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Our purpose in this Foreword article is to revisit, update, and theoretically revise Mauro Cappelletti's path-breaking work Judicial Review in the Contemporary World. Our main cartographical device, in homage to Cappelletti, is the wave metaphor. We map three sequential and overlapping worldwide, global waves of judicial review within a constitutional order. The first wave is the series of "constitutional revolutions" within national legal orders. The second wave is the emergence of international law as the source of the higher law which courts use in their exercise of their power of judicial review. The third wave is a response and reaction to the first and second waves: one dimension of the third wave is the attempt of domestic courts to make up for the rule of law, democratic and identitarian lacunae in transnational governance (voice). Another dimension--exit--is the set of instances in which courts (and states) seek to exit the first and/or the second wave. The interplay between the waves and their dialectical features constitute the explanatory framework we offer in this article. By highlighting the dialectical relations within and between waves we hope to challenge a dominant narrative on constitutionalization processes as progressive and evolutionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La crisis causada por la pandemia de la enfermedad por coronavirus tiene efectos nefastos en las sociedades latinoamericanas. Los sectores más vulnerables de la sociedad, especialmente los que viven en la pobreza extrema, son los más afectados. Este artículo indica estrategias y respuestas específicas para i) reducir los riesgos epidemiológicos para salvar vidas; ii) proteger los medios de subsistencia, y iii) garantizar la acumulación de capital humano. Las externalidades epidemiológicas y las preocupaciones de carácter humanitario exigen una inclusión social universal. Para proteger la vida, la salud, los medios de subsistencia y el capital humano de los pobres y vulnerables, será fundamental realizar intervenciones específicas y decisivas a nivel local que vayan más allá de las transferencias de efectivo; destinar recursos adecuados a financiar las medidas de apoyo a los ingresos y otras intervenciones clave, e involucrar a los actores locales y las organizaciones de base para que las intervenciones sean eficaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Using standard fiscal incidence analysis and the new methodological developments by the Commitment to Equity (CEQ) Institute, this paper estimates the impact of fiscal policy on inequality and poverty in sixteen countries in Latin America around 2010. Methods: With information on incomes, consumption, and other dimensions available in household surveys, and knowledge about the characteristics of the fiscal system, the CEQ method consists in allocating to each individual the burden of personal income and consumption taxes, and the benefits from cash transfers, consumption subsidies, and government spending on education and health. This process yields the pre-fiscal and post-fiscal income concepts of interest. These income concepts, in turn, are used to calculate the corresponding indicators of inequality and poverty. Thus, one can estimate, for each country, the impact of the fiscal system and each of its components on inequality and poverty. Since the methodology that was applied is the same, results are comparable across countries. Results: The countries that redistribute the most are Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, and Uruguay. Guatemala, Honduras, and Peru are the countries that redistribute the least. Fiscal policy reduces extreme (income) poverty in twelve out of the sixteen countries. The incidence of poverty after taxes, subsidies, and cash transfers, however, is higher than market income poverty in Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, even though fiscal policy reduces inequality in these four countries. Contributory pensions have a heterogeneous effect on inequality and, contrary to some expectations, their impact is equalizing in nine of the countries. In the sixteen countries, spending on pre-school and primary education is equalizing and pro-poor (per capita benefits decline with income per capita). Spending on secondary education is always equalizing; it is also pro-poor in some of the countries. Spending on tertiary education is never pro-poor but it is equalizing in all the countries except for Guatemala. Spending on health is always equalizing but pro-poor only in some countries. Conclusions: Latin America presents a great deal of heterogeneity in the size of the state and the countries' capacity to use their fiscal power to reduce inequality and poverty. A higher share of social spending (to GDP) is associated with a larger redistributive effect but countries with similar, or even lower, shares of social spending show heterogeneous redistributive effects implying that other factors beyond size such as the composition and targeting of social spending (and taxes) are at play. It is important to emphasize that a higher redistributive effect is not necessarily a desirable outcome since in this article there is no estimation of the impact of redistributive policy on fiscal sustainability and efficiency. In some countries, the burden of consumption taxes is such that a portion of the poor are net payers into the fiscal system (before receiving "in kind" transfers in education and health). Governments should examine whether this undesirable effect could be avoided, or at least reduced, through an expansion of targeted cash transfers and/or reduction in the consumption taxes that are particularly burdensome for the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper surveys the recent literature on the methodologies that have been used to evaluate the distributive and poverty effects of trade liberalization in Latin America. Our survey classifies the large number of papers on the subject according to the welfare measure they use: inequality (on wages and household income) or poverty. Our survey shows that a sound methodological approach evaluating the welfare effects of trade liberalization should take into account: the degree of tariff to price transmission, all income sources (not only wages), employment effects, gender and regional heterogeneity of the impact of trade, and second-order as well as general equilibrium effects. Two methodologies represent the latest efforts in this direction: (1) Income generation models with an explicit relationship between changes in tariff and changes in household real income (Porto, 2007), which are capable of testing the different transmission channels linking trade policy and inequality and poverty; (2) The Macro-Micro approach (Bourguingon et al, 2008), which combines a CGE with a micro-simulation model, evaluates the welfare effects of trade policy, taking into account general equilibrium effects. These two approaches can be combined to get the short- and long-term welfare effects of trade policy, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, viscoelastic liquids spray emission generated by vibration and the influence of their physical properties are studied. The fluid contained in a cell is subjected to a field of periodic vertical forces, for which the excitation amplitude and frequency are controlled. Different mixtures of kerosene with viscoelastic polymer were used and results were modelled using equations applicable to Newtonian fluids with acceptable results within the values of the operating conditions considered. Also, the dependence of drop size with the quantity of polymer added, the acceleration and the frequency applied was determined. It is concluded that Newtonian fluids models can be applied to liquids with characteristics similar to those studied in this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analizes the relationship between health and economic growth and poverty. It finds that Mexico presents lower levels of health than those expected for its degree of development. It also concludes that there are huge contrasts among geographic zones, ethnic groups and socioeconomic status. This may be due to a somehow regressive public expenditure in health as half the population is not covered by any social security scheme. Hence needed a National Fund to finance healcare and allow a universal system that is independent of, for example, geographic zone or public/private source of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]