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After the National Struggle, one of the most important steps in the establishment of the new Turkey as a secular republic was the abolition of the caliphate. The abolition of the Caliphate dominated the political agenda both in domestic politics and foreign policy. In this period, the process of resolving the "Mosul Question", which caused tensions between Britain and Turkey, and the discussions on the caliphate and secularism developed as events that were related to or affected each other. The abolition of the caliphate and other steps taken by GNAT regarding secularism disturbed Western states, especially Britain. While explaining the Turkish-British relations of the period, it is important to mention Britain's caliphate strategy and the Sheikh Sait rebellion and the Lausanne Conference process in relation to caliphate strategy. The abolition of the caliphate in Turkey was a development that completely contradicted Britain's interests and prevented it from carrying out its policy of domination. Britain's active use of the press to create public opinion against Turkey reveals the fact that Britain was very uneasy about the abolition of the caliphate. It has been observed that the news on the abolition of the caliphate in The Times, The Foreign Affairs, The Spectator, The Fortnightly Review, The Saturday Review, The New Statesman, The English Review and The Economist, which are among the British press, were generally uncomfortable with Turkey's transition to a secular order and took a stance against Turkey. This study focuses on how the issue was handled in the British press in the Turkish foreign policy of the Mustafa Kemal Pasha period, especially during the abolition of the caliphate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions on Turkey’s membership NATO have constantly occupied the country’s agenda depending on political developments in domestic and foreign affairs from 1952 to the present. Whether Turkey’s inclusion in NATO has contributed to the country’s military progress or whether it has created a complete security umbrella for the country has been the subject of ongoing debates. In fact, the inability of NATO, in the face of some threats against Turkey during the process, to have an effective presence has reinforced the negative attitude toward the organization. This situation inevitably led to Turkey’s skepticism toward NATO. This study mentions some important developments that can be pointed out as the reason for the strengthening of NATO skepticism in the country from the time of Turkey’s accession to NATO until today, and in the light of these, various conclusions and evaluations are made regarding the future of relations between Turkey and NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the First World War, the Allied Powers shared the Ottoman lands with the Treaty of Sevres. However, the National Struggle that started in Anatolia prevented the implementation of the Treaty of Sevres. After the victory of the National Struggle, a new agreement had to be made to establish peace between Turkey and the Allied Powers. The loss of many of the advantages obtained in the Treaty of Sevres caused serious debates in the public opinion of the Allied Powers It took a long time for the Treaty of Lausanne to be approved by the British Parliament due to the British Government's desire to observe the situation in Turkey and the criticisms of the opponents of Lausanne. Sessions were held in both the House of Commons and the House of Lords to discuss the Treaty of Lausanne. One month before the Lausanne Treaty was ratified by the parliament, a final session was held in the House of Commons. In this session, the opposition argued that the Treaty of Lausanne created a crisis in the British Empire, as well as repeating its criticisms. Those who were against the Treaty of Lausanne tried to associate the attitude of the Dominions with the Treaty of Lausanne. Despite all the criticisms, the British Government defended the Lausanne Treaty and ensured that the treaty was ratified by the parliament. In this study, after the Treaty of Lausanne was signed, the discussions about the treaty were examined during the period until the treaty was approved by the British Parliament. Based on the session held in the House of Commons just before the treaty was ratified in the British Parliament, criticisms of the treaty in England and the defense of the British Government were evaluated. In this way, it has been revealed how the treaty occupied the British political agenda during the period between the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne and its ratification in the British Parliament. Thus, it is aimed to contribute to the studies on why the ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne was delayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the Turkish nationalist movement which developed during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish nation-state, following the foundation of the new Turkish Republic, the development of a common national culture involving all the citizens became an important issue of the political agenda in the early Republican era. Faced with the multi-ethnic social structure inherited from the Ottoman Empire which included various ethnic groups, the ruling elites of the state aimed to design a common national identity, developing with the notion of Turkishness at its core, which would be adopted by all citizens and integrate them. In Turkish political literature, the program which was developed and applied with this aim is named as Turkification policies. While these Turkification policies actually included all non-Turkic groups within the society, non-Muslim citizens had become the main targets of these policies in the early Republican era. From among the Jews, one of the three biggest non-Muslim communities in Turkey, Avram Galanti and Moiz Kohen emerged as two foremost intellectuals with their activities regarding the execution of the Turkification process. The aim of this study is to analyse the the activities of these intellectuals within the context of their functions and Turkification policies. A review of written sources has been performed with this aim. The intellectual activities of Galanti and Kohen have been analysed within their functions of community spokesmanship and community orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the transformation of the everyday life of Roma communities during the Covid-19 pandemic through media coverages by focusing on their living spaces, public spaces where they continue their economic activities and build their relations with local governments. Examining the culture-centered discourses revolving around the central and local governmental interventions towards the Roma living spaces amidst the pandemic and the relevant media exposure is herein essential so as to understand the power dynamics between Romani communities and political actors. Employing a critical discourse analysis method, we have initially drawn a general framework about extreme poverty, and subsequently surveying the media coverage on the Roma people. Against this backdrop, we firstly looked at the media depiction of the Roma’s experiences regarding extreme poverty. Secondly, we interpreted the rise of racist discourses accompanying the transformation of everyday life and how are these discourses conceal inequalities regarding class inequalities. Thirdly, we investigated the damage caused by local authorities to the living spaces of Roma and the interrelation of these damages to neoliberal urban policies. Finally, we engaged a critical reading of the news, in which we noticed the struggle of Roma people is instrumentalized by political actors into their agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Educational Sciences is the property of Journal of Turkish Educational Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politics & Religion Journal is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although Ottoman science journalism initiated after the second half of the 19th century, like in all kinds of publication, the real increase took place just after the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Era. This rise in cultural production brought with it the increasing circulation of newspapers that paved the way for journalists to become financially independent from the bureaucracy and eventually autonomous. Subsequently, the scientific/intellectual field gained its independence from journalism. In this sense, the Bilgi Mecmuası is the first scientific journal to strive to gain the autonomy of the scientific/intellectual field from the field of journalism. The importance of Bilgi Mecmuası was that it was the first journal to strive to defend the value of science, the scientific specialization and methodology and the principles of science and endeavored to disseminate them. In other words, the Bilgi Mecmuası kept far away from the political agenda of the period and insisted on the scientific specialization and methodology and scientific principles, both very important first steps towards the autonomy of the scientific/intellectual field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Journal of Economics & Business Studies is the property of Gumushane University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, the theories of civil religion and political religion, which have recently become one of the main topics of sociology and sociology of religion, are discussed. The concepts of both civil religion and political religion are generally used in the context of the nature of the relations between religion-society and religion-state. Today, studies dealing with the relations between politics and religion have expanded to such an extent that they can no longer be limited to a single academic field, but here, the subject has been tried to be approached from a sociological perspective. In the literature, in general terms, the concept of civil religion is more of a characteristic of democratic and liberal regimes since it refers to a natural state and a spontaneous social situation in religion-society or religion-state relations. On the contrary, political religion comes to the fore as an attribute of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes because it refers to an imposition, a pre-conceived political agenda. However, it is known that there is no clarity between these two concepts and therefore the discussions on the subject continue. The main purpose of this study is to contribute to the elimination of the uncertainty between these two concepts. In this context, the study has tried to go down to the historical background of the concepts of civil religion and political religion and tried to determine the reasons of the uncertainty between them. In addition, the differences and similarities between the two concepts, as well as the criticisms and their reasons, have been tried to be revealed from a comparative perspective. In this respect, our study aims to contribute, in its own right, to the studies that aim to reveal the limits, the uses, the social situations they point to, and the similar and different aspects of these two concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorism is not a modern phenomenon, although it is often engaged in the international political agenda, especially in the post-Cold War world. There is no doubt that the terrorist attack carried out by the nineteen Al-Qaida militants against the United States on September 11, 2001 was a complete breaking point for terrorism. After this point, motivation sources and methods of the terror, which was started to called as "new terrorism" with its new organization structure and applications, has been changed dramatically. First of all, it is seen that new terrorist organizations have started to be organized in the form of loose horizontal networks with minimum chain of command. Secondly, it is observed that the terrorist organizations in this wave of terror have increased their interest and demand for access to weapons of mass destruction as well as conventional weapons compared to their predecessors. Also it can be said that this new wave of terror is ideologically based on mystical and religious motivations. On the other hand, these new terrorist organizations use unusual asymmetric methods to maximize casualties in their actions. In addition, it is seen that these organizations are specialized in the use of new communication tools such as social media in parallel with technological developments. Undoubtedly, it can be said that ISIS become one of the most important representative of new terrorism in terms of used methods and implemented tactics in the such an environment that new terrorism debates began to be held more intensively following to the September 11 attacks. In this context, the effects of the "new terrorism" to future security environment was analyzed in this study through the DAESH terrorist organization, which is one of the best examples of the new terror definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of University of Cumhuriyet, Faculty of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article has a practical aim of determining Turkey's capabilities and limits in the elimination of Palestine's socio-economic difficulties. For that reason, the historical dynamics of the Turkish-Palestinian-Israeli relations and various motivation sources behind foreign aid and assistance are deliberately left out of this study's content to be dwelt upon in further academic studies. The article first reveals what the primary social and economic difficulties are in the occupied Palestine today and then specifies Turkey's contributions to the socio-economic life in this region. With the help of semi-structured online interviews that were made by the author for this study, the article qualitatively analyses the substantial benefits that Turkey provides the occupied Palestine with via official institutions such as Turkish Red Crescent, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), Presidency For Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), Yunus Emre Institute (YEE) and Presidency of Religious Affairs (DİB) as well as the NGOs such as the İHH Human Relief Foundation. According to the results achieved, although Turkey makes Palestine significant contributions through foreign aid and assistance, it also faces various challenges some of which arise from Muslim countries' regional rivalry. Nevertheless, it continues to make vigorous efforts to hold the issue at the top of the domestic and foreign political agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sets out to determine whether the process of adoption and implementation of PPP policy differs between developing and developed countries. Hence, by conducting an in-depth conceptual interrogation, first of all a template is formed to determine certain dissimilarities between developing and developed countries. Then using this template, Turkey, as a developing country, and the UK, as a developed country, is examined in order to set forth the relationship between the development level of a country and its PPP policy. The findings indicate that the PPP policy of developing and developed countries differs within five aspects: (i) how the policy penetrates into the political agenda, (ii) the government’s aim in adopting PPP policy, (iii) the sectoral distribution, (iv) the form of PPP’s and (v) the regulatory framework.

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Basın ve siyaset arasındaki ilişki çok boyutlu ve oldukça karmaşık bir ilişkidir. Bir çok çalışmada, basın ve siyaset arasındaki ilişki çeşitli açılardan ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışmada; basın ve siyaset arasındaki ilişki, gündem belirleme modeli çerçevesinde incelenecektir. Gündem belirleme modeli; basın ve siyaset arasındaki ilişkiyi, her iki gündemdeki konular açısından ele almakta ve gündemlerin birbirleri üzerindeki etkisinin, konuların gücüne bağlıolarak şekillendiğini varsaymaktadır. Bu çalışmada; belirtilen varsayımdan hareketle, gerek basın gündemi ve siyasal gündemde, gerekse basının gündemini belirlemek için ele alınan gazetelerde, hangi konuların ağırlıklıolarak ele alındığıve hangi tür konu ve olaylarda, gündemler arasında bir paralellik olduğu tespit edilmeye çalışılacaktır.

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a social being, the human cannot be unconcerned against events in his environment, rather he constantly seeks information on issues ofhis-hcrs interest by various means. Tiie media is the sole means whereby the modern human depends in his search of information related to lusher global, national, local concerns. Tins information function elevates the media into different dimensions of importance which in turn, makes it subject to investigations of differing approaches. Tins study addressed such a necessity by exploring the media usage habits ofSclcuk University students, in relation to information gathering about general and political agenda developments, by comparative correlational assessment. In view of the obtained data, the Internet was the media of choice for gathering information about the general and political agenda, while newspapers were the most trusted and influential media, the least used and trusted and hence the less influential media were magazines and the radio. Tliese factors were associated with the general attributes of users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media is one of today's most important mass media tools which is widely used. Social networks assumed an important role in determining the social agenda. It is possible to see the use of the Internet in the field of political marketing to creating a community every where. Especially Facebook, Twitter and other social networking sites are the most traded new media sites, these sites create small worlds, for their users. When we look at the use of social networking sites like Facebook we can see that these sites can be used for different purposes. We may use these sites to install photos, videos and also for such purposes like to have fun and relax. This study conducted by the uses and gratifications approach to base in Konya, on the basis of a survey carried out with the participation of 324 people, work in this respect is requesting what underlying motivations the participants have for using Facebook, with this motovation the usage time of Internet and Facebook of participants. We also try to determine the difference between participants' gender-based reasons to use Facebook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalism is one of the most spoken ideology in Turkey. Especially it has not been possible to see political practises as liberal sense in Turkey by the Republican era until 1990's. In the 1990's, it is the first time that the political liberalism demands brought an effective sense on the political agenda in Turkey and thus some parties like YDH and LDP and some intellectual groups like "İkinci Cumhuriyetçiler" and LDT emerged by this way. Although came with great expectations and discourses the political liberalism demands in the Turkish political life stucked in a narrow frame and inverted in an different direction in a short time. In this case according to Nilüfer Göle named as "revival of the liberalism" has been triggered by some points. One of the these points is civil society discourses that emerged in the 1980's, the other one is neoliberal policies in Özal era and their implications in politics and society has become. However the fundamental issues of Turkish society and Turkish political life in these years led to this booming liberalism withdrawal of the politic stage in a short time. Aforementioned years, ethnic-based problems such as Kurdish and Alevi issues, discussions of secularism and the rise of political Islam as well as state-society relations and such as the emergence issues are the main reasons withdrawal of liberalism from the political scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study we examined how the issue which is generally referred to as the "Kurdish problem", is dealt with in daily speech today. We used positioning theory to look at the relationship between the participants and the Kurdish problem. We used the 'Dağlıca Event' -an armed clash between PKK and Turkish army that led to arguments in Turkey's political agenda- as a prompt in focus group meetings. By analyzing the position that the participants adopted during focus group talks, we evaluated what they were able to achieve interactionally. We tried to examine how the participants made sense of and commented on the "Kurdish problem" with their positionings. When we look at the contents of these positioning, we saw that the participants determined implicit sides in the Kurdish question. The taking up of positions determined by the sides made it possible to observe how the participants accounted for the roles of the other sides and themselves in the context of this relating, and how they related the "Kurdish question" that was on the agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to show how the youngster German-Turks present their identity, empowerment and participation via the different internet portals. This study was implemented on three web portals (vaybee, bizimalem, turkdunya). These three web portals are mostly used by European Turks and German-Turks. According to web-based interviews, it is obvious that, for portal users, these portals have important functions for identity development. There is a lower functioning about participation and empowerment aspects. To find a friend and a new relationship from these platforms is a primary aim to portal users. It is pointed out that there are more discussions about Turkey's political agenda with respect to Germany. Hence, young German-Turks are essential group for Turkey to call attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Missile Shield system, which was recently brought to agenda and this time which was integrated into the New Strategic Concept of NATO, represents the development of a new international politics agenda. The Missile Shield that has been one of the foreign policy instruments of the US for a long time, makes a sense when it is considered in the context of international balances, system and politics in the past, today and above all in the future. "War is not merely a political act, but also a political instrument, a continuation of political relations, a carrying out of the same by other means," Clausewtiz said in his notable work On War. From this point of view if we draw an analogy for the Missile Shield, we can say that "In fact, the Missile Shield is a new instrument or method of the international politics fight." So that rather than being a military capacity having a purpose of pure defense or attack, the Missile Shield is used on the purpose of affecting, changing both general and regional balances or creating new political balances in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sivil Toplum: Dusunce & Aastirma Dergisi is the property of EDAM- Education Consultancy Limited and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal is the property of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)