's influence on this student movement were identified. The changes experienced from this relationship highlight the relevance that the student space acquired for the JJ.CC. which developed political-programmatic proposals that aimed the questioning of neoliberalism in education. For their part, the JJ.CC. developed a pragmatic sense of their political work from the need to open to other actors, which brought the organization out of the isolation in which it moved during the first years of the 1990s and 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the relation between the impact and meaning in Chile of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the construction and propaganda function of the Soviet Union in the local intellectual and political environment during the decades of 1930 and 1940. For this, it focuses on the editorial work that, in such decades, the Ukrainian immigrant Boris Orjikh fulfilled. The article highlights the factors that, according to our vision, explain both the popularity of the Soviet experience in the public opinion and within the state administration, as well as the durability of the Soviet in the imaginary of an important part of the Chilean left. In addition, the text also reports on the appearance of a certain political-editorial practice and its contribution to the development of the communist culture during the first half of the last century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is conceived to analyze the idea of University formulated by the communist academic Hernán Ramírez Necochea, who holds that the University was a space of ideological dispute with the "ruling" class and North American "cultural imperialism". To confirm this hypothesis, the relationship between the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the University between the 1950s and the early 1960s was investigated. Then, the academic and political biography of Ramírez Necochea was reviewed, and, finally, an analyze his conception of university through the revision of memories, unpublished documents, historical production, interviews, communist press and university press was made. This work is inserted in the disciplinary theoretical of the new political history and intellectual history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ricardo Fonseca's funeral was not only the posthumous tribute to who had been General Secretary of the Chilean Communist Party. In the context of the political proscription that affected the communists, the organization of the funerals, in mid-1949, became an effective political tool that sought to influence that complex scenario, demonstrating the strength that could still be deployed and reinforcing its own party identity, affected by its virtual marginalization of political life. This was expressed in the thorough preparation of the funeral, the monumental character that adopted the ritual and the impact it had on other political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generally, successor plebiscites to define the continuity of a dictator in power are analyzed from the point of view of the competition between authoritarian and democratic elites. Less space is given to the study of public opinion, due to the absence of surveys that the very authoritarian regimes very often prohibit. Thus, the case of Chile is exceptional. The Center for Studies of Contemporary Reality (CERC) conducted surveys prior to the successor plebiscite held in 1988 to decide the continuity of General Pinochet in power for eight more years. Based on this information, we identified the political and social determinants that explained the triumph of the opposition. Through a series of binomial and multinomial models, we verified that the "No" option had greater support among men, young people and people of low socioeconomic status, clearly marking a continuity with the voting patterns for the center-left parties before the 1973 coup d'état. Moreover, we maintain that the "No" option was the preferred one even before the broadcast of television propaganda. Thus, the case of Chile is useful to evaluate electoral behavior models in undemocratic scenarios, identifying the long and short-term factors that explain political outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to understand how the concepts of guilt and responsibility are addressed in three reports that were produced in response to outstanding issues of human rights in Chile (the Rettig Report, Valech Report and the Declaration of the Mesa de Diálogo sobre Derechos Humanos). This research project draws on Hannah Arendt’s conceptualization and problematization of collective responsibility, collective guilt and individual guilt in post-conflict societies. It seeks to answer the following question: Is the institutional treatment of responsibilities in post-dictatorial Chile achieved by mere trial or does it correspond to a political-moral self-understanding? In other words, does the institutionalized truth imposed by the Chilean State convey that the country assumed a process of individual guilt or collective responsibility? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article inquires on the indigenous policy formulation process in Chile in the Government of Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (1994-2000), based on multiple streams model (Kingdon, 1995) and social construction and policy design model (Ingram y Schneider, 1997). Such a conclusion is based on data collected through the application and analysis of 22 interviews to key actors involved in those processes as well as the collection and analysis of official documents and media. The article finds the contradictions between the President development agenda and territorial claims from indigenous people, showing the relevance of cultural variables as supportive of public policy formulation. Also describes the interest's collision between different actors to put their interest in public agenda, where the institutional framework created by the Law 19.253 show its weakness to represent the interest of indigenous people in political agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the development and implementation of indigenous policies in Chile during the presidency of Patricio Aylwin Azócar from 1990-1994. The author comments on the social conditions of the indigenous peoples of Chile and describes the cultural and social differences among these groups.

This article introduces the explanations that are likely to account for the presence of women in elected offices. Based on them, we analyze the evolution of women in elected office in Chile between the return of democracy in 1989 and 2009. We use data from 17 elections and 37.487 candidates. 19,4 percent of them, were women. And only 16,3 percent of the 12.161 candidates elected to either the legislature or local governments were women. The number of female candidates and their success rate have increased, especially in local elections. Moreover, we show that in elections with lower levels of proportionality --as mayors, deputies and senators-- there are fewer female candidates and winners. Left-wing parties present more female candidates, whereas right-wing parties manage to get a higher rate of their female candidates elected. Finally, we show that the election of Michelle Bachelet as Chile's first woman president did not have an impact on the number of female candidates or on their electoral success in the municipal elections of 2008 or the legislative elections of 2009. Institutional variables account for the higher number of female candidates in more proportional elections as well as their higher success rate both in local elections and elections with higher proportional representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes public discourses of actors who participate in an institutionalized political conflict: the case of wage adjustment in Chilean public sector. Taking the historical and political trajectory of this conflict as framework, the evidence of 2010 (first year that negotiations were administrated by a center-right government rather than the center-left political coalition) and the year 2014 (when government declares evaluate the "institutionalization of collective negotiation for public sector") is specially illustrative because the diffusion of discourses and its expression in practices, institutions and administrative logics reflect a routinized mode of conflict management. The theoretical and methodological framework comes from critical discourse analysis. The selected case study is justified by the institutionalized nature of the conflict, the participation of actors from diverse fields (union, governmental, parliamentary) and relatively predictable political behavior, allowing to identify, organize and evaluate recurrent political strategies that serve as inputs for setting up stable political discourses over time. For this purpose, was made a systematization and analysis of press, complemented by a review of relevant documentation and interviews with union leaders who have participated in the public sector negotiation table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen Los gobiernos chilenos desde 1990 han confado en el crecimiento económico para generar empleo, salarios más altos y mejores condiciones de trabajo, obteniendo resultados cuantitativos, pero no de la calidad del empleo. Revelando el contraste entre una legislación aparentemente rígida y la flexibilidad real del mercado laboral, los autores resaltan la importancia de las condiciones de trabajo para evaluar el comportamiento del mercado. Exploran empíricamente los efectos de las características individuales y laborales en la capacidad para encontrar empleo y generar ingresos, cuyo determinante más importante, según sus resultados, es el contrato indefinido. Concluyen con sugerencias para la elaboración de políticas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the authors analyze the Chilean transition to democracy and try to comprehend the current social movements in the country. In order to do so, they use Freud's work Totem and taboo, especially the assimilation between the father of the primitive horde and the dictator. The authors argue that the brothers of the horde are the Pact of Parties for Democracy, which unconsciously assumes a totem: the economic model and the constitution introduced during the dictatorship. The links with the subsequent social movements and the difficulties of mourning, which result from the authoritarian regime, are analyzed. A model for the transition following a dictatorship, which can be related as an internal factor with the current social movements in Chile is finally discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes ministerial duration and inter-party negotiations during Concertación's democratic governments in the case of Chile. The objective is to establish explanatory variables that explain the probability that a minister stays the whole administration in his/her post. This paper is structured in two parts: the first one deals with the theoretical framework in which this analysis is built on; and the second tests empirically the hypothesis that there are three specific variables that account for ministers' appointments and duration. These variables are: the survival of political elite that comes before 1973 military coup d'etat and been close to power circles within the coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

New Public Management is the paradigm that has inspired reforms of state modernization worldwide. In 1998, the Chilean government established the use of performance assessment instruments which provide individual incentives, and in 2004, established a senior executives system, which would allow public agencies to take into the headquarters people with appropriate professional skills according to their duties. In a critical view of the utility of these systems, this article shows that the use of performance assessment tools in Chile has not yet generated the impacts proposed in the literature, whereas senior executives system has contributed positively to the efficiency of public spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the analysis of the decentralization process in Chile, focused on the past two decades (1990-2010). We have applied the Sequential Theory of Decentralization to develop the analytical work. We contrast this model with the Chilean case to observe its practical usefulness in future research. Conclusions indicate that along the entire process of decentralization, national interests have prevailed over the sub-national ones. Regarding the sequence of decentralization, administrative and financial aspects have outweighed the political dimension. The method of analysis was the testing of theories on case studies, through the description inferential qualitative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in the population of older adults in Chile reveals the importance of implementing social policies that guarantee their citizenship rights. An issue that is scarcely touched upon is the situation of the family members who care for older dependent adults. From the perspective of the social organization of care, data is analyzed in a study with quantitative and qualitative methodologies that describes the socio-demographic characteristics of the family caregivers of older, dependent adults of the Alto Hospicio commune hospital in Tarapacá and the aspects that facilitate or obstruct the exercise of the caregiver's role from his or her point of view. The results provided demonstrate the need for a more active participation of the State through the design of public policies that allow caregiving to transcend the private family sphere, that activate primary and institutional networks, and that consider the caregiver and not only the older adult as a focal subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the process of internationalization of Chilean theater from 1993 to 2014, with a focus on the development of this project. Topics discussed include the idea of marketing behind the process, a historical overview of Chilean theater before the military regime that ruled the country from 1973 to 1989, and the internationalization as part of the cultural policy of Chile.

The research gets into to the studies of historical memory by performing a hermeneutic analysis of the discourse of memory and history narratives that the Chilean public discussion has used to develop its dictatorial recent past in the period 1991-2004. Press sources, editorial inserts, interviews with the social and political actors and specially Truth and Reconciliation Reports were reviewed. We reflect on the current oligarchic long and short term frames made for the representation of the public sphere and the citizenship, emphasizing the impossibility of forgiveness as a restorative category of the political community. It consolidates the symbolic weakness of the recovered democracyin recent Chilean history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Jaime Ravinets' first two administrations as the mayor of Santiago (from 1990-1996), searching for continuities and breaks vis-a vis the model of municipal government devised by the military regime. This article holds that the municipal reform carried out by the Concertación governments was unable to alter the neo liberal, depoliticizing logic behind the dictatorial legacy. On the contrary, it confirmed the municipality's role as the entity in charge of unfolding the subsidiary State, focalizing actions against poverty and redefining the nature of politics. In the case of the Santiago district (which encompasses the city's downtown area), the communal rescue plan and Mayor Ravinet's neo-liberal leanings favored that process's advancement, displaying a neoliberally-inspired technocratic style of leadership that reinforced pre-existing trends toward the de-politicization and loss of citizen values among the area's residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina has one of the highest standards of support for democracy in Latin America despite the economic crises of recent decades. Chile, despite being one of the most economically successful countries in the region, has a poor support for democracy. This article presents a comparison of ordered logistic regression analysis of the year 1997 with the year 2001. In addition, such models are complemented with respect to the political culture in both countries. Economic stability, income distribution, interpersonal trust, interest in politics and civic education are more significant factors in the Argentinean than in the Chilean case. There is a strong polarization between the political orientation of left and right in Chile with regard to the support of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the question whether (secret) price collusion between providers of goods and services is a crime under Arts. 285 and 286 of Chilean Penal Code. The following reasons lead to the conclusion that these provisions are indeed applicable to many current cases of collusion: on the one side, both the statutory notion of "fraudulent means" and its interpretation by Chilean legal doctrine is broad enough to cover those cases and, on the other side, the "displacement" of the general provisions of Chilean Criminal Code by the special provisions of Law Nr 13.305 of 1959 and DL Nr 211 of 1973 was in any case just transitory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the second part of an investigation made with the purpose of reviewing the scope of the right of juveniles to be judged by a specialized system in criminal cases in comparison with the prosecution of crimes committed by adults. The project established that there are special standards developed in the subject in international human rights law and also attempted to identify their use in national legislations in several countries. In this context, the specific goal of the paper is to analyze how this right has been introduced and the way in which High Courts have developed their contents in the case law in four countries that have been very influential in the design of the new Chilean juvenile system: Costa Rica, Germany, Spain and The United States of America. For that purpose the paper focuses its analysis in two main axes: strengthening of due process guarantees and aspects of procedural structure. The paper identifies several legal tools developed in the comparative law that allow fulfilling the rights of the juveniles to be judged by a specialized system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims at answering some questions related to contemporary criminal justice policy. One of them seeks to determine whether the penal control policies established in Chile during the last two decades, could be classified as punitive; while the second one tries to answer whether the explanations given by some compared criminological visions to justify the dramatic changes observed in the field of crime control in the past decades, are useful to understand the changes observed in Chile, or if there are other explanations of a local character that should also be considered. In order to do research, in relation to the first objective, the article reviews briefly the development of the criminological and the penal policies of this country, during the XX century until the past decade; while for the second one, some renowned theories in the academic field are discussed to explain the changes in criminal justice policies, while it analyses their pertinence in order to explain our reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociológicas (RIPS) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the tensions in the discourse of the four governments of the Coalition of Parties for Democracy, which led the government of Chile between 1990 and 2010 is observed between the aspirations of building a more democratic and equitable society and the emphasis to maintain key elements of a neoliberal development model established during the civil-militacy regime (1973-1990) and how they resulted in a set guidelines and policies that finally put aside the first component favoring a mercantilist view of the rights managerialist and technocratic social and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the public policy of various Chilean presidents during the period of The Concentration which lasted from 1990 to 2009, specifically in the areas of health and education. The identity of the president as creator of the state agenda is explored, and educational policies implemented over the past two decades are outlined, including Escuelas Focalizadas rural development program and the Programa de Mejoramiento de la Calidad y Equidad (MECE).

This paper is a critical reworking of the conception that we use to refer to human rights, and how this way of conceiving an impact on the ability to visualize how social movements for education, particularly in Chile, are overwhelming the space traditional policy of establishing new ways of being and doing education. Political turmoil in all its forms and dimensions, which invites us to think about human rights and the constitution of social movements from otherness, of coexistence and diversity. This will propose an analysis from the concept of otherness Levinas and criticism of human rights, in order to deconstruct rigid and uncritical conceptions, leading to the creation of new spaces for debate, recognition, rupture, fraction, diversity and the struggle for education as a fundamental human right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on theoretical debate and empirical evidence, both raised in the context of State Reform and Modernization of Public Management processes, this paper proposes a model of synthesis and analysis that allows characterizing such processes. Using a case study methodology, this research demonstrates the usefulness of such a model to the Chilean case, during the 1990-2006 period. There is evidence of particular features of these processes of reform and modernization in the Chilean experience. Said conclusion is based on data collected through the application and analysis of 37 interviews to key actors involved in those processes as well as the collection and analysis of official documents. This article identifies, describes and explains the variables that define the Policy of Modernization of Public Management in the Chilean experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the cross-time behaviour of Chilean legislature from 1990 to 2009, studying the variables that influence their levels of productivity. It is noted that these are not homogeneous over the years, considering two main explanations: the first is the existence of certain political cycles -the first year of government and parliamentary elections- and the second is a long-term institutional process understood as the accumulation of democratic experience in Congress. These explanatory variables are tested through a logistic regression model, which suggests that under these conditions and institutional processes exist a greater legislative productivity in Congress, functioning as a coherent and coordinated body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During a period of some 26 years (1980 to 2006), more than five hundred thousand social housing units were built in Chile. This mass production effectively reduced the accumulated housing deficit and was the result of a housing finance mechanism - a state subsidy awarded directly to construction companies -, a model which has been widely replicated in other countries in Latin America. This article responds to the question of how a successful policy came to be a failure in terms of housing and urban issues. After more than thirty years, it has become clear that social housing policy in Chile was not exactly so: it was merely a policy to finance the construction of cheaply-made housing units at a low-cost. The policy that resolved the former problem of those without housing (los sin techo) created the new problem of those with housing (los con techo). Due to this situation, we review the history of this housing subsidy, the different types of housing complexes that were produced, their location, and the problems around coexistence that have arisen in these complexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the effects of majoritarian formulas on the effective number of candidates in the elections for president (absolute majority) and mayor (relative majority) in Chile. Although, in theory, greater fragmentation with the absolute majority system with run-off voting would be expected, the authors demonstrate that, in the case of Chile, precisely the opposite is observed. Fragmentation is greater in the relative majority system. This is explained by the lower entry and information costs that exist in mayoral elections with respect to presidential ones. We support this hypothesis with a time series statistical model (cross-sectional time series regression model). We use electoral data added to the communal level for the 2004 and 2008 municipal elections, and for the 1999 and 2005 presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the organization and performance of the areas of governmental coordination or "center of government" in Chile. General considerations of the center of government are outlined, including planning strategies, political coordination, and legal topics. Reforms introduced by Chilean president Ricardo Lagos Escobar during the year 2000 are outlined, including health reform and greater access to technology.

The objective of this work was to discover the effects of diversity in land use or urban entropy on the energy cost of transport. Was chosen as the study area the city of La Serena and surveyed a representative group of families of energy expenditure and various social strata and compared with urban areas of different degrees of entropy. The study showed that, regardless of social status, the inhabitants of the areas showing higher levels of entropy less energy spent in transportation to urban destinations than those living in poorer areas entropies. Based on the results of the study concluded that to reduce energy consumption in transport of the inhabitants of the city was required to increase the level of entropy, the most efficient study was contemplating in urban planning, small multi polycentrism of covering a surface urban population of approximately 78 ha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]