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The main objective of this research is to generate knowledge about the democratization process that took place in countries of Eastern Europe after the fall of the so-called socialist bloc. There is a strong belief that this type of study allows for a better understanding of history, the mechanisms driving it, and the universality of ideas that accompany human beings. The historical method was employed, where the use of primary sources was restricted due to geographical distance, and only those available in open digital formats were consulted. Secondary sources were also used to gain an in-depth understanding of the various aspects of the democratization process that occurred in Eastern European countries after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Reflection is made on the democratic changes that began in Eastern Europe almost thirty-five years ago and encompassed different areas of human activity: political, economic, cultural, social, and international. The article provides a study on the effect of democratization in the countries of the former Eastern Bloc from the perspective of different scenarios in which the process developed. In this study, the characteristics and details are offered that provide a high degree of novelty and propose new elements for academic debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides a systematic review of the cultural issue in the work of Blas Infante, a prominent figure in the history of Andalusia, who emphasized the importance of culture in the face of the political, social, and cultural challenges of the 20th century. The research examines Infante's writings and articles from 1913 to 1936, highlighting his appreciation and promotion of culture and its role in shaping the identity and progress of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the European Union (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) raises questions about whether societies in member states share a common or convergent defence culture. Conceptual and methodological problems in the existing literature, however, make it difficult to measure this phenomenon. That is why this paper proposes a new model to measure the political culture relative to European defence, using a mixed factor analysis. In addition, drawing on a series of Eurobarometer surveys, it charts current attitudes towards defence in European citizenship and the impact of the war in Ukraine. The findings point to the existence of several political subcultures regarding defence in the EU. They also indicate various methodological strengths - and limitations - arising from the available Eurobarometer data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains a framework of analysis for the study of political associationism, which is understood as a specific form of political participation and consists of organized citizens who pursue collective goods whose main objective is to influence political decision-making. In this way, some concepts, variables and dimensions of political culture offered by Almond and Verba in their classic work The Civic Culture are taken up again. The purpose of this work is to identify the theoretical, methodological and empirical elements that will help us to identify the individual factors that influence the political participation of citizens through associations. Then, by taking up again the political orientations, the positions relative to the political system and the citizen attitudes towards the government, it will be possible to configure an "explanatory model" that will allow us to analyze the elements of a democratic political culture of participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is interested in the differences between the leadership styles of Javier Milei in Argentina and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. It assumes that, because the leadership is a type of social relationship historically constructed, they are linked to the political culture of the country where they emerge and develop. From a sociohistorical perspective, it analyzes the role of key power groups (elites, the Armed Forces, the Catholic Church, sociopolitical organizations, and parties) after the transition to democracy. Their position located this power groups in a privileged place to (re)produce and influence the dominant values, beliefs and ideas that limit the leadership styles that are socially tolerated in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Františka Plamínková was a highly esteemed Czechoslovak feminist, secularist, and an internationally renowned socialist. Despite this, the conservative dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera invited her to Spain. The objective of this article is to analyse the dictator's motives, the reasons why her visit was well received by Spanish Catholic activists, and the consequences (or lack thereof) of the international criticism these activists faced for not challenging Plamínková's ideas. This investigation primarily utilised Spanish, Czechoslovak, and American sources, mainly newspapers, but also archival materials. Through a qualitative analysis of these sources, the article examines not only her visit to Spain but also its aftermath, as it initiated a period of reflection on the extent and influence of socialism within European women's organisations, and on the best strategies for Catholic women to counteract it. The most significant findings of the research are the confirmation that Spanish Catholic activists engaged in dialogue with women from other political cultures during Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, and that they did not capitulate to the criticism from foreign Catholics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temas de Historia Argentina y Americana is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Medieval is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Actas de Diseño is the property of Facultad de Diseno y Comunicacion, Fundacion Universidad de Palermo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article titled "ERNESTO GARZÓN VALDÉS: MEMORY AND LEGACY OF A TEACHER" talks about the life and legacy of Professor Ernesto Garzón Valdés, an outstanding contemporary philosopher of law. The author highlights the importance of his ideas and work, as well as his influence on legal culture in our time. Garzón Valdés was educated at the University of Córdoba and had the opportunity to study with renowned teachers in Spain and Germany. His teaching has left a significant mark on various university centers in Europe and America. Additionally, his ability to generate intellectual debates and his contribution to legal, moral, and political philosophy are emphasized. His work as a diplomat and his commitment to communication between different legal and political cultures worldwide are also mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

The links between the Hospitaller Order and the American continent witnessed, in the transition from the 17th and 18th Centuries, a period of successes and failures. After the sale of its Caribbean colonies to France in 1665, its Knights of the Langue of Castile rendered notable services to the Habsburg Monarchy in the New World, while at the same time the chronistic memory and cultural “bon goût” continued to have the Western Indies as a central space of their projection. Likewise, its members in Bourbon Spain did not cease to promote a return to America through the establishment of commanderies in frontier areas to fight the “infidels”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg's work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist's language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Publicando is the property of RPPH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article studies classical republicanism in its catholic aspect within the patriotic discourses between 1824 and 1853. It postulates that it was understood not only as the antithesis of the monarchy, but also as a path towards virtue, the foundation of the political community. He proposes that this tradition was closely interrelated with Christianity. In addition, it shows that this Catholic republicanism is verifiable in the political culture and is not limited to prominent politicians or eminent theorists. He goes primarily to civic oratories, and relies on other sources such as brochures, newspapers and speeches of various kinds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a review of a book that examines the importance of sociability spaces in the formation of collective identities in the Basque Country between 1876 and 1936. Different aspects of republican, fuerista, socialist, conservative, and Catholic sociability are analyzed, as well as conservative women's associations and the batzokis of the PNV. The study offers a comparative view of different political cultures and sociability spaces, highlighting the careful selection of archival images that accompany each chapter. It reflects on the changes and continuities in political experience and the complex roots of contemporary political reality in the Basque Country. [Extracted from the article]

From the early 20th century, the massive immigration of Jewish workers and families from Central and Eastern Europe to Argentina laid the foundations for the consolidation of an ethnic group that, within a few years, became the most significant Jewish community in Latin America. This development occurred in a context of growing urbanization and capitalist modernization. Like other contemporary metropolises, the Yiddish-speaking working-class population in Buenos Aires created its own institutions, networks, and spheres of sociability, developing unique and distinctive traits. However, much like the broader working class, leftist political cultures also played a central role in shaping the organization and struggles of the nascent Jewish proletariat. This article examines the experience of communism and the formation of the Jewish Section (Idishe Sektzie) through political and trade union press, secondary literature, and particularly the Yiddish-language party newspaper Royter Shtern. This source, though scarcely studied by historiography, is indispensable for understanding transnational social experiences fully immersed in the contradictions, tensions, and ruptures of the period, both nationally and globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some characteristics of the Colombian political culture are traced, through the categories of myth, authoritarianism, alienation, and elitism, from an approach to the urban narrative of Álvaro Salom Becerra. The concept of political culture is addressed and its reception and development in Latin America, especially in Colombia, is exposed. Then the reflective potential of the confluences between philosophy and literature is discussed to study political culture, through an interpretive approach to his novels. It is concluded that literature allows exploring new ways of understanding the tensions between power and culture, also promotes a disruptive nature that dislocates the naturalization of the social order and favors the establishment of instituting actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Analyze how, based on the identification of a fragile academic definition of the concept of populism, in the field of Latin America and especially in Colombia, an analytical-conceptual process is developed, regarding what are the definitions and applications of the concepts in political reality. Methods: The article proposes, through a methodological-experimental model, the possibility of deepening concepts that allow explaining and identifying populist actions or discourses in the Colombian context. Results: It was found that in many of the investigations an attempt is made to define the concept based on the different events in the political history of the countries under analysis, and above all, from the politicians in whom populism is suspected based on their speeches; Consequently, in the application of the experimental methodology of this research, authors such as Zanatta (2013) and Rosanvallon (2020) were taken, in which conceptual categories are identified such as: populism as a community axis, populism as centrality and security, populism as encompassing a large majority with a margin of small minorities that constitute the enemies, in turn some subcategories of political emotions emerged that guarantee these first ones, among them emotions of position, emotions of action and emotions of intellection, all six connected respectively. Conclusions: The development of concepts that contribute to the explanation of the populist phenomenon in electoral campaigns is key to understanding the edges of political culture and the new sociopolitical orders in electoral processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Euro Latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Facultad de Ciencia Politica y Relaciones Internacionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The youth context that young people are suffering, together with the situation of polarization and tension and the lack of political culture that they are experiencing, could be three of the fundamental factors that would be leading to young people being the sector of the population that to a greater extent They support the far-right party VOX in Spain. Young people who suffer the highest levels of job insecurity, the impossibility of emancipating themselves, of having expectations, young people in short who feel like second-class citizens who do not see institutions as the solution to their problems nor do they identify them as channels of participation since they do not trust largely in them. This distrust can lead young people to look for other political forces that would capture much of the discomfort and indignation they feel. They would use social networks to inform themselves, and parties like VOX know very well how to introduce their messages to young people who would not have enough critical opinion to question some of these messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Enver Hoxha (1908-1985) ruled Albania for four decades, forging a regime based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism, which was adapted according to the international situation. In this article we aim to study the main characteristics of this communist political culture, paying particular attention to the Stalinist legacy, the debate on Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy and the conceptual operators of Enverism (impregnable fortress, revolutionisation, vigilance, a just political line and the reexamination of dogmatism and deviationism), as well as the echo of Enverism in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the importance of the public use of reason and freedom of the press in the formation of public opinion in Mexico between 1808 and 1832. During this period, three political currents developed and political literature flourished as a means to express political ideas and shape public opinion. Political pamphlets, especially dialogues, were used to debate and express political ideas. Prominent writers such as José Mariano Beristain de Souza, Rafael Dávila, and José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi are mentioned, who addressed political issues in their literary works and newspapers. These writers sought to balance the enlightened spirit with traditional forms of expression and translate the language of the powerful into common terms. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The social protests of 2019 and 2021 in Colombia marked a turning point in the political culture of protest. From the perspective of the processes of mediatization, digitalization, and democratization that digital convergence confers on political participation, a reflection is made around the concept of participatory culture as the axis of analysis of the transformations of social protest, its media construction, and its individual and collective experimentation. Sixteen digital communicative pieces produced by native digital media were analyzed, which, supported by resources of digital communication, evidence a political and media culture of protest, supported by the logic of social media, with a strong counter-hegemonic and discursive opposition component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to understanding and explaining the electoral dilemma "Dishonest, but competent" and "Honest, but incompetent" in the elections of legislators, governors and municipal presidents in 2018 in Mexico and Brazil. The research questions that guided the investigation are: Why are there voters in Mexico and Brazil who vote for "dishonest" candidates? And how do the voters of those countries decide their vote in the face of this dilemma? The theoretical approach of this work is Social Psychology through two analytical tools: the Funnel of Causality and the Tripartite Model of Attitudes. The methodology is mixed, quantitative and qualitative, using statistical models with data from the international surveys World Values Survey and Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems, as well as the application of Focus Groups in the distance modality. In this way, four categories of voter are proposed: moralist, moralist-moderate, pragmatic-moderate and pragmatic. The arguments of this work are: first, that regardless of cultural differences, there is an "affective voter" "non-rational" who makes decisions based on emotions and intuition, demonstrating that the affective components of attitudes are more relevant than the cognitive ones in electoral choice; second, that voting for "dishonest" candidates is determined under a greater influence of "short-term factors" such as candidate characteristics and short-term events rather than "long-term factors" such as party loyalties and ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text presents a debate about the terms cultural industry and creative industry coming from the political economy of the culture of communication, its main weaknesses and strengths for the analysis of the organizations whose purpose is the symbolic production in the Cuban XXI century. Also, it approaches the evolution of public policies in the sector of economy and culture that propitiate the creation and development of new enterprises whose purpose is cultural production. It ends with reflections and conclusions for an in-depth study of these organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the relationship between the concepts of freedom and order at the beginning of the Peruvian constitutional experience, based on the recognition of a liberal canon that made its way into the field of ideas during the independence process, marked by the external influence and the gestation of his own thought, and in this way he questions the visions that absolutize the lack of originality of the ideas at the dawn of the republic. The text reflects on the specificities of the game between political and constitutional processes and the interaction of languages and symbols, noting the decisive result of this process that gave way to a textual liberalism that generally differed from political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]