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Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I. Petro’dan miras kalan büyük güç olma ideali, Rus dış politikasının esasını oluşturmaktadır. Ülkede rejimler değişse de Rus yönetimlerinin büyük güç olma ideali hiç değişmemektedir. Putin’in işbaşına gelmesiyle Rusya, ülke içinde ve yakın çevresinde gücünü pekiştirdikten sonra büyük güç olma idealine geri dönmüştür. Bu dönüşte, konjonktürel gelişmelerin yanında NATO’nun doğuya genişlemesinin etkisi büyüktür. Rusya’nın tepki olarak Gürcistan ve Ukrayna’ya müdahalelerinin etkileri devam etmektedir. Özellikle Mart 2014’te Kırım’ı ilhakının ardından Batı’nın siyasi ve ekonomik yaptırımlarından kurtulmak amacıyla başlattığı girişimleri, Rusya’nın Afrika’ya yönelişiyle sonuçlanmıştır. Son olarak 24 Şubat 2022’de Ukrayna’yı müdahale kararının bu yönelişi hızlandırdığı söylenebilir. Bu dönemde Afrika’daki jeopolitik ortamın dengeleyici bir güce ihtiyaç duyması, Rusya’ya avantaj sağlamıştır. Batı’dan (ABD ve AB) sonra Çin için de bölgede sömürgeci algısının güçlenmeye başlamasıyla, Rusya’nın bu avantajdan yararlanması, gücüne, bölgede takip edeceği stratejiye ve dış politika vasıtalarının etkinliğine bağlıdır. Rusya’nın bölge ülkelerinin siyasi, ekonomik ve güvenlik sorunlarının çözümüne yardımcı olması, kıtadaki ilişkilerinin gelişmesinde belirleyici olacaktır. Bu yöndeki beklentileri bilerek hareket etmesi, diğer büyük güçlerle rekabetinde kazanan tarafta olmasını sağlayacaktır. Rekabette istediği sonuçları elde etmesi ise, büyük güç hayalinin gerçekleşmesiyle sonuçlanabilecektir. Bu genel esaslar çerçevesinde çalışmanın amacı, Rusya’nın bu konudaki niyetiyle kapasitesi arasındaki uyumun ortaya konulması ve bölgede yaratacağı etkinin belirlenmesidir.

Bu çalışma, "aşağıdan tarih" perspektifini kullanarak Afrika'nın karmaşık toplumsal tarihine derinlemesine bir bakış sunmaktadır. Bu yaklaşım, genellikle geleneksel elit merkezli anlatılarda göz ardı edilen, marjinalleştirilmiş grupların hikayelerini ve deneyimlerini ön plana çıkarmaktadır. Afrika sosyalizmi, sömürge öncesi toplumsal değerler ve Pan-Afrikan ideallere dayanan özgün bir sosyalizm türü olarak, bu perspektifin değerini göstermek için çekici bir vaka çalışması sunmaktadır. Çalışma, bir dizi birincil ve ikincil kaynağa dayanan karşılaştırmalı tarihsel analiz metodolojisini kullanmaktadır.Çalışmada kulllanılan "Afrika" terimiyle Sahra Altı Afrika ülkeleri ifade edilmektedir. Çalışma, Afrika tarih yazımında uzun süredir egemen olan Avrupa merkezli anlatıları sorgulamaktadır. Marjinalleştirilmiş grupların seslerini merkeze alarak, sömürgecilik ve sömürge sonrası perspektiflerle sıkça gölgelenen Sahra Altı Afrika toplumlarının karmaşıklığını ve çeşitliliğini ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Çalışma, güç ilişkileri, kültürel pratikler ve ekonomik yapılar arasındaki etkileşimi inceleyerek Afrika'nın tarihini şekillendiren toplumsal dinamikleri açığa çıkarmaktadır. Ayrıca, Afrika sosyalizminin çeşitliliğini ve yerel bağlamların etkisini vurgulamaktadır. Çalışma, kadınların ve marjinalleştirilmiş grupların Afrika sosyalizminin şekillenmesindeki rolünü açığa çıkarmaktadır. Çalışma, Afrika sosyalizmini basitçe Avrupa modellerinin bir taklidi olarak gören yorumları sorgular ve bu ideolojinin yerel gelenekler, kültürel değerler ve siyasi bağlamlar tarafından nasıl şekillendiğini göstermektedir. Sonuç olarak, çalışma, "aşağıdan tarih" ve karşılaştırmalı tarihsel analiz kullanarak Afrika sosyalizminin ve Afrika'nın toplumsal tarihinin çok boyutlu ve zengin bir anlayışını sunmaktadır. Bu bulgular, Afrika'daki gelişim, sosyal adalet ve hükümetin rolü hakkındaki güncel tartışmalara değerli içgörüler sağlamaktadır.

Slavery, which has existed since the early periods of human history, entered a new phase when the Portuguese transported enslaved Africans to the American Continent. Although Britain did not initiate the transatlantic slave trade it realized the wealth that this trade brought and increased its share in the slave trade in parallel with the expansion of its empire. At this point, Britain, which had led the slave trade for a long time, made a change based on realism in her policy by passing the Slave Trade Act of 1807 and the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. Thus, this attitude of Britain, which demonstrated its will to eliminate the slave trade and slavery, was important in ending the slave trade and slavery globally. The article aims to reveal the reasons for this change of attitude in terms of Britain's interests and to justify the claim that the empire relatively maintained the benefits it gained from slavery behind the image it created. To justify this claim, a holistic approach was followed regarding Britain's involvement in the slave trade and slavery system, and the issue was discussed in accordance with the chronology. In addition, Britain's relations with Spain, Portugal, France, the United States of America (USA), and Brazil, which were prominent in the slave trade, were discussed and the subject was analyzed in its reality, using the sources of that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the communication channels used by African Muslim pilgrims with other countries during their pilgrimage and the scholarly progressions achieved in Africa through this communication. The pilgrimage to holy sites known as Hajj has been a consistent and significant act of worship in Islamic history due to the desire of Muslims from various regions to visit these sites. African Muslims have played a prominent role in spreading pilgrimage routes across a wide expanse of Africa. When transportation was less advanced than it is today, journeys of pilgrimage were time-consuming. On their journey to and from Hejaz, the pilgrims traversed a variety of regions. Prospective pilgrims would engage in knowledge sharing during their journey by joining the circles of learning in the centers they visited. Numerous educational institutions existed in Hejaz and Egypt to cater to African pilgrims. Individuals on pilgrimage from various regions of Africa journeyed to Cairo to take part in cultural and scholarly events. The Al-Azhar Madrasah in Cairo was one of the most significant institutions among them. Al-Azhar had designated areas named “porticoes” for pilgrims from diverse regions to stay. In addition to their pilgrimage, the pilgrims took part in educational endeavors and contributed to the dissemination of knowledge by transporting books to various regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A patient satisfaction survey was conducted between June and August 2020 at the Niger-Turkey Friendship Hospital, in Niamey, capital city of Niger. Outpatient and inpatient services satisfaction surveys implemented by the Turkish Ministry of Health in the quality management processes of hospitals were used. Cron-bach Alpha values to test the validity and reliability of the surveys, were calculated as 76.3% and 73.8% (>70) for outpatient and inpatient surveys respectively. The significance level was evaluated as p<0.05. For the outpatient surveys, the average satisfaction score of "hospital health services" is 17.7±3.45, "hospital cleaning services" is 4.24±0.60, "general opinion about Turkey" is 6. 06±1.52 and "total" is 28.05±4.53. For the inpatient surveys, the average satisfaction score of "room services" is 3.57±1.03, "food services" is 5.78±1.57, "hospital health services" is 14.91±4.11, "general opinion about Turkey" is 6.10±1.60 and "total" is 30.36±5.98. Statistically significant differences were calculated as 0.035 and 0.013 using "Independent Student-t" test in the "hospital health services satisfaction" and "total satisfaction" sub-dimensions of the participants according to their education levels (p <0.05). It was concluded that those with higher education levels had higher "hospital health service" and "total" satisfaction scores than those with lower education levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa, which until the eighteenth century oscillated between myth and reality in the eyes of Europeans, became the subject of modern research after it came under the influence of colonialism. Nubia, which was the subject of conflict between Egypt and Sudan after its conquest by Mehmet Ali Pasha in 1841, also became a subject of colonial curiosity. By focusing on the observations of Swiss traveler John Lewis Burckhardt (1784-1817), this study examines the socioeconomic and cultural history of Nubia, which has not been addressed adequately in Turkish historiography. Burckhardt's travels to Bilad al-Sham, Egypt, Nubia, and Arabia between 1809 and 1816 on behalf of the African Association and the notes he kept during those travels constitute the main material of this study. Furthermore, this paper analyzes Burckhardt's Travels in Nubia (1819), a compilation of his journals and letters, to evaluate his anthropological observations of nineteenth-century Nubia. This article also examines the curiosity and desire for exploration that motivated a European traveler to embark on a challenging journey of discovery in Africa and the role of the African Association in his voyage to the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, which had a narrow foreign policy towards the Western World during the Cold War, ignored many regions. In this context, the African continent stands out as a region that is kept in the background by Turkey. However, as a result of the changing international system with the end of the Cold War, Turkey revised its foreign policy and began to operate with a multidimensional system. With this new understanding of foreign policy, previously relegated African continent has also become a priority. This study, which is based on the assumption that presence in different geographies can be achieved through the understanding of humanitarian diplomacy rather than the practices such as war or economic embargo, examines Turkey's humanitarian aid activities towards Africa. The study also discusses Turkey's activities towards Africa within the concept of soft power and concludes that these activities are carried out through public diplomacy and non-governmental organizations. These aid activities are evaluated on the basis of constructivism focusing on the concepts such as identity and culture, and inferences are made. In addition, the study assumes that the aid activities undertaken will have a positive impact on Turkey's image in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Duzce University Institute of Social Sciences / Düzce Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Duzce University Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines Russia’s foreign policy tools in Africa and analyses the Russian sphere of influence on the continental countries. In this context, it is discussed that Russia has exploited the foreign policy legacy left by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in coordination with its intervention tools and has gradually increased its engagements in the continent. The abandonment of the Cold War strategy of leading the Communist parties and movements outside its borders paved the way for a period in which Russia prioritized state interests and redesigned its African policy accordingly. The article aims to analyse the hybrid intervention approach that brings together the soft and hard power elements of Russia increasing its interaction with the African countries to which it has given a different economic, political, and cultural importance due to the Ukraine war. In this direction, it is claimed that the hybrid model, which encompasses election interference, media and communication studies, trade relations, disinformation activities, and covert paramilitary formations, basically centres on Pan-Africanism, anti-Western approach, and economic expansionism. The study uses the literature review method. In terms of examining the effects of the economic, political, and security-based consequences of the Ukraine War on Russia’s tendencies and policies towards Africa, the study differs from the existing literature and provides a comprehensive framework for the perception of Russia in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kastamonu University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences Faculty / Kastamonu Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Kastamonu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi is the property of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi is the property of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Arapça, Afrika kıtasında İslâm’ın on üçüncü asırdan on dokuzuncu asra kadar geçen süre zarfında yayılması neticesinde ortaya çıkmıştır. Müslümanlar kıtada yaşayanlar arasında İslâm’ı yayarak farklı alanlara dağılmışlardır. Kıtada yer alan Nijerya’da Arapça, İslam ile pek çok merhale geçirmiş ve zaman içerisinde ülkenin uleması da İslâmî ilimlerin yanında Arap edebiyatı konusunda da bilgi sahibi olmuşlardır. Özellikle Nijerya’nın Sokoto şehri, sosyal duruma yönelik emel ve ümitlerini yorumlayan meşhur şairlerle doluydu. Bu şairler inançlarına muhalif sosyal hayatı hem tenkit etmişler ve hem de toplumu ıslaha çağırmanın yanında hem sosyal çürümeye yönelik savaş açmışlar ve hem de toplumda baskın olan hayata karşı mücadele vermişlerdir. Bu husustaki düşüncelerini ise şiirlerle açıklamaya çalışmışlardır. Nijerya’nın önde gelen şairlerden Vezîr Cüneyd, Sokoto’da dünyaya gelmiş, çocukluğundan itibaren pek çok avantaja sahip bir şekilde yetişmiş, ilim yolunda ortaya koyduğu bütün bu çaba ve gayretin sonucunda geniş bir kültür elde etmiş, idrak ve kabiliyeti genişlemiştir. Sarf, aruz, belâgat ilimlerinde uzmanlaşmış ve Arap edebiyatında kasideler yazarak yeteneğini ortaya koymuştur. Şiirine sosyal meseleler yanında din, mersiye ve medih gibi şiir sanatı hâkim olmuştur. Doğaçlama şiir söyleyebilen, gördüğü ve aklına gelen bir şeyi niteleyebilendir. İstenilen manaya işaret eden lafızları seçme yeteneği şiire güzellik katmıştır. Beyitlerde kullandığı lafızların çoğu akıcı, kulağa hoş gelen harflerden olmuştur. Anlama uygun lafızların seçiminde çok hassas davranmış ve ağır gelen lafızlara yer vermemiştir.

Sudan, one of the largest countries in Africa, gained its independence in 1956 after the British colonial period. After the independence, it experienced unstable periods, civil wars and conflicts with both the problems from the colonial period and political conflicts, ethnic (Arab-African) and socio-cultural (religion, regional nationalism and tribalism) problems. Many people died or were harmed as a result of the civil war between the North (government forces) and the South (Sudan People's Freedom Movement etc.) and the conflicts in Darfur. This process in Sudan led the UN and other international organizations to take an interest in Sudan, and with the Comprehensive Peace Treaty signed in 2005, South Sudan gained its independence with a referendum held in 2011. However, this referendum process was not so easy. In Sudan, the UN made intense efforts to ensure international peace and security with the decisions it took after 2000 and the missions it created. In order to prevent conflicts, deaths and humanitarian crises between the North and the South, many decisions were taken in the Security Council, UNAMIS and UNMIS missions were established, and special representatives were appointed. Despite these measures, including peace processes, administrative measures, security measures and humanitarian aid, the structure of Sudan could not be preserved, and the country was divided into two with a referendum held in 2011. In this article, in which the United Nations (UN) mission in Sudan will be discussed in detail, it is hypothesized that the UN's efforts to ensure international peace and security in Sudan failed, and as a result, Sudan was divided into two in 2011. is being driven. In the study, the process of ensuring international security and peace in Sudan is discussed with its historical, legal, socio-cultural and security dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Economic & Social Research / ESAM Ekonomik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi is the property of Ekonomik ve Sosyal Arastirmalar Merkezi (Journal of Economic & Social Research) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Burdur Theology Journal / Burdur İlahiyat Dergisi is the property of Burdur Mehmet Akif Ersoy Universitesi lahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İçerisinde bulunduğumuz 21. yüzyıl, 2000'li yılların başında dönemin Güney Afrika Devlet Başkanı Thabo Mbeki tarafından "Afrika Yüzyılı" olarak tanımlamıştır. Afrika’nın 21. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren uluslararası sistem içerisinde daha etkin rol oynaması ve küresel sahnede ağırlığı giderek artan bir aktör olması beklenmektedir. Küresel aktörlerin Afrika’da yer alması, bölgesel güçlerin de Afrika üzerinde siyaset geliştirmelerine zemin hazırlamıştır. Bu bağlamda bölgesel bir güç olan İran’ın Afrika özelinde de Kuzey Afrika’daki faaliyetleri özellikle de Şiileştirme siyaseti diğer rakiplerine göre daha dikkat çekici bir şekilde ilerlemektedir. Pers İmparatorluğu’ndan miras alınan Farsi bakış açısının yanı sıra Şiilik, günümüz İran’ının jeopolitik ve jeokültürel eğitimlerini önemli derecede etkilemiş ve etkilemeye devam etmektedir. Siyasallaşmasıyla birlikte Şiilik, İran’ın milli kimliğinin oluşturulmasında ve korunmasında önemli rol oynayan faktörlerden biri belki de en önemlisi haline gelmiştir. Bu bağlamda etrafındaki diğer medeniyetlerden farklı sosyo-kültürel bir sistem oluşturan İran Şiiliği, Şah İsmail döneminden itibaren Fars milliyetçiliği ile iç içe geçerek günümüz İran’ının güvenlik ve dış politikası üzerindeki temel belirleyici haline gelmiştir. Bu bağlamda bu makalede İran’ın Kuzey Afrika’da Fas, Tunus ve Cezayir’deki dini diplomasi ve Şiileştirme faaliyetleri ele alınacaktır

Death, which is accepted as the last of the transition periods, is an inevitable end for all humanity. The fear of death has led to the emergence of various beliefs and rituals about death in societies. According to African local beliefs, life expectancy does not end with death. On the contrary, life continues in another realm. On the other hand, although death is a feared event, it is accepted as the beginning of communication between visible and invisible beings. The concepts of life and death are interrelated and even complementary. Although the majority of African local beliefs accept death as part of the life cycle, they agree that death has a connection with supernatural forces. In African local beliefs, care is taken to carry out funeral ceremonies in accordance with the rules. Although there are different practices in funeral ceremonies in African communities, it has been determined that similar customs are also observed. In this study, the beliefs and rituals of many communities in Africa about death will be examined. The article data obtained by the literature review were written using the descriptive method of the History of Religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Eskişehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology is the property of Journal of Eskisehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Chinese political and economic gains in Africa have been increasing at an alarming rate. Despite the fact that some of these have been favourable, China's presence in Africa has received considerable criticism. African states have similarly responded to this Chinese trend with most of them enjoying Chinese support ranging from economic development to political involvements. These however are mostly embraced by the so-called undemocratic states. China has a core direction on how they carry out their relations with any foreign nation. This paper aims at explaining these policies and see how effective they have been for the parties involved. The article is supported by qualitative data accessed from scholarly writings, the government publishes, articles, and also from web pages. Because the subject is broad in scope, a range of challenges was encountered relating to the authenticity of the sources. Similarly, the topic is rich in content; some parts of the coexistence of the relations shared by these two regions have been left out. Much emphasis has been directed toward economic relations without leaving out the social and political aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it has been tried to reveal how the cultural heritage which is in danger in post-colonial African countries disappeared and the state of the education system in these countries. It has been tried to express that the colonized African countries could not fully seize their sovereignty after the second world war. Colonial activities that started with the industrial revolution form the basis of the poverty that the African continent is in today. It is seen that these countries, which are governed by appointment, are far from living a culture belonging to their own country and the continent. One of the main reasons for this is that they do not use their own language, and that they stay away from their roots by accepting Western languages such as French or English imposed on them by the dominant societies as official languages. It is seen that the colonial culture created by force still continues in the main countries of Africa, and the colonial activities are still continuing by transforming into a new form. It has been seen that the Western-style education thought to be brought to the country by the colonial countries was used to make the peoples of the continent better slaves, rather than to develop the peoples of the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Yearbook of International Relations is the property of Ankara Universitesi, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Public Management Journal (SPMJ) is the property of Strategic Public Management Journal (SPMJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Burdur Mehmet Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Burdur Mehmet Akif Ersoy Universitesi lahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışmada Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin Afrika politikası, Soğuk Savaş dönemi ve sonrası olmak üzere ikiye ayrılarak incelenmiştir. İki kutuplu dünyada Sovyetler Birliği ve komünist ideolojiyle girişilen rekabette Afrika, Amerikan dış politikasında daha çok rakibine kaptırılmaması gereken bir coğrafya olarak görülmüştür. Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılmasıyla uluslararası sistemin yegâne gücü haline gelen ABD’nin Afrika'ya ilgisinin Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemin ilk yıllarında azaldığı gözlemlenmektedir. Ancak yirmi birinci yüzyılın hemen başında ülkesinde gerçekleşen terör saldırılarından sonra, kıtada keşfedilmeye başlanan enerji rezervleri ve Çin başta olmak üzere Avrupa Birliği, Hindistan, Japonya ve Rusya gibi büyük güçlerin Afrika’ya yönelik olarak artan ilgilerinin de etkisiyle ABD, Bush döneminde Afrika’da askeri varlığını arttırma yoluna giderek sadece kıtadan sorumlu ayrı bir komutanlık kurmuş ve kıta ülkelerinin en başta gelen ticari partneri olmuştur. Daha sonra iktidara gelen başkanlarla birlikte Bush dönemine kıyasla Afrika’ya olan ilgi azalmıştır. Obama ve Trump dönemlerinde ABD’nin, Afrika’nın en önemli ticari partneri olma vasfını Çin ve AB’ye kaptırdığı görülmektedir. Dolayısıyla 2001-2008 yıllarında Amerikan dış politikasında önemli bir konuma yükselen Afrika’nın izleyen yıllarda bu öneminin azaldığı görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada 2008 ekonomik krizinin ve ABD’nin enerjide dışa bağımlılığını azaltma isteğinin ABD’nin Afrika politikasında nasıl bir değişiklik yarattığı üzerinde durulacaktır. Çin’in giderek artan Afrika ilgisiyle beraber kıtanın büyük güçlerin rekabet alanı haline gelmiş olması ele alınacaktır.

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For Christians, one of the prominent features of Jesus, besides being the Son of God, is his healing miracles. Reviving the dead, exorcising demons, healing lepers, the paralyzed, the deaf, and the blind are some of the healing miracles that Jesus showed. The miracle of healing has survived to the present day through the apostles and saints after Jesus. Although the Reformed Churches rejected the healing, it was brought back to the agenda by certain groups and names in the 18th and 19th centuries and even became an indispensable element for Pentecostal Churches and African Independent Churches. Especially today, healing stands out as a distinctive feature for many churches established in Africa. Besides the effect of the healing on the missionary activities and the emphasis on the theology of these churches established under the African Independent Churches, some of them were named as healing churches. In this article, after revealing the nature of healing in African Traditional Religions and Mainstream Christianity, the meaning and importance of healing in African Christianity and its unique structure different from other Christian groups are mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 2000s, the 21st century, which we are living in, has been defined as the “African Century” by Thabo Mbeki, the President of South Africa. By the second half of the 21st century, Africa is expected to play a more active role in the international system and become an increasingly important actor on the global stage. The presence of global actors in Africa paved the way for regional powers to develop policies on Africa. In this context, the activities of Iran, a regional power, in Africa and foremost in North Africa particularly regarding its policy of Shi’ization, are progressing in a more assertive way than its rivals. Alongside the Persian worldview inherited from the Persian Empire, Shi'ism has significantly influenced and continues to influence the geopolitical and geo-cultural tendencies of contemporary Iran. With its politicization, Shiism has become one of the most important factors that play an important role in the creation and preservation of Iran's national identity. In this context, Iranian Shiism, which creates a different socio-cultural system vis-à-vis other neighboring civilizations, has been intertwined with Persian nationalism since the reign of Shah Ismail. It has become the main determinant of security and foreign policy in today’s Iran. In this vein, this study examines Iran's religious diplomacy and Shi’ization activities in Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. Understanding Iran and Iranian foreign policy, is an endeavor that goes beyond the discipline of International Relations. In other words, it is not possible to fully analyze Iran's social, political, cultural, economic, religious, sectarian structures by merely relying on the discipline and theories of international relations. Therefore, this study combines the history of Islamic sects and the international relations discipline in an interdisciplinary way, and so examines the effects of Shiism on Iran's foreign policy in the context of religious diplomacy, its ramifications in Africa, especially in Morocco-Tunisia-Algeria, by using open-source data and the developments in the region as case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tetkik is the property of Oku Okut Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Afrika kırsalında ulaşım neredeyse tamamen yürüyerek gerçekleştirilmektedir. Yürümek, sağlık açısından faydalı olsa da eğitim, sağlık ve ekonomi açılarından bakıldığında taşıt araçlarından yoksunluğun ortaya çıkardığı önemli kısıtlar bulunmaktadır. Bu kısıtları bir nebze de olsa rahatlatabilmek amacıyla Re-Cycle ve VelAfrica çürümeye terkedilmiş bisikletleri Afrika’ya ulaştırarak CooP ve World Bicycle Relief ise topladıkları bağışlarla satın aldıkları bisikletleri Afrika’ya ulaştırarak hayatlara dokunmaktadırlar. Anılan sosyal girişimleri kısaca tanıtarak Afrika’da hayatların nasıl dönüştürüldüğünü göstermeyi hedefleyen bu keşfedici nitelikteki vak’a çalışması bu anlamda ülkemizdeki ilk çalışmalardan olmaya adaydır.

Africa has been an important region of Great Power competition for centuries. The continent maintains this feature in the 21st century as well. The increasing influence of China in Africa in the recent period has led to the start of the Washington-Beijing competition on the continent. The competition between China and the US in Africa, which has been increasing in recent years, plays an important role in the course of the global competition of these two Great Powers. In addition, considering the potential that Africa has, it is possible to say that the effect of the course of this competition on the continent on the global competition will be greater in the future. For this reason, in this study, it is aimed to analyze the competition between the two countries in Africa. In this regard, China's growing influence in Africa in the 21st century and the US policies towards it are examined in this study. Beijing's growing influence in Africa is largely based on its economic relations with the continent. The rapidly growing trade volume, increasing investments, aids and debts turned China into one of the most influential actors on the continent. In addition, the steps taken by Beijing to develop its security relations with Africa and increase its military presence in the continent in recent years had a significant effect on the course of competition. In this regard, Beijing's influence in Africa has been considered a serious threat to American interests, especially since the Obama era. However, complaints by the US about China's presence in Africa remained largely at the level of discourse, and therefore serious results could not be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Black Sea / Karadeniz is the property of Black Sea / Karadeniz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Kitap, ‘Afrika talanı’ denen sürece Osmanlı Devleti’nin katılımını ve imparatorluğun bu bağlamdaki etkinliklerinin Afrika ve Arabistan’daki güney sınırlarında yürüttüğü emperyalizm uygulamalarına etkilerini ele almaktadır. 1884-85 Berlin Konferansı’nda Osmanlı Devleti’nin de bir emperyal güç olarak yerini aldığı ve Afrika’nın paylaşılmasında söz sahibi olma konusunda istekli olduğu belirtilmektedir. Genel söylemin aksine, imparatorluğun, 19. yüzyıl emperyalizminin bir mağduru değil, daha çok aktörü olduğu vurgulanmaktadır.

Haçlı Seferleri Avrupa tarihinin en önemli dönüm noktalarından biri olmuştur. Zira VIII. asırdan itibaren İslam fetihlerine maruz kalan Batı Hıristiyan dünyası bu seferler sayesinde yeni diyarlarla tanışmış ve zihinlerde hayal edilen Doğu’nun gerçekliklerini görmeye başlamışlardır. Haçlılar bu süreçte İslam diyarlarında türlü Latin devletler kurmuşlar, ancak hiçbir zaman kalıcı olamamışlardır. Gerçi, dönemin lüks mallarının nereden geldiklerini yine bu dönemde daha yakından öğrenebilmişlerdi. Bu zenginliklere ulaşma arzusu bazı münferit Avrupalıları alternatif yollar bulmaya sevk etmiştir. Örneğin, XIII. asırdan itibaren Afrika’yı Atlantik’ten dolaşma teşebbüslerine şahit olundu. Ne var ki, bu teşebbüslerin hiçbiri amacına ulaşamadı. XV. asrın ikinci çeyreğinde ise oldukça sıradışı bir hadise yaşandı. Prens Henrique’nin teşebbüsleriyle Portekizliler Bojador Burnu’na ulaştılar. Bu çalışmada Avrupalıların zihinlerinde geçilemez diye bilinen bu burnun geçilmesi ve ardından gelen maddî kazanımları güvence altına almak için Prens Henrique’nin kraliyetten talep ettiği 22 Ekim 1443 tarihli bağış mektubu ele alınacaktır.

Bu çalışmada, ABD’nin Donald Trump dönemindeki Afrika politikası değerlendirilmektedir. Çalışmanın arka planını, Trump’ın eski Ulusal Güvenlik Danışmanı John Bolton’ın 2018 yılının sonunda Heritage Foundation’da açıkladığı “Afrika Stratejisi” oluşturmaktadır. Bu kapsamda, söz konusu stratejide ortaya konulan “ticaretin arttırılması, dış yardımlarda seçici davranılması, terörle etkili bir şekilde mücadele edilmesi ve Çin gibi rakip aktörlerin dengelenmesi” hedeflerinin başarılı olup olmadığı sorgulanmaktadır. Çalışma boyunca, Trump yönetiminin Afrika politikası selefleri George W. Bush ve H. Barack Obama yönetimleriyle ve kıtadaki en nüfuzlu dış aktörlerden biri olan Çin’le kıyaslanmaktadır. Çalışmada varılan nihai nokta, ABD’nin Donald Trump döneminde ilan edilen Afrika stratejisindeki hedeflerinin bir kısmına göreceli olarak ulaşılsa da, genel anlamda arzu edilen başarının yakalanamadığıdır.

Although the absolute sovereignty of Great Britain over Sudan started with the 1899 Treaty, the struggle for influence over Sudan dates back to the 1881 Mahdi discourse of Muhammad Ahmed. The implementation of the British policies on Sudan began with the occupation of Egypt in 1882. The United Kingdom’s then southward expansion policy across Egypt became possible after nearly 20 years of conflict against the Mahdi of Sudan, Mohammed Ahmed. After the withdrawal of the Anglo-Egyptian military force (with great losses), the UK attempted its the second invasion during the Dongola Campaign of March 1896. The Anglo-Egyptian military carried out their assault against the Caliph Abdullah (the successor of Muhammad Ahmed). In January 1899, this resulted in official birth of Sudan with the Condominium Agreement. This treaty was signed between Britain, Egypt, and Sudan on January 19, 1899, and it handed over the sovereignty of Sudan to the joint administration of Britain and Egypt. The treaty consisted of 12 articles, some of which caused heated discussions between the British and Egyptian administration in the following years. Although Lord Cromer (the British Ambassador to Cairo) helped draw up these articles, the British Government itself drew up the vast majority of the treaty. This study will examine the transition process to the Condominium, the unique administration of that period, and the Treaty of 1899. In doing so, we will be better able to understand the what British-Sudan – in 20th century – was like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the scientific movements that emerged in Europe with the conviction that knowledge can be obtained with measurable methods and social life can be organized with correct knowledge, contributed to bring to light the secrets of nature, the earth, man and his environment. On the other hand, the efforts to dominate nature with this knowledge and to develop the resources it offers, have contributed directly or indirectly to colonization by providing a kind of legitimation. Although the scientific advances observed in the natural and human sciences were initially aimed at naming and classifying the living species in nature and on earth, they later turned to the classification and hierarchization of these species. Later a new theory of race emerged with the introduction of the positivist movement and the development of biology and sociology. According to this theory, societies were hierarchically divided into superior and inferior races where the firsts have rights and duties towards the seconds. By arguing that the African race would be inferior in terms of civilization, this theory and consequently these scientific advances have legally and politically legitimized colonial ideology over time. Thus, the colonization of the African continent in the name of civilization began in the late 19th century. In this paper we will examine how scientific advances in the 18th and 19th centuries served European colonialism through a macro historical perspective, by using and referring mainly to ancient and recent French sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]