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A transformation has begun in the social sciences in recent years with the increase in studies emphasizing the role of affect in different dimensions of human relations and sociality. With this transformation, which demonstrates that human actions and social practices are not only shaped by conscious thinking, studies on the place of affect in various experiences in social movements and politics have also become visible. As they reveal, both positive and negative affects influence the formation of experiences in politics and social movements. Accordingly, this paper examines how negative affect in the context of guilt, anger and pain operates in social movements and political practices. It argues that negative affects are more than negative actions and behaviors. Accordingly, he argues that they can also produce affirmative and constitutive human and social actions, behaviors and relations. In this way, he demonstrates that negative affect does not only produce political and social experiences in reactive and transitory forms, but can also lead to alternative social experiences through collective subject formation around constitutive practices such as solidarity and partnership formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical sociology generally focuses on the regular recurrences, reproduction of social structures and determinations, rather than on the power of social movements to change societies and their subjectivization through their historicity. This approach prioritizes to understand and explain actors in terms of their pre-determinations within social structures. Such a sociological approach may make sense when trying to understand relatively stable societies. In these societies, social structures are strong and domesticate social struggles by incorporating them. However, in societies where the political regime undergoes rapid changes and institutional structures are shaken, it may be more meaningful to work on the continuity and social determinacy of social struggles and power relations within social spheres rather than the reproduction of domination and emphasizing the predetermination of social life. This article aims to use the concepts of critical sociology to reflect on the relationship between new social movements and social change, the new social entities and types that these movements create. The critical sociological insight that will be proposed aims to create a framework for thinking about the solidarity networks that actors have developed in the face of regimes that have moved away from democracy in Türkiye and other countries in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Anatolian Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Uluslararasi Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the historical background that united the Iranian people in the ideal of revolution in 1979. From the Tobacco Protest (1891-92) to the 1970s, social reactions against the government in Iran have demonstrated a chronic continuity. In analyzing the factors that perpetuate rebellions and uprisings in Iran, the study theoretically draws on social movement theory. The processes of rebellion are evaluated based on the decisions and practices of the Qajar and later Pahlavi rulers that triggered large-scale protests. In this context, the study focuses on assessing the societal factors that facilitated the emergence and progression of the opposition movement in Iran and analyzes the impact of these mass protests on Iran's political landscape before 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surveillance is one of the areas where digitalization is discussed intensely today. The phenomenon that can be called digital surveillance is generally discussed in the context of privacy, display, and access to personal information and around concepts such as synopticon, banopticon, and omnipticon. The relationship of digital surveillance with political economy and social movements is often neglected. When examined within the framework of the big data concept, it is seen that the individuals subjected to digital surveillance are categorized. Especially with the pandemic and the focusing of the states on surveillance technologies, the organizational opportunities of social movements are getting harder. The credit system in China is one of the most extreme examples of surveillance technologies. Investments in the metaverse universe add a dystopian fiction to the difficulties mentioned about social movements.

Birbiriyle çekişmeli bir mücadele yürüten devlet ve toplumsal hareketler uzun süre ayrı iki alan olarak incelenmiştir. Literatürde yoğunlukla toplumsal hareketlerin devleti ve onun kurumlarını şekillendirmesi ele alınırken devletin bazı unsurlarının da toplumsal hareketler gibi davranması gündeme gelmektedir. Özellikle yerel yönetimlerin tepeden inmeci politikaları/projeleri kabul etmeyerek kent hareketleri ile eşgüdüm halinde, protesto dahil çeşitli toplumsal hareket yöntemlerini kullanarak hak aradıkları çekişmeli bir mücadele yöntemini benimsedikleri gözlemlenmektedir. Yerel Yönetimler bünyelerinde toplumsal hareketlerde kısıtlı olan bazı kaynakları da barındırabilmektedirler. Bu makalede Kamu Yönetimi, Yerel Yönetimler ve Toplumsal Hareketler literatürlerini kesen bir araştırma alanı olarak aktivist belediyeciliğin Türkiye’deki tarihsel arka planı, hangi siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal koşullarda şekillendiği ve güncel dinamikleri incelenecektir. Yerel yönetimlerin neden aktivizme yöneldiği, bu tür bir aktivizmin hangi konularda yoğunlaştığı ve hangi eylem repertuarlarına başvurduğu ve hangi devlet kurumlarını neden muhatap aldığı incelenecektir. Aktivist belediyeciliğin merkeziyetçi ve kalkınmacı eğilimlerden, yerel demokrasinin yükselişinden ve son olarak da toplumsal hareketlerin sonuç alıcı etkinliğinden kaynaklandığı öne sürülecektir.

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Social Research / Turkiye Sosyal Arastirmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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ÖZ: Nisan 2021’de, Kolombiya’da, Covid-19 salgınının etkilerini hafifletmek amacıyla açıklanan sağlık sistemi reformu ve vergi düzenlemesi binlerce kişinin protestolara başlamasına neden olmuştur. Protestolar karşısında, hükümet, önce polis daha sonra ulusal ordu birliklerini kamusal düzeni sağlamak üzere görevlendirmiştir. Ancak, sivil vatandaşların güvenlik güçleri tarafından hedef alınması sorunu protestolar sırasında da gözlemlenmiş ve gösterilerin daha da büyümesine neden olmuştur. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Kolombiya’da süregiden protesto eylemlerinin ortaya çıkışını, artarak devam etmesini ve bunların nedenlerini incelemektedir. Buna göre, çalışmada, Kolombiya’da güvenlik güçlerinin, en başta sivilleri hedef alan kronikleşmiş aşırı şiddet eylemlerinin, hem söz konusu protestoların ortaya çıkmasını tetiklediğini hem de daha çok eylemcinin hükümet karşıtı protestolara katılmalarına neden olduğunu savunulmaktadır. Çalışmada, Kolombiya’da polis teşkilatının paramiliterleşmesinin protestolar ve toplum nezdindeki sonuçları tartışılmaktadır. 2021 Protestoları, bu çalışmada, Kolombiya medyasında yer alan haberlere ve uluslararası örgütlerin gözlemlerine dayanan kaynaklar üzerinden tarihsel bağlamına konumlandırılmakta ve devam eden protesto ve şiddet eylemlerinin muhtemel seyrine dair bir analiz ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu şekilde, Latin Amerika’da yaygın olan toplumsal hareketler kültürünün, mevcut Kolombiya siyasetinin anlaşılmasına ve aynı zamanda siyasal şiddet literatürüne bu şekilde katkı sunulmaktadır. ABSTRACT: In April 2021, the health system reform and tax regulation announced in Colombia to alleviate the effects of the Covid-19 epidemic caused thousands of people to take to the streets. In the face of the protests, the government deployed the police and the national army units to maintain public order. However, the problem of targeting civilians by the security forces re-emerged during the protests and caused the demonstrations to grow to a larger scale. This study analyzes the emergence, increasing continuation and causes of the ongoing protest actions in Colombia. Accordingly, the study argues that the chronic extreme violence the security forces perpetrated in Colombia, primarily targeting civilians, triggered the emergence of these protests and caused more activists to join the government. The study discusses the consequences of the paramilitarisation of Colombian police for the protests and society. To this end, in this study, an analysis of the possible course of the ongoing protests and violent acts is presented, which will be placed in the historical context of the 2021 protests, based on the news in the Colombian media and the observations of international organizations. The study contributes to understanding the culture of social movements prevalent in Latin America, the current Colombian politics, and the literature on political violence.

Kimlik konusu küreselleşme, ekonominin yapısal dönüşümü vb. süreçlerine paralel bir biçimde geniş kitlelerin farklı talepleri doğrultusunda yeniden şekillenmeye başlamıştır. Kimliğin evrensel ve özcü yaklaşımına karşılık farklılık temelinde ele alınması gerektiğine dair görüşler dillendirilmeye başlamıştır. Her kimliğin kendine özgü koşullar içerisinde ele alınması fikri, “öteki” olarak nitelendirilen kimliklerin de görünür olmasına imkân sağlamıştır. Bu minvalde kimlik geleneksel algısının ötesinde ve farklılıkları da içerecek şekilde daha kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alınmaya başlamıştır. Çevre hareketleri, barış hareketleri, kadın hareketleri vb. hareketler, ulus ötesine varan nitelikleri ile farklı coğrafya ve ideolojiden bireylerin ortak söylem, dil ve talepler doğrultusunda hareket ederek katılımcı diyalog zemininin oluşmasını sağlamıştır. Kimlik, yeni toplumsal hareketler ile birlikte siyasal bir talep şeklinde, kamusal hayatın merkezine yerleşmiştir.Bu çalışmada, eski ve yeni toplumsal hareketler kavramlarına yönelik literatür taraması yapılmış ve hareketler karşılaştırmalı olarak ele alınmıştır. Sonrasında kimliğin bu hareketler ile yaşadığı dönüşüme odaklanılmıştır. Yeni toplumsal hareketler ile yeniden şekillenen kimlik, farklılıklar ile birlikte ötekilik meselesini de gündeme getirmiş, kimliklerin homojen yapısından ziyade çok parçalılık ve çeşitlilik temelinde yeniden düşünülmesini gündeme getirmiştir. Kimliğin bu yapısı, taleplerin siyasallaşmasına ivme kazandıran bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Çevre ve kadın hareketleri, yeni toplumsal hareketler çerçevesinde farklı kimlik taleplerinin gündem olmasına zemin hazırlamıştır.

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

New religious movements in almost all societies, especially in the USA and Western countries, are attracting attention with their rapid increase day by day. New religious movements are classified according to their origins, singleness or doubleness, and their view of the world. As E. Durkheim pointed out, the cause of one social event is another social event. As a social protest movement, many factors such as social, cultural, religious, economic can be mentioned in manifestation of new religious movements. Secularism, modernism, postmodernism, laicism, economy, globalization, social change, lack of religious knowledge etc. are the dominant concepts that are directly related to the new religious movements. In a different way, there is an extremely intricate and complex causal relationship between these phenomena and the emergence of new religious movements. Considering that these relations take place within the principle of mutual interaction, it is understood that the issue is extremely comprehensive and pushes the boundaries of research in this aspect. For this reason, only a few of the factors mentioned in our study have been pointed out. Factors such as modernism, postmodernism, secularism, globalization, exclusivity, inclusiveness, religious pluralism, social change, a sense of deprivation, laicity, economics, indifference to religion and lack of religious knowledge among them were focused on and the necessary discussions were made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The main purpose of the study is to examine conservative arguments during the anti lockdown and vaccine actions, in the examples of the USA and Europe. Three principal axes, the actions taking place with conservative arguments, the emphasis on freedom and its transformation into a global discourse will be examined. In this framework, it will be argued that the ties between liberalism and conservatism have been stretched, and the normals established by the neoliberal world on the functioning of free markets have been shaken. The main point that drives conservatives to action is that the possibility that the current situation created by the epidemic will radically change the foundations of the previous political system. The debate is also directly related to the political pursuits created by populism. The political and economic framework in which these movements emerged will be drawn with the basic determinations of the concepts of neoliberalism and populism, and then the context of freedom, emphasized on the institutions and organizations coordinating the movements in the USA and Europe, will be examined. Neoliberalism, which has become the main axis of the global order in the context of market security and personal freedom, has become the new target of social protests. Conservatism's desire for reasonableness and a slow change through leaders has turned into a sharper resistance and a wave of criticism not only at the local level but also at the global level in these actions, with radical methods that this thought is not very suitable for. It can be seen that grassroots formations, spontaneous formations expressing the demands of ordinary people about the daily life problems and accompanying new associations, without being in a hierarchical or tight organization as in the anti-globalization movement, have started to be the form of action and expression of the masses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the article, social movements which were shaped by a variety of ideological identities will be analyzed. Then, the article will evaluate the end of the ideology thesis which became popular in the 1960s. This theory suggests that different ideological perspectives developed a common economic policy. In the second half, the article will focus on Turkey as a case study and examine to what extent ideologies like nationalism, Islamism and Westernism had an impact on Turkish foreign policy. The article will argue that different identities shared a similar viewpoint not in economics but when the foreign interests of the state were at stake. The article will make an evaluation of this difference and suggest that Cold War politics played a role because especially following the Second World War, different political ideologies started following a similar trend in their foreign policy visions. The article will underline that this picture contradicts with the expectations of the end of the ideology thesis for the contemporary underdeveloped countries. This analysis will present a pluralist perspective which may allow to evaluate Turkish foreign policy making process through both realist, liberal and constructivist perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In April 2021, the health system reform and tax regulation announced in Colombia to alleviate the effects of the Covid-19 epidemic caused thousands of people to take to the streets. In the face of the protests, the government deployed the police and the national army units to maintain public order. However, the problem of targeting civilians by the security forces re-emerged during the protests and caused the demonstrations to grow to a larger scale. This study analyzes the emergence, increasing continuation and causes of the ongoing protest actions in Colombia. Accordingly, the study argues that the chronic extreme violence the security forces perpetrated in Colombia, primarily targeting civilians, triggered the emergence of these protests and caused more activists to join the government. The study discusses the consequences of the paramilitarisation of Colombian police for the protests and society. To this end, in this study, an analysis of the possible course of the ongoing protests and violent acts is presented, which will be placed in the historical context of the 2021 protests, based on the news in the Colombian media and the observations of international organizations. The study contributes to understanding the culture of social movements prevalent in Latin America, the current Colombian politics, and the literature on political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The years between the 1960s and the 1970s is the era that anti-system social movements have risen. It is possible to catch the rebellions and the demands of the age from cultural products. In this context, having a critical view over the system, “One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest” is a USA origin movie adapted from Ken Kesey's novel published in 1962. The movie has become one of the most highly rated movies during the age. However, the critical base of the film does not touch the patriarchal system. Thus, the “One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest” movie is aimed to examine from the feminist point of view to be able to unearth the probable feeding paths of the patriarchal system by gender-blind system criticism. The movie bears doubts about the mental institution, which focuses on whether the hospital straightforwardly fulfills its institutional functions. These doubts can be put forth as the basis for anti-system regard. In this study, it is dwelt on the working mechanism of the institution initially. Subsequently, the conflicts between Nurse Ratched and McMurphy and other characters are discussed under gender-based focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Overtourism mainly refers to tourism activity that exceeds a destination's carrying capacity, causing overcrowding and environmental degradation. Locals feel a sense of occupation of their own living spaces and their resentment towards visitors, and tourism in general, may manifest itself in the form of social movements in many cases of overtourism, exhibited as public protests and hostility. In such cases, local governments need to prevent or manage overtourism, in hopes of a positive local -- visitor interaction. The present paper aims to analyse the interaction between locals and visitors in Foça, where warnings of overtourism are evident. A qualitative research design was adopted and unstructured interviews have been carried out with tourism and non-tourism business owners, employees as well as retired local population of various history in the town. The data obtained have been deciphered, thoughts and feelings of locals about visitors and tourism during periods of congestion have been established and ultimately possible solutions have been offered for preventing overtourism and establishing positive interaction. In the case of Foça, the research reveals that locals avoid getting out of their homes during periods of congestion altogether and are especially disturbed by the sheer number of excursionists. Excessive demand has excessively increased the cost of living, pricing locals out of their hometown. Among the suggestions to curb overtourism and to establish positive interaction, traffic regulations, spreading the crowds towards new sites of attraction and accommodation in an effort to ease congestion, (vocational) education of locals, visitor management, as well as establishing communication channels to enable positive interactions have been offered. However, a long-term solution will be an inclusive tourism development plan that incorporates locals in the decision-making process and offers them equal access to opportunities and benefits of tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of MEMLEKET: Politics & Administration / Siyaset Yönetim is the property of Local Governments Research, Assistance & Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to evaluate the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in the context of new social movements. First of all, the theoretical framework of the new social movements and the reasons for the “new” characterization compared to the traditional “old” social movements are put forward. Then, the emergence and development process of the Black Lives Matter movement is covered. At this point, the role of social networks in the development of the movement is examined. The different aspects of the BLM movement, which emerged as a twitter hash tag, from other black freedom movements, the perception of BLM in the American public and the impact of BLM on the American public are evaluated. The reflection of the unity put forward through social media platforms in the virtual world to the American streets and its transformation into social movement are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]