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The purpose of the study is to develop the main ontological provisions of the developed theory of soft foreign policy power of the state. Achieving this goal involves solving the following tasks: clarifying the content of the concept, classification of forms and corresponding types of social mechanism and arsenals of the main instruments for exercising the foreign policy influence of a sovereign state at the current historical stage of evolution of the social sphere of life; to clarify the content of the concept and classification of forms of the phenomenon of the foreign policy power of the state, as well as adequate mechanisms and instruments to ensure their functioning; clarifying the content of the concept and the mechanism of existence of the phenomenon of the foreign policy power of the state, the classification of forms of the phenomenon, as well as the composition of resources to ensure their existence. The following general scientific methodological tools were used in the study: historical analysis, comparative analysis, the principle of unity of historical and logical, hypothetical and deductive, cause and effect, generalization, and systematization. The developed system of theoretical provisions differs substantially from the relevant provisions of the “soft power” concept. In this regard, it is proposed to define the system of the research results as a “theory of soft foreign policy power of the state”. The concepts of the complex interdependence of states, foreign policy influence of the state, foreign policy power of the state, foreign policy strength of the state, and resources of foreign policy strength of the state are defined as the basic system-forming categories for the development of a developed theory; its structural elements-complex interdependence of states, soft foreign policy power of the state, soft foreign policy influence of the state, soft foreign policy power of the state. Although the developed knowledge system has ontological, epistemological, and axiological features, it should be recognized as incomplete in the praxeological aspect. In particular, the theoretical issues of assessing the level of soft foreign policy power of the state; assessing the scale of implementation, intensity, and effectiveness of the process of soft foreign policy influence of the state; assessing the scale of coverage and point of soft foreign policy power of the state remain unresolved. These issues should be the subject of further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to consider the technologies of influence on the mass consciousness in the conditions of informational hybrid war and to reveal the role of the socio-cultural factor in these processes. The research methodology is based on the application of a set of methods, such as: theoretical generalisation, analysis and synthesis to clarify the essence of technologies influencing mass consciousness. The research also uses structural-functional and systemic methods to study the concept of "soft power" (J. Nye) as a technology of indirect influence on political and social processes, which is based on the use of culture as a tool for achieving goals in the plane of general narratives and social values. The application of the synthesis and cultural method allow to comprehensively consider the given problem and achieve relevant results. The scientific novelty consists in the systematisation and generalisation of the main trends regarding the technologies of influence on mass consciousness in the conditions of the informational hybrid war with an emphasis on the cultural component, in particular mass culture. Conclusions. Modern communication and network technologies have proven to be the most effective and mobile tools of hybrid warfare between warring parties, regardless of the effectiveness of military intervention and modern weapons used by various states. Information warfare, as a multicomponent phenomenon, continues to be actively used as a toolkit of propaganda and manipulative actions aimed at influencing the entire population of the country in a broad sense, as well as active public and political elites with the aim of destabilising the general situation. Moreover, in the process of manipulative and suggestive influences, cultural structures and means are used, capable of broadcasting the corresponding values and narratives. An important tool and technology for influencing public consciousness in the conditions of the information hybrid war is mass culture, which, due to flexible cultural matrices, is able to reach large audiences and act as "soft power". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Joseph S. Nye’s concept of «soft power». About the comprehensive analysis and evaluation of the concept as a system of scientific knowledge, there is every reason to assert that there is no expert evaluation at the level of the second reflection. Therefore, the problem of studying the main provisions of the concept of “soft power” at the theoretical level of scientific knowledge should be considered urgent. The study aims to determine the perfection of methodological support and ontological value of the main theoretical provisions of the concept of “soft power” as a system of scientific knowledge. The achievement of this goal involves solving the following tasks: to analyze the methodological support and the main theoretical provisions of the concept; to assess the level of perfection of the methodological support for the development of the concept; to assess the level of ontological completeness of the main theoretical provisions of the concept as a system of scientific knowledge. The following general scientific methodological tools were used in the study: historical analysis, comparative analysis, categorical analysis, comprehensive analysis, the principle of unity of historical and logical, hypothetical and deductive, cause and effect, generalization, and systematization. The results of the analysis of the main theoretical provisions of the concept of “soft power” made it possible to draw the following conclusions: the concept is characterized by methodological imperfection, ontological incompleteness, terminological uncertainty, and a compilation unsystematized architectonic structure of the content presentation, which causes ambiguity in the perception of its fundamental theoretical provisions; in their totality, the assessments made give grounds to attribute this system of scientific knowledge to such a form of theoretical knowledge as phenomenological theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the peculiarities of Turkish- Somali relations as an example of the activities of official Ankara in Sub-Saharan Africa. The prerequisites for the intensification of the development of relations in the 2010s were identified, the key impetus for which was the visit of R. T. Erdogan to Somalia in 2011. It has been established that Turkey seeks to play a mediating role in the process of political settlement in Somalia to improve its image. The study also clarified the specifics of the dynamics of trade and economic relations and emphasized the desire of official Ankara to establish a military presence in Somalia. The key features of the humanitarian diplomacy of the Turkish government, as well as the principles of "soft power" in Somalia, are revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to a critical analysis of the concepts: «conflict competence» and «conflict». It reveals the essence of a person’s conflict competence as the ability to successfully resolve conflicts and prevent them by using «reasonable force» (a combination of «soft and «hard» forces); the concept of «soft power» and the ways of its formation are analyzed: media diplomacy, cultural, educational and noosphere diplomacy, «noopolitics» diplomacy; different levels of conflict competence are distinguished: the level of values, motives and instructions, the level of skills; the causes of the conflict and the ways of its settlement are revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author emphasizes that the dissemination of information and communication technologies and, above all, the development of audiovisual entertainment allows the United States to dictate its vision of the development of the global information and cultural environment and deprives others states of such privileges. Ironically, it can be argued that the invention of mass culture has become one of the most ambitious and successful American projects in constructing a profitable homogeneous global environment. It should be considered that the hegemony of the United States in the creation and dissemination of cultural goods is the cause of unification of the global cultural space, in which the American mass culture is trying to actively interact with the national cultures of the world. The article analyzes the essence of US mass culture, its main characteristics and features of distribution. Special attention is paid to modern trends in the Americanization processes of the global environment, such as appropriation, standardization and McDonaldization of culture, their characteristic features and effects. In the context of rapid globalization processes and the development of the post-industrial era, the author assesses he status of US mass culture as a consolidating tool in the global information space. At the same time, in this study mass culture is considered as an integral factor in the “soft power” of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution of US public diplomacy as a means of “soft power” in the Middle East. Comparison of various scientific approaches and sources of information, allowed to generalize and systematize the views of scientists on the problem being studied. Based on the results of the study, the history of US public diplomacy in the Middle East, its origin, formation and development was analyzed using a historical method. The critical approach used in writing the article in considering the works of domestic and foreign researchers, made it possible to determine the degree of theoretical study of the title problem and the disclosure of its specifics. The authors suggest further possible changes in the implementation of public diplomacy of the United States in the Middle East, given the current realities. The importance of further research on this topic is emphasized, as it is a valuable experience for Ukraine, as the United States is one of the leaders in the effective use of “soft power” due to its unique historical experience and the specifics of modern foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The normatively defined priorities of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU are analysed. On this basis, the EU’s policy on Eastern European security is examined. The main concepts of the EU in the field of peacekeeping and crisis management are highlighted: 1) self-sufficiency, “strategic autonomy” in decision-making and policy implementation; 2) corporatism of interests, or “philosophy of principled pragmatism”, which in fact puts the security and interests of the EU above the maintenance of peace and the spread of European values in the world; 3) the definition of the territory of responsibility of the EU, based on the idea of establishing “cooperative security orders” in the world; 4) the idea of an EU zone of influence, which connects the security of the EU with the security and stability of neighbouring states; 5) the “soft power” approach, in which peacekeeping is ignored as a holistic phenomenon with its military aspects, and the idea of crisis management is substantiated instead. It is argued that the EU’s position on the security of Eastern Europe, and Ukraine in particular, has long been determined by the general idea of a secure neighbourhood and the inexpediency of political integration because it brings the Union’s borders closer to dangerous regions and can provoke conflict. The connection shown between the formation of the Eastern Partnership and Russian aggression in Georgia, but with the actual disregard for regional security issues. Significant changes in the EU’s foreign policy as a result of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine are pointed out. The activity of EU civilian missions in Ukraine and their potential that is not used yet in full are analysed. It is concluded that the EU’s foreign policy instruments are essential in deterring Russian aggression, increasing the resilience and promoting Ukraine’s economic development, and modernizing it, but it is unlikely that the EU will play a decisive role in restoring its territorial integrity through peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the levers of Russia’s influence in Kazakhstan, which, among other things, have become the main tool in Russia’s aggressive strategy against Ukraine’s territorial independence. Therefore, a parallel is drawn with the Ukrainian scenario. The strategic interests of the Russian Federation in Kazakhstan in the military, economic, and energy spheres have been singled out, and the means and methods of their provision and protection have been studied. The geopolitical importance of the Kazakh state for the strategy of the Russian Federation in the Central Asian region is proved. The peculiarities of the soft power of the Russian Federation in Kazakhstan and information policy, which are perhaps the most important components of the hybrid war, are revealed. Weakness and untimely response to Russia’s soft power policy could push Russia’s strategy and pave the way for Moscow’s more aggressive policies and territorial ambitions, as was the case in Ukraine. The gaps in the foreign policy of Kazakhstan are analyzed. The lack of practical implementation of the concept of “multi-vector”, which is often proclaimed by Kazakhstan, has been proved. The effective directions of Ukraine’s diplomacy in the conditions of the Russian armed aggression are singled out, in particular bilateral interstate cooperation, relations with key international organizations, security sector reform, energy, methods of public diplomacy, involvement of civil society, etc. Taking the example of the steps of Ukrainian diplomacy in the face of armed aggression, a number of recommendations and preventive measures have been formulated that would reduce Russia’s influence in Kazakhstan and thus protect it from potential territorial encroachments by Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]