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The article is devoted to highlighting the current aspects of the legislative regulation of the referendum as an important form of direct people’s power, which is of decisive importance for modern Ukrainian constitutionalism, determines the directions of development of our society and the state, and is also designed to ensure the free expression of will of all citizens in a wide range of issues. The modern world is filled with slogans of many states about “which of them is more democratic and where freedom of expression of will is greater”. One of the manifestations of the presence of the above in the countries is the achieved level of people’s power in the country, that is, the extent to which the existing procedures for expressing the will and exercising the will of the people affect the management of public and state affairs. The formation of a civil society and the development of a legal state involve the transformation of the people from the object of state administration to the main subject of power, which necessitates the development and improvement of all forms of people’s government, which means the broad and active participation of citizens in the management of the affairs of the state and society. Along with this, those institutions of democracy that allow the people to directly solve the most important problems of social and state life are of priority. In Ukraine, the recognition of the people in the Constitution as the bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power, as well as the establishment of the ability to exercise power by the people directly and through state and local authorities, became a serious step in the creation of a democratic and legal state.Referendum is an important form of direct people’s power, which consists in the voting of voters, as a result of which decisions are made on issues of a state or self-governing nature. Considering the importance of this issue, there were many laws in the Ukrainian legislation that were supposed to regulate all issues related to the referendum, such as: the concept of a referendum, the procedure for its holding and the onset of legal responsibility for violating the legislation on the referendum. However, over time, all these laws were repeatedly changed in connection with the discovery of so-called “pitfalls” in them, including: the inconsistency of some norms of the constitution, the lack of regulation of some issues, etc., Стаття присвячена висвітленню актуальних аспектів законодавчого регулювання референдуму, як важливої форми безпосереднього народовладдя, що має визначальне значення для сучасного українського конституціоналізму, визначає напрями розвитку нашого суспільства та держави, а також покликаний забезпечувати вільне волевиявлення всіх громадян у широкому спектрі питань. Сучасний світ наповнений гаслами багатьох держав про те – «хто з них більш демократичний і де свобода волевиявлення більша». Одним із проявів наявності у країнах вищезазначеного є досягнутий рівень народовладдя у країні, тобто те, наскільки реально існуючі процедури волевиявлення та здійснення волі народу впливають на управління суспільними та державними справами. Становлення громадянського суспільства та розбудова правової держави передбачають перетворення народу з об’єкта державного управління на головного суб’єкта влади, що зумовлює необхідність розвитку й удосконалення всіх форм народовладдя, під яким розуміється широка й активна участь громадян в управлінні справами держави та суспільства. Поряд із цим пріоритетними є саме ті інститути демократії, які дозволяють народу безпосередньо вирішувати найважливіші проблеми суспільного та державного життя. В Україні визнання у Конституції народу носієм суверенітету та єдиним джерелом влади, а також закріплення можливості здійснювати владу народом безпосередньо та через органи державної і місцевої влади стало серйозним кроком у створенні демократичної та правової держави.Референдум є важливою формою безпосереднього народовладдя, яка полягає в голосуванні виборців й у результаті якого приймаються рішення з питань державного чи самоврядного характеру. Дивлячись на важливість цього питання, в українському законодавстві існувало багато законів, які повинні були регулювати всі питання, що стосуються референдуму, такі як: поняття референдуму, процедура його проведення та настання юридичної відповідальності за порушення законодавства про референдум. Проте, з плином часу всі ці закони неодноразово змінювалися у зв’язку з виявленням у них, так званих, «підводних каменів», серед яких: невідповідність деяких норм конституції, не закріпленість регулювання деяких питань тощо.

The interaction of national parliaments in the international arena requires information support, which is provided not only by international parliamentary organizations and associations, but also by creating special web platforms that contain a variety of information about the activities, problems and prospects of parliaments and determine the general trends in the development of the institution of parliamentarism. The article describes the AGORA web portal, which positions itself as a "leading global platform for knowledge about parliamentary development." Its aim is to centralize and share knowledge on the development of parliamentarism, as well as to develop and demonstrate high-quality resources to support parliaments and provide relevant information to politicians and academic circles. In November 2020, a new modernized version of AGORA was launched, which includes three areas: 1) accumulation and exchange of knowledge in the field of parliamentarism, 2) coordination of exchange of experience and development of recommendations on best practices in parliamentary activities, 3) development and implementation of e-learning courses for parliamentarians and parliamentary staff on various issues (climate, gender, budgets, interaction with civil society). The most interesting and innovative materials of AGORA are analyzed, special emphasis is placed on the problems of development of modern Ukrainian parliamentarism and specific activities of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The facts presented in the article show that the international web portal AGORA is an authoritative factor in shaping the views of the international community on the processes and events of modern parliamentary development. The use of his publications will contribute to a clearer understanding and adequate assessment of the state of affairs in the field of representative democracy and the exercise of democracy., Взаємодія національних парламентів на міжнародній арені потребує інформаційного забезпечення, яке надається не тільки по лінії міжнародних парламентських організацій і об’єднань, але і шляхом створення спеціальних веб-платформ, які містять різноманітну інформацію про діяльність, проблеми та перспективи розвитку парламентів країн світу і визначають загальні тенденції розвитку інституту парламентаризму. У статті наведена характеристика веб-порталу AGORA, який позиціанує себе в якості «лідируючої глобальної платформи знань про парламентський розвиток». Його мета полягає у централізації і обміну знаннями про розвиток парламентаризму, а також розробці і демонстрації високоякісних ресурсів для підтримки парламентів і наданні відповідної інформації для політиків і академічних кіл. У листопаді 2020 року була запущена нова модернізована версія AGORA, яка включає три напрямки: 1) накопичення та обмін знаннями в сфері парламентаризму, 2) координація обміну досвідом і вироблення рекомендацій щодо кращих практик в сфері парламентської діяльності, 3) розробка та проведення електронних учбових курсів для парламентарів та парламентського персоналу з різноманітних проблем (клімат, гендерні питання, бюджети, взаємодія з громадянським суспільством). Аналізуються найбільш цікаві і інноваційні матеріали AGORA, особливий акцент зроблений на висвітлені проблем розвику сучасного українського парламентаризму та конкретної діяльності Верховної Ради України. Наведені у статті факти свідчать, що міжнародний веб-портал AGORA є авторитетним чинником для формування уявлень міжнародної спільноти про процеси і події сучасного парламентського розвитку. Використання його публікацій сприятиме більш чіткому розумінню і адекватній оцінці стану справ в сфері представницької демократії і здійснення народовладдя.

Problem setting.National identity is a multidimensional, complex phenomenon in which political and cultural (ethnic) factors combine and interact in some way.The question of their relationship, interaction and share in the formation of national communities has been the subject of long-standing debate.In Ukraine in a wide publicspacethe ethnic paradigm of the nation dominates, according to which the phenomenon of the nation is maximally identified with the ethnos politically organized in its state.In academic circles, there is a much more complex vision of the essence of the nation.However, in the context of the problem of further development of Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation of Ukrainians, many authors focus primarily on the importance of the cultural factor.But, the importance of political factors of national consolidation is markedly underestimated.In particular, the question of the role of institutions of representative democracy and democratic political culture in the process of strengthening the current Ukrainian national identity, the difficulties and opportunities associated with them, is on the margins.Recent research and publications analysis. In Ukraine, awide range of different aspects of the formation of modern Ukrainian national identity has been the subject of coverage in the monographs of M. Stepyko, M. Rozumny, articles by N. Pidberezhnyk, D. Kravchenko, O.Shaparenko, and other researchers.In the context of the analysis of the problem of national consolidation of Ukraine, A. Kolodiy presented her vision of the essence of the phenomenon of nation and national identity.In the collective monograph of scientists of the Institute of State and Law named afterV. Koretsky presents an analysis of the specifics of the identity of the population of certain regions of Ukraine, proposals for effective mechanisms for its integration into the Ukrainian common national identity.Distinctive narratives of national identity that exist in Ukraine have been the subject of research by American political scientist K. Korostelina.British / Ukrainian researcher T. Kuzio addressed the problem of the interaction of different identity options and democratization processes in Ukraine in the post-Soviet period.In their reflections, these authors offered, in particular, the different visions of the share of political, ethnic and cultural components of national identity, the dynamics of their interaction in the process of national formation of modern Ukraine.Ofparticular note are the publications of Yu. Ruban, who pointed out, also in the Ukrainian context, the close interdependence between democratic institutions and national identity.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The relationship between the processes of formation of modern Ukrainian national identity and democratic values as its important and necessary component, democratic institutions, in particular, electoral and potential ways of national consolidation of Ukrainian citizens, needs to be studied in more detail.Thepurpose of thearticle is to determine the place and role of institutions of representative democracy in the processes of formation of Ukrainian national identity, in particular, taking into account current political changes, identifying related challenges and opportunities.Paper main body. For almost three decades of Ukraine’s independent state existence, its political development has taken place within the framework of democratic political institutions and has been carried out through the mechanisms of representative democracy.In the process of state/national development of Ukraine, the formation of its current national identity, the basic institutional components of democratic political procedures have proved to be a mandatory and permanent factor.In the process of interaction between the government and society, its starting point is the legitimation of power in the eyes of citizens.Citizens’ perception of state power as legitimate appears to be in some way connected with the process of asserting national identity in its political dimension.It is democratic procedures in a pluralistic society that become the basis of the legitimacy of power.The central element of the democratic legitimization of power and one of the most important components of communication between government and society is elections, which in this aspect are essentially a factor in the formation of national identity.In the course of the electoral process, numerous group and individual identities that exist in society, in a certain way, manifest themselves in public space, in open and defined by certain rules rivalry with others.The common national idea / ideology and democratic principles of political coexistence are interrelated factors, because the formation of a common identity through dialogue, through the integration of human rights, political and civil liberties into the whole multidimensional construction of national identity can be a factor in consolidating society.Encouraging the integration of linguistic, ethnic and other minorities into the social and political space of a single state on the basis of interculturalism will thus contribute to the formation of a common civic identity in people with different (but at the same time in no way isolated from each other) cultural identities.Citizens’ perceptions of the state as an institution that takes into account their interests and values, a greater level of civic participation in decision-making and implementation will ultimately mean greater efficiency of democratic governance, thus contributing to socio-economic progress and stability of the entire socio-political system.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The task of forming an image of national identity capable of integrating around itself, around the Ukrainian core, the achievements and values of various ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities, politically united by the borders of the Ukrainian state, remains relevant.In this context, democratic institutionsand values,forming the basis for constructive public articulation of different points of view and interests, have the potential to promote more effective government and intergroup communication, reduce conflict in society, feelings of alienation between government and certain groups.Further prospects for research in this area are a more detailed analysis of the relationship between the democratic mechanisms of public communication and the peculiarities of the formation of the current Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation. In particular, in this context, the appropriate influence of the specifics of electoral procedures and processes, different forms of government needs to be considered separately., Показано, що у процесі взаємодії між владою та суспільством його вихідним моментом є легітимація влади в очах громадян. Зазначено, що демократичні процедури у плюралістичному суспільстві стають базисом легітимності влади. Зауважено, що центральним елементом демократичної легітимації влади та однією з найважливіших складових комунікації влади і суспільства є вибори. Вказано, що у ході електорального процесу численні групові та індивідуальні ідентичності, що існують у суспільстві, у певний спосіб артикулюють себе в публічному просторі, у відкритому та визначеному певними правилами суперництві з іншими. Зазначено, що така артикуляція стає однією з передумов для формування загальнонаціональної ідентичності громадян держави. Доведено, що спільна національна ідея/ідеологія та демократичні засади політичного співжиття є взаємопов’язаними чинниками, оскільки саме формування спільної ідентичності через діалог, через інтеграцію цінностей прав людини, політичних та громадянських свобод до цілої багатовимірної конструкції національної ідентичності може бути фактором консолідації суспільства.

effective steps to implement the local self-government reform in Ukraine. A special place in the changes to take place is to increase the level of political responsibility of local self-government bodies for their activities. It is important to study the experience of other countries in this area in order to determine approaches to improving the procedures for its provision.The objective is to reveal the experience of Georgia and Kirghizia in defining the political responsibility of representative bodies and elected officials of local self-government in the context of the introduction of the European Charter of Local Self-Government and the current issues in the development of public authority at the local level. It is stated in the study that clear indication of not only the whole list of rights and responsibilities, but also the whole list of any restrictions laid down by his status and effective mechanisms to monitor their compliance is important in the regulation member status of local governments. Such restrictions and prohibitions are stipulated by the need to preserve democracy, which creates opportunities for the development of democracy through various forms of self-restraint. It is important for consideration of political responsibility, ensuring whereof shall be based on identification clarity of all elements of the status of elected officials of local government that is a status of those who represent the interests of a local community, acts and operates for and on behalf of a local community. Application of the European Charter of Local Self-Government approach, with a focus on the issue of the responsibility of local self-government bodies for their activities as an essential feature of the very nature of local self-government is common for these states. Differences in approaches to the model of relations between members of representative bodies of local self-government and voters, which is reflected in the application of a free or imperative mandate, have been revealed. At the same time, it is noted that the application of both a free and imperative mandate has problems in the practical implementation of the procedures of responsibility and does not guarantee constant communication of citizens with deputies of representative bodies of local self-government. This is also confirmed by the experience of the EU countries., В статті розкрито досвід Грузії та Киргизії щодо визначення політичної відповідальності представницьких органів та виборних осіб місцевого самоврядування в контексті запровадження Європейської хартії місцевого самоврядування. Підкреслюється актуальність дослідження політичної відповідальності у вимірі сучасних підходів до розвитку публічної влади на місцевому рівні. Розкрито основні процедури дострокового припинення повноважень, висловлення недовіри членам представницьких органів місцевого самоврядування, виборним особам виконавчих органів місцевого самоврядування. Підтверджено орієнтування законодавства цих держав на фіксування відповідальності органів місцевого самоврядування за свою діяльність як сутнісної риси природи місцевого самоврядування.

In the article are determined the principles of the functioning of government in the post-industrial society. The need to change the principles of interaction between citizens and authorities associated with increasing of the sense of information, the amount and the level of awareness of people. There is an objective need for their active involvement in political processes. This explains the formation of such phenomena as e-government and e-democracy. They are based on the use of modern information and communication technologies in the field of politics. It makes government more transparent, more operational and more mobile. People get more opportunities in the process of discussing the problems of social life, of the initiation of decision-making, of the election of representative bodies and of monitoring their activities. E-government is characterized as e-governance infrastructure that ensures the provision of public services for citizens by means of Internet. Electronic democracy is a wider phenomenon. It is based primarily on active electronic participation of citizens in political processes. For the proper functioning of this system its necessary such following specifications as information presence of authorities, archive documents, mechanisms for the free communication between citizens and authorities, on-line consultation with the public, discussion forums on the activities of the authorities, on-line surveys, opportunities get answers to queries. The system of electronic democracy includes a wide complex of political relations, in particular, full participation of citizens in political processes, discussing various issues of public life and even decision-making. For providing of the effectiveness of e-democracy it is advisable to combine the separate institutions of representative democracy with the principles of direct democracy based on the telecommunications of post-industrial society. The public has the real right to control the actions of the authorities in the permanent on-line regime. These principles of government work provide the proper level of quality, openness, transparency and accessibility of information in the work of authorities, providing feedback principle, thus creating additional opportunities for interaction between citizens and government. The using the principles of e-democracy in practical life creates enough opportunities for citizen participation in social and political processes, including discussion of the problems of society, voting concerning some decisions, election authority bodies, the statement of attitude in relation to their activity and so on. Providing permanent feedback is an important factor of the public presence in politics., У статті розглядаються принципи реалізації влади, взаємодії громадян з органами влади в постіндустріальному суспільстві. Встановлено, що суспільно-політичні процеси повинні здійснюватися на основі сучасних телекомунікаційних механізмів. Такі механізми забезпечують надання адміністративних послуг, безпосередню взаємодію громадян з владою, можливість суспільного контролю її дій і суспільного впливу на ухвалення владних рішень.

The present paper concerns the study of the factors causing trans formation of the established forms of political representation. Based on the analysis of cross-national studies of the dynamics of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of political parties and the level of trust to them and representative bodies, it has been found that, despite high public support for the idea of representative democracy, its actual erosion takes place. Besides, it is accompanied by electoral absenteeism, a confidence decline in centrist parties and their focus on narrower but not wider electoral audience, the destruction of established party systems and the strengthening of the positions of right-wing and left-radical populist political organizations. The main causes of the crisis in the existing mechanisms of political representation are structural changes in social configurations that provided the traditional basis of support for major political parties, the formation of precarious strata because of globalization-technological changes that do not have a clear socio-political identification. Major causes also include the lack of relevant political organizations and the weak response of the «traditional» centrist political forces to the demands of women's representation, the lack of involvement of young people in the party and the representative bodies, and the lack of representation of various social groups. Moreover, all of these groups are becoming even clearer in emphasizing their withdrawal from the state of marginalization. The last but not the least cause is the representative party dysfunctionality in relation to the retranslation of citizens' interests against the background of de-etatisation and the trans-nationalization of policy-making processes.

The present paper concerns the study of the factors causing trans formation of the established forms of political representation. Based on the analysis of cross-national studies of the dynamics of quantitative and qualitative characteristics of political parties and the level of trust to them and representative bodies, it has been found that, despite high public support for the idea of representative democracy, its actual erosion takes place. Besides, it is accompanied by electoral absenteeism, a confidence decline in centrist parties and their focus on narrower but not wider electoral audience, the destruction of established party systems and the strengthening of the positions of right-wing and left-radical populist political organizations. The main causes of the crisis in the existing mechanisms of political representation are structural changes in social configurations that provided the traditional basis of support for major political parties, the formation of precarious strata because of globalization-technological changes that do not have a clear socio-political identification. Major causes also include the lack of relevant political organizations and the weak response of the «traditional» centrist political forces to the demands of women's representation, the lack of involvement of young people in the party and the representative bodies, and the lack of representation of various social groups. Moreover, all of these groups are becoming even clearer in emphasizing their withdrawal from the state of marginalization. The last but not the least cause is the representative party dysfunctionality in relation to the retranslation of citizens' interests against the background of de-etatisation and the trans-nationalization of policy-making processes.

У статті розглядаються принципи функціонування політики в постіндустріальному суспільстві. Встановлено, що суспільно-політичні процеси повинні здійснюватися на основі сучасних телекомунікаційних механізмів. Такі механізми забезпечують безпосередню взаємодію громадян з владою, можливість суспільного контролю її дій і суспільного впливу на ухвалення владних рішень., In article the principles of the functioning of politics in post-industrial society are considered. It is established that social and political processes are realized on the basis of modern telecommunication mechanisms. Such mechanisms provide direct interaction of citizens with the power, possibility of public control of its actions and public influence on adoption of imperious decisions