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This article analyzes the challenges for parliamentary democracies due to the strengthening of the Executive Power and judicial activism. It also examines the challenges of Global Administrative Law, which is defined as the mechanisms, principles, practices, and social agreements that support and promote accountability of global administrative bodies. The article highlights the lack of accountability and participation mechanisms in global administrative law, as well as the change in the system of formal sources and the strengthening of executive and judicial power at the expense of parliaments. It also mentions the impact of transnational phenomena on the system of checks and balances and human rights, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The article poses the challenge of preserving and guaranteeing the principles of parliamentary democracy and the values of the social and democratic rule of law in the global legal sphere. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IUSTA is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article I will analyse the impact that from my point of view the legislation dictated during the pandemic has had on the normal functioning of the judiciary, I will refer to how the necessary separation and division between the separate branches of the State has been altered, and I will recount how the system of checks and balance inherent in a social and democratic state of law has been disturbed. I will also describe the impact on our social and democratic State of Law, which carries the principle of separation and division of powers and the existence of a regime of checks and balances between the different branches of the State has had Royal Decree 463/2020, of March 14, which declared the state of alarm for the management of the health crisis caused by COVID-19 that meant the interruption of the normal functioning of the judiciary during the state of alarm, and, of Law 3/2020, of September 18, on procedural and organizational measures to deal with Covid-19 in the field of the administration of justice that established an unconstitutional conmixture between the Executive Power and the Judiciary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, a new constitution was created to include all political stakeholders in addition to those traditionally excluded in the 1886 constitution, in the hope of putting an end to armed conflicts, strikes and citizen discontent. These citizen demonstrations were capitalized by the students in the seventh ballot, which prompted the convocation of the constituent assembly. After the promulgation of the new constitution of 1991, a cascade of reforms began, which evidenced a constant dispute for power between the elites, emerging legal and illegal groups, and the population that began to feel part of the power. But, what was the purpose of these constitutional changes? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Freedom of speech, also known as inviolability, is a legal instrument for certain political actors, originally designed to avoid abuses among power spheres; nevertheless, during recent years this instrument has been considered a synonym of impunity. In order to explore the relationship between inviolability and impunity, we analyzed the freedom of speech legal frame in Mexico and other 30 countries, to detect its many modes, as well as which public officials are protected, from which crimes and the process needed to remove it. We found that Mexico grants one of the largest immunities to a relatively large number of civil servants and it has only been removed to eight individuals since 1917 up to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIVILIZAR: Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Sergio Arboleda and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the Report of Group of States against Corruption of Council of Europe about corruption prevention in Spain and it is focused on the study of its judiciary aspects. The Report advises about the dangers of corruption in the Organs of Judiciary Government and High Judges Levels caused by the political interference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Review of Comparative Politics / Revista Latinoamericana de Politica Comparada is the property of CELAEP (Centro Latinoamericano de Estudios Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The separation of powers and checks and balances are considered essential elements of a State based on the rule of law, for without them the creation of a Constitution is not possible. Currently, nevertheless, we not only demand abstention from the State but frequently a positive realisation of the public establishment is necessary, in order to effectively achieve the pertinent rights. The present paper intends to find a balance between a State based on the rule of law and the separation of powers and checks and balances, procuring a compatible agreement between form, reason and meaning -in constant evolution-, which should be supplied to figures that limit power, so as to make them compatible with the need of positive action from the State. The paper concludes with the idea that the value of the separation of powers and of checks and balances is a Deus ex machine, because the importance of the figure does not come from an abstract design, but from the functional structuring of the elements integrating the state organisation in virtue of which an effective constitutional machinery is put together, reflected in an efficient organisation for the realisation of the State based on the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica Piélagus is the property of Universidad Surcolombiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the beginning the idea of indirizzo politico was just another attempt to preserve a field of power for the Executive branch of Government, excluding the Parliament from this function. Afterwards, it adopted a broader sense, meaning a new power of the State (the policy-making power), distinct from the traditional lawmaking, executive and judiciary powers. In this article, the author intends, all in all, to analyze the role that the Parliament plays (and should play) in our parliamentary system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning the idea of indirizzo politico was just another attempt to preserve a field of power for the Executive branch of Government, excluding the Parliament from this function. Afterwards, it adopted a broader sense, meaning a new power of the State (the policy-making power), distinct from the traditional lawmaking, executive and judiciary powers. In this article, the author intends, all in all, to analyze the role that the Parliament plays (and should play) in our parliamentary system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]