Search

The Levant has constituted one of the core areas of interest for US foreign policy since the Second World War. The aim of this article is to shed light on the US policies towards the Levant, mostly during the last two American administrations, to understand how the vicissitudes of the region and of American politics made Washington's policy towards the Levant look biased, at times incompetent, and most importantly inconsistent. This article examines the changes in approach to the region as a whole from one administration to the next on issues such as the protection of Israel's sovereignty, supporting friendly regimes, fighting terrorism, and containing Iran. The hesitations and shifts in policy towards Syria are given a longer treatment as they speak both to the yet not finalized American policy towards the Levant but also to show how the US has shifted track and moved away from unseating President Assad to focus more on containing and ifpossible rolling over Iran.Keywords: Levant, Middle East, US Foreign Policy, the Syrian Uprising, Post- Islamic StateLevant bolgesi, Ikinci Dunya Savasi'ndan bu yana ABD dis politikasinin oncelikli cikar alanlarindan birini olusturmaktadir. Bu makalenin amaci, ABD'nin, bilhassa da son iki Amerikan yonetiminin, Levant'a yonelik politikalarini acikliga kavusturmayi, bolgede ve Amerikan siyasetindeki degisimlerin Washington'un Levant'a yonelik politikasinin nasil yanli, zaman zaman beceriksiz ve daha da onemlisi tutarsiz gorunmesine neden oldugunu anlamayi hedeflemektedir. Makale, bir yonetimden digerine Israil'in egemenliginin korunmasi, dostane rejimlerin desteklenmesi, terorizmle mucadele ve Iran'in kontrol altina alinmasi gibi konularda ve genel itibariyle bolgeye yonelik yaklasimdaki degisiklikleri incelemektedir. Suriye'ye yonelik politikadaki tereddutler ve degisimler daha detayli ele alinmistir. Nitekim bu konular Amerika'nin Levant'a yonelik politikasinin henuz son halini almadiginin, daha da otesinde gelismeler karsisinda ABD'nin nasil yon degistirdigini ve Esad'i yerinden etme hedefinden uzaklasarak Iran'i kontrol altina alma ve eger mumkunse boyun egdirmeye odaklandigina isaret etmektedir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Levant, Orta Dogu, ABD Dis Politikasi, Suriye Ayaklanmasi, Islamcilik Sonrasi Devlet, IntroductionThe term Levant, which derives from the Italian Levante, meaning the rising of the sun in the east, is used to refer to the eastern part of the Mediterranean that [...]

This paper examines Iran's historical and strategic ties to the Levant and argues that its objectives can characterized as multifaceted, diversified and pragmatic in orientation. Mindful of its strategic calculations and taking advantage of regional events, Iran operates as an opportunistic and adept regional actor having increased its foothold in Lebanon and Syria by supporting its axis of resistance partners Hezbollah and Bashar al Assad in their common goals of survival, stability and anti-Israeli and American sentiments. While Tehran's strategy has, for the time being, strengthened its influence in the Levant, this paper observes that it has simultaneously resulted in the creation of anti-Iran regional alliance that could ultimately undermine Tehran's regional position. Understanding Tehran's strategic calculus in the Levant can shed light on its long-term objectives and potential outcome.Keywords: Islamic Republic of Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, Bashar al Assad, Strategic Depth, Axis of Resistance.Bu makale, Iran'in Levant'la tarihi ve stratejik baglarini incelemekte ve Iran'in hedeflerinin cok yonlu, cesitlilik iceren ve pragmatik yonelimli seklinde nitelendirilebilecegini savunmaktadir. Stratejik hesaplari goz onunde bulunduran ve bolgesel gelismelerin sundugu avantajlardan faydalanan firsatci ve hunerli bir bolgesel aktor olarak Iran, direnis ekseni ortaklari olan Hizbullah ve Besar Esad'i beka, istikrar ve Israil-ABD karsiti duygulardan olusan ortak hedefleri cercevesinde desteklemis, Lubnan ve Suriye'deki nufuzunu artirmistir. Bu makale, Tahran'in stratejisinin su ana dek Iran'in Levant'taki nufuzunu artirdigini belirtmekle birlikte, es zamanli bicimde Tahran'in bolgesel konumuna nihayetinde zarar verebilecek Iran karsiti bolgesel bir ittifakin olusmasiyla sonuclandigini ileri surmektedir. Tahran'in Levant'taki stratejik hesaplarini anlamak, uzun vadeli hedefleri ve olasi sonuclarini da acikliga kavusturacaktir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Iran Islam Cumhuriyeti, Suriye, Hizbullah, Besar Esad, Stratejik Derinlik, Direnis Ekseni., IntroductionIran's increasing influence and interference in the Levant, seen through its support for Lebanese Hezbollah, Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria and Palestinian groups such as Hamas, has been both an [...]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bilge Strateji is the property of BILGESAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bilge Strateji is the property of BILGESAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The foreign policies of Turkey towards region countries, especially Iraq, Syria and Iran have some negative reflections and perceptions. Therefore the foreign policies of these three countries on Turkey have some common interests and they cooperate with each other against Turkey. All these countries see Turkey as a key ally of the USA policies in The Middle East. This article concludes that there is an imbalance between the realities and goals of Turkey. The state capacity and soft power of Turkey are not enough for its targets on the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Iranian Constitutional movement, started in 1906 is considered to be one of the most important events in the recent history of Iran. The First Constitution, signed and put into force on December 31st 1906 by Mozaffar Al Din Shah (1896- 1907) was abolished due to the bombing of the Majlis e Melli (National Assembly) on June 23rd 1908 by his son Mohammad Ali Shah (1907-1908). Thereupon, Azeri Turks who had a major role in the proclamation of the First Constitution started a struggle against Mohammed Ali Shah in Azerbaijan where they are in majority. The struggle started on July 25th 1908 between the Mujahideen of Tabriz and the armies of Muhammed Ali Shah and lasted 11 months. During this time, despite all the efforts of Mohammed Ali Shah Tabriz was besieged with the support of the Russians and mujahideens led by Sattar and Bagher Khans withdrew. Because of the disputes that had arisen among the troops of Shah some commanders went on the side of the Mujahideen and Mohammed Ali Shah was forced to withdraw his troops after declaring elections to be held on May 8th 1909 and announced the re-opening of the Majlis e Melli throughout the country. In this study, life of Azerbaijani Turks Settar and Bagher Khans who are the most important figures in the Second Constitutional Movement and their roles in the constitutional movement are discussed in detail in the light of the British archival documents and Persian and Turkish sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran is an influential regional actor in the Middle East region. Its geopolitical position, large population, strong army and economic richness encourage the Iranian decision makers to play a regional leadership role in the regional politics. However, its heterogeneous ethnic and social structures lead the Iranian politicians to have more suspicious feelings about Iran's territorial integrity and political independence. Due to its historical traumas, it is strongly against any foreign interventions in the regional affairs. Shiism encourages the Iranian officials to pursue revisionist policies. Iran's political culture consists of strong Persian nationalism, Shiism and family bonds. In Iran the foreign policy decision making process is dominated by the Presidency. In the meantime, the Supreme Leader can express his concerns about the foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study intends to analyze the impact of EU's policy toward Iran and Syria on Turkey's regional objectives. As Turkey is negotiating with the European Union (EU) for membership, this process requires a certain level of convergence in the parties' goals in many areas. Measuring the degree of convergence becomes more important, as there is now a standstill in negotiations between E3+3/P5+1 and Iran on the latter's nuclear programme and Israel's repeated threats to carry a military strike to Iran's nuclear facilities for some time. The humanitarian and political crisis in Syria as well as the uncertainty about its future also heightens the importance of the question of to what degree Turkey and the EU pursue similar, if not identical, policies in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unrest is getting more violent in Syria with each passing day. In such an environment, it is difficult to reach objective information about the developments in Syria. Therefore, the importance of the studies, which have been carried out based on the observations in Syria, has recently increased. Upon the invitation of the Syrian regime, a delegation from the Felicity Party from Turkey paid a visit to Damascus on January 2012. The author, who took part in the aforesaid visit as a journalist, had the opportunity to observe the situation by visiting Homs, where the unrest take place most violently, besides Damascus. This study includes the observations of the author in the aforesaid cities, and also the results obtained from the interviews with Syrian officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkish President Abdullah Gül paid an official visit to the neighboring Iran on the dates of February 13-16, 2011. A congested delegation including Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Cevdet Yilmaz, State Minister and Co-Chariman of Turkey-Iran Joint Economic Commission, a number of deputies, the governors of the border provinces, a number academicians and journalists and more than 100 businessmen accompanied him in this visit. The visit was quite important both in terms of showing the progress that has been made in Turkey-Iran relations and also in terms of indicating the \"limits\" of the relations between the two countries. In this article the progress that has been made in Turkey-Iran relations and the course of bilateral relations will be dealt with by considering the activities of Gül in Iran throughout the visit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran is the one of the countries that Ottoman State had political and military relations most in the East from the beginning of the 16th century. In general, in relations that had religious character while Iran used Shiism, Ottoman State struggled to protect itself and other Sunni countries in the region that were under its protection. The peaceful era that the Treaty of Amasya dated 1555 ended later. Especially Shah Abbas' political ambitions and his desire to make advantage of Ottoman State deterioting position due to Celâli uprisings in Anatolia and ottoman Austrian wars gave a new direction to ottoman- Iranian relations. The letter presented in this article provides informations about Ottoman State's sincere attitude toward Iran and uncompromising attitude that Iran showed toward Ottoman State throughout history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]