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Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the relationship between media, technology, and activism in social movements, highlighting the role of the Internet in political and media transformation. It mentions knowledge practices as key tools for interpreting current activism and includes six scientific articles that delve into the connection between knowledge and civil society. The importance of building an agenda in alternative media is emphasized, as well as the need to involve citizens in collaborative content production. The concentration of social networks in the hands of a few global corporations is also mentioned, posing the challenge of experimenting with more horizontal and distributed structures. Additionally, the pedagogical function of communicative projects and digital tools in social movements is highlighted, as well as the importance of "commons" in organizational management and knowledge production. [Extracted from the article]

The computational campaign suggests the exploitation and sophistication of the discourse by extracting and analyzing the electorate's personal data, as well as the automation of diffusion tasks through techniques such as bots. This new stage in political communication has also been approached from a critical perspective, that questions the change of public opinion in the network and the adaptation of political discourse depending on the audience. This article aims to approach the techniques of computational analysis deployed during the last general and regional elections in Spain. And to do so, it uses the qualitative methodology based, on the one hand, on sixteen in-depth interviews with political parties with representation in the Congress of Deputies and Castile and Leon regional Parliament (Popular Party, Socialist Party, Podemos, Citizens and United Left); and on the other hand, on non-participant observation by means of an ethnographic content analysis for the specific internal monitoring of the resources and proposals for information, interaction, cooperation and mobilization facilitated in different online resources generated by the examined parties. Even if far from the US context, campaign teams confirm the use of new tools for mobilization such as WhatsApp, and the development of strategies based on data extraction and automated messages, like bots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trípodos is the property of Universitat Ramon Llull, Facultat de Comunicacio Blanquerna and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La investigación sobre la conversación política online ha estado muy influenciada por la teoría deliberativa, como resultado del optimismo depositado originalmente en Internet para revolucionar la política. Sin embargo, dos décadas de investigación empírica señalan que estas interacciones comunicativas informales difícilmente se parecen a los ideales deliberativos. En este estudio exploramos si internautas de Facebook que comparten posturas ideológicas presentan una mayor probabilidad de a) justificar sus puntos de vista y b) interactuar entre ellos. Aplicamos el análisis de contenido a una muestra de 2.800 comentarios publicados en los muros de los cuatro principales partidos españoles durante las Elecciones Generales de 2015. Los resultados muestran que la homofilia se relaciona negativamente con la argumentación y la interacción comunicativa. Es el electorado de otras organizaciones quien con más probabilidad razona sus opiniones, mientras que aquellos con puntos de vista neutros son más proclives a la interacción. Research on online political talk has been overwhelmingly influenced by deliberative theory, as a result of the big hopes originally placed on the Internet capacity to revolutionize politics. However, two decades of empirical research point out that these informal communicative interactions hardly resemble deliberative ideals. In this study, we explore if Facebook contributors who share ideological stances are more likely to a) justify their points of view and b) interact with each other. We apply content analysis to a sample of 2,800 comments published on the Facebook walls of the four mayor Spanish political parties during General Election campaign 2015. Findings show that homophily is negatively related to both argumentation and interaction. It is the outsiders who are much more likely to reason their opinions, while it is those who hold neutral views who are more inclined towards interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses an aspect not yet investigated in Spanish political communication: the use of data mining systems and machine learning in the construction of political discourse. This text details the potential of Calisto software, which was designed and implemented by the Popular Party (PP), previously used in Castile and Leon and then at the national level. This software acts as a digital political advisor and is currently used by 7,500 positions and party members. The program tracks information on the internet to identify the most relevant sources. In addition, its natural language processing generates ideas and arguments that politicians use to construct their speech. This article explores the benefits of this tool and its ability to automate processes that previously consumed large doses of effort by managers and consultants, and also reflects on the highly controlled model that this type of system imposes in the public arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the partisan use of Twitter in the Spanish general election, 2015. The aim is to asses whether the strategy designed by the parties is equivalent to the result in terms of viralization. The methods used to study this social media were interviews to campaign managers and content analysis of messages published on the Internet. The results show that the strategy on Twitter is not successful when traditional media impact is not considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disinformation has become a core concept in communications research, related to media, technological and political phenomena that complexify its definition and diagnosis. Although its approach has been mainly quantitative, focus groups have also been used to understand the perception of the audience of this particular issue. This research is part of this second group of studies, and attempts to investigate the notions and discourses on disinformation in the case of Spain. For this purpose, seven discussion groups were conducted, with a structural sample constructed according to employment situation, ideology and age. The results show a perception of the communicative ecosystem structured in two chronological poles, which contrasts a past of reduced information supply – associated with traditional media – with a current informational environment where there is more media diversity, but also less trust in them. The groups point to the overabundance of information and associated disinformation with decontextualisation, low-quality journalism and the economic and political interests of different actors. Discourses outline a scenario of decline in journalism and the public sphere, which is perceived as polarised and emotional. Disinformation is therefore perceived as a multidimensional phenomenon that is associated with issues of major democratic transcendence rather than merely sending hoaxes through the Internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]