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The state of family medicine and primary care in the United States is precarious, afflicted by chronic underinvestment. Family physicians and their allies should not expect different policy outcomes without adopting a different theory of change and tactical approach to reform. I argue: (1) high-quality primary care is a common good, as asserted by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; (2) a market-based health system captured by extractive capitalism is inimical to primary care as a common good; (3) professionalism has both aided and constrained family physicians as agents of change for primary care as a common good; and, (4) to actualize primary care as a common good, family physicians must embrace "counterculture professionalism" to join with patients, primary care workers, and other allies in a social movement demanding fundamental restructuring of the health system and democratization of health that takes power back from interests profiting from the status quo and reorients the system to one grounded in healing relationships in primary care. This restructuring should take the form of a publicly financed system of universal coverage for direct primary care, with a minimum of 10% of total US health spending allocated to Primary Care for All.

Existing category research tends to divorce categories from place. When considered at all, place is often relegated to the contextual background. We see at least three important elements of place that can inform our understanding of categories: first, categories are rooted in the materiality of place; second, those who inhabit a place often share a collective identity that can impart meaning to categories; third, places influence the collective action that underlies category processes. Accordingly, we call for categories “to be put in their place” in category research, by attending to the materialities, collective identities, and collective action present in place. We present an integrative framework for future research that links place, categories, and organizational outcomes, and suggest mechanisms that link these constructs.

The paper investigates war veterans as organisers of contentious politics in ‎post-war Croatia, by looking into two significant protests. Already amid the‎1990s War in Croatia, the first veteran associations were tied to the army or ‎governing Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). After the HDZ government ‎ignored their demands in 1996, the main association gathering disabled veterans‎ announced a protest, shocking the regime. After defusing the situation ‎by meeting most of veteran demands, the protest against the Government ‎was transformed into a support rally for officials who helped the protesters’‎ cause. In 2014, veteran associations initiated a protest over, at first, officials’‎ speculations about PTSD cases among the local Serb population, framed ‎among the veterans as “aggressors”. As Prime Minister Zoran Milanović refused ‎to dismiss the Minister of Veterans and his associates, the veteran protest ‎outlasted the Government, including violent episodes in the government‎ building’s vicinity and ending in April 2016. The article proceeds to analyse ‎the disruptiveness of the protest, the repertoire and violence used, as well as‎ frames of meaning with which protesters justified their collective actions and‎ wished to appeal to wider constituencies. The article attempts to analyse the‎ motives behind the protest and links of protesters with different political actors‎– mostly HDZ – trying to show if veterans acted as independent political ‎actors or only as an extended arm of politicians. By using veteran associations’‎ documents, archival documents, media reports and literature, the paper‎ wishes to place the two case studies into the body of literature that describes‎ the decades-long patron-client relationship between veterans, HDZ and the‎ state.‎

Flesher Fominaya, C (2022) Reconceptualizing democratic innovation: “Democratic innovation repertoires” and their impact within and beyond social movements, Democratic Theory, 9 (2)Democratic innovation is one way the multiple crises of democracy can be addressed. The literature on democratic innovation has yet to adequately interrogate the role of social movements, and more specifically the movement of democratic imaginaries, in innovation, nor has it considered the specific mechanisms through which movements translate democratic imaginaries and practices into innovation. This article provides a preliminary roadmap for methodological and conceptual innovation in our understanding of the role of social movements in democratic innovation. It introduces the concept of democratic innovation repertoires and argues that: a) we need to broaden our conceptualization and analysis of democratic innovation to encompass the role of social movements; and b) we need to understand how the relationship between democratic movement imaginaries and the praxis that movements develop in their quest to “save” or strengthen democracy can shape democratic innovation beyond movement arenas after mobilizing “events” have passed.

This thesis investigates how the Women’s Equality Party (WEP) in the United Kingdom has struggled to utilise its standing as a political party to ensure that women’s interests are represented throughout the British political landscape. WEP emerged in 2015 out of a dissatisfaction with mainstream politics and a want to put women’s interests at the top of the political agenda. The party reasoned that if women’s equality could be accepted as a ‘vote winner’ by mainstream parties, it would no longer need to exist. WEP leaders boldly called upon mainstream parties to take on its policies and to ‘put it out of business’. This thesis looks at the difficulties WEP has faced in carrying out this rhetorical device in practice. Discourse analysis, interviews, and participatory action research – along with comparisons made with the Feminist Initiative in Sweden, as well as Women’s Alliance/List and Women’s Movement in Iceland – are used to interrogate this important concept. This thesis begins by analysing key aspects of WEP’s identity, including its status as a women’s/feminist party and its non-partisan positioning. It goes on to assess WEP’s abilities to descriptively and substantively represent women, and the party’s unique positioning at the crossroads between movement and institutionalised politics. Ultimately, this thesis looks at how WEP utilises its institutional positioning as a political party, and if permanence is necessary to carry out its aim to represent women. This thesis contributes to broader debates concerning women’s and feminist organising, the development of ‘good representation’ of women, social movements’ interactions with the state, and institutional tools to mobilise effective change.

Marcha dialética do MST: formação e comunicação política entre campo e cidade é o título da obra de Pablo Nabarrete Bastos, que discute a articulação política desenvolvida nos últimos anos entre o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) e os/as trabalhadores/as urbanos/as na luta pela hegemonia popular da classe trabalhadora brasileira, com ênfase no período histórico de formação do MST, a partir da sua gênese no início dos anos 1980 até o seu 6º Congresso Nacional, em 2014. A partir da proposta da resenha em estudar as relações entre comunicação e educação, propomos uma leitura da obra com a intenção de perceber alguns aspectos político-pedagógico-comunicativos, que perpassam a articulação do MST no processo de luta política pela hegemonia popular entre os trabalhadores do campo e da cidade na obra. Dialectical march of the MST: formation and political communication between countryside and city is the title of the work of Pablo Nabarrete Bastos, which discusses the political articulation developed in recent years between the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the workers urban workers in the struggle for the popular hegemony of the Brazilian working class, with emphasis on the historical period of formation of the MST, from its genesis in the early 1980s until its 6th National Congress, in 2014. To study the relationship between communication and education, we propose a reading of the work with the intention of perceiving some political-pedagogical-communicative aspects, which permeate the articulation of the MST in the process of political struggle for popular hegemony among rural and urban workers in the work.

O artigo objetiva discutir a questão do diálogo em Freire, como base do processo de comunicação e, em interação com outros autores, relacioná-lo às interrelações entre Comunicação e Educação, em especial na Comunicação Popular e Comunitária no contexto dos movimentos sociais cívicos e na pesquisa participante. O estudo se fundamenta em pesquisa bibliográfica. Conclui-se que as relações entre Comunicação e Educação facilitam a constituição do diálogo, tanto nos ambientes da educação formal quanto no contexto dos movimentos sociais populares brasileiros que, desde o fim da década de 1970, vivenciam o diálogo, tanto na construção coletiva das suas formas de organização e mobilização quanto na formulação das estratégias e táticas desenvolvidas tendo em vista as lutas denunciativas da opressão e reivindicativas de direitos. O diálogo é uma questão transcendental e indissociável às práticas educativas. O diálogo pode ser entendido como ação-reflexão que valoriza a participação dos sujeitos – como sujeitos – na construção do conhecimento. The article aims to discuss the dialogue in Freire as the basis of the communication process and, in interaction with other authors, relate it to the interrelations between Communication and Education, especially in Popular and Community Communication in the context of social movements and participatory research. The study is based on bibliographical research. It is possible to conclude that the relationship between Communication and Education facilitates the constitution of dialogue, both in formal education environments and in the context of popular Brazilian social movements which have, since the late 1970s, practiced dialogue through the collective construction of their forms of organization and mobilization as well as in the formulation of strategies and tactics in the context of the struggles of denouncing oppression and claiming rights. Dialogue is a transcendental issue and inseparable from educational practices. Dialogue can be understood as action-reflection that values ​​the participation of subjects – as subjects – in the construction of knowledge. El articulo objetiva discutir la cuestión del diálogo en Freire, como base de lo proceso de comunicación y, en interacción con otros autores, relacionárlo a las interrelaciones entre Comunicación y Educación, en especial en la Comunicación Popular y Comunitaria en el contexto de los movimientos sociales cívicos y en la investigación participante. El estudio se basa en una investigación bibliográfica. Se concluye que las relaciones entre Comunicación y Educación facilitan la constitución del diálogo, tanto en el ámbito de la educación formal como en el contexto de los movimientos sociales populares brasileños que, desde fines de la década de 1970, han vivido el diálogo, tanto en la construcción colectiva de sus formas de expresión, organización y movilización, así como en la formulación de estrategias y tácticas desarrolladas con miras a denunciar las luchas contra la opresión y reivindicar derechos. El diálogo es un tema trascendental e inseparable de las prácticas educativas. El diálogo puede entenderse como acción-reflexión que valora la participación de los sujetos - como sujetos - en la construcción del conocimiento.

El 8 de mayo de 2021, al calor del Paro Nacional en Colombia, nació el colectivo Tejedores de Resistencia, cuyo propósito es crear una gran pieza textil compuesta por 6402 granny square o cuadritos tejidos a crochet, en colores amarillo, azul, rojo y blanco. A través de mi propia experiencia como miembro del colectivo, así como varios encuentros virtuales que se han llevado a cabo entre junio y septiembre de 2021, este texto pretende recoger algunos sentidos que se han venido gestando durante el proceso, en particular evidenciando la importancia del hacer como mecanismo que va otorgando significados a la labor, así como el desborde de emociones y sensaciones. Las prácticas mismas, la agencia de los objetos y las juntanzas en espacios públicos y virtuales, son el centro de la reflexión que se expone a continuación, como un ejercicio analítico desde una mirada a la vez etnográfica e introspectiva. The collective Tejedores de Resistencia was born on May 8, 2021, in the heat of the National Strike in Colombia. Its purpose is to create a large textile piece made of 6402 granny squares or crocheted squares in yellow, blue, red, and white colors. Through my own experience as a member of the collective and after several virtual meetings held between June and September 2021, this text aims to retrieve some meanings and feelings that have been developing during the process. Particularly, we show the importance of doing as a mechanism that gives meaning to the work, as well as the emotions and sen-sations overflow. The practices themselves, the agency of the objects and the gatherings in public and virtual spaces, are the center of the analysis exposed below, as an analytical exercise from an ethnographic and introspective point of view.

Recognizing the importance of the discussion on collective health from the perspective of Popular Education (PE), in a critical scenario derived from COVID-19 and misgovernment, this experience report explores the experiences in the Observatory of Popular Education in Health and Brazilian Reality. It is an initiative of the Extension “Práticas Integrais de Promoção da Saúde e Nutrição na Atenção Básica” (PINAB) that aims to propagate the PE and bring together its actors. Seven meetings were held and themes were worked on: “The current Brazilian conjuncture and the principles of popular education and its philosophy for the construction of methodological paths of practice”, “Food sovereignty as a movement of humanity and civility: what is the role of popular education in health?”, “Eugenics processes in Brazil and their consequences on health, education, justice and equity”, “The world and its changes: the place and role of popular education in health”, and “Popular Education in Health: Paths and alternatives for experiences and practices”. This experience promoted reflections about the current conjuncture, retrieving founding concepts of PE and valuable insights in its meetings. It also demonstrated the potentialities in the use of virtual environments as aids in the dialectic methodology of PE. Reconhecendo a importância da discussão em saúde coletiva pela ótica da educação popular (EP), em um crítico cenário derivado da COVID-19 e do desgoverno, este relato de experiência explora as vivências no Observatório de Educação Popular em Saúde e a Realidade Brasileira. Trata-se de uma iniciativa do Programa de Extensão Práticas Integrais de Promoção da Saúde e Nutrição na Atenção Básica (PINAB), que intenta propagar a EP e reunir seus atores. Foram realizados sete encontros, sendo trabalhados temas como: “A conjuntura brasileira atual e os Princípios da Educação Popular e sua filosofia para a construção dos caminhos metodológicos das práticas”, “Soberania Alimentar como movimento da humanidade e civilidade: qual o papel da educação popular em saúde?”, “Processos de eugenia no Brasil e suas consequências na saúde, educação, justiça e equidade”, “O mundo e as suas mudanças: o lugar e o papel da educação popular em saúde” e “Educação Popular em Saúde: caminhos e alternativas para experiências e práticas”. Essa vivência promoveu reflexões acerca da atual conjuntura, resgatando conceitos fundantes da EP e percepções valiosas em seus encontros, além de ter demonstrado as potencialidades no uso dos ambientes virtuais como auxiliares na metodologia dialética da EP.

International audience; The French Yellow Vests movement offers a case study for examining the logics and effects of the avoidance of institutional politics. The movement brought together seasoned activists and a large share of first-time protesters, i.e. social actors with no prior experience in collective action or party politics. Drawing on in-depth ethnographic biographical interviews conducted with the latter, we argue that, paradoxically enough, avoiding politics was a condition of possibility for their entry and continuation in the mobilisation. Moreover, they became political insofar as they acquired a sense of entitlement to speak out publicly as citizens, and a new appetence for current affairs. Even though first-timers’ interest in politics and their forms of knowledge remained very unequal, we urge to study the avoidance of institutional politics as political tactics that might, under certain circumstances, foster politicisation among the most disenfranchised groups.

The political innovations that emerged from the Latin American “Pink Wave” of the 2000’s, as well as the European anti-austerity and environmental mobilizations of the 2010’s, challenge the focus on protest that has characterised social movement scholarship in the last decades (Pleyers & Capitaine 2016). At the core of these innovations is the promotion, through movement praxis as well as public policy, of community-led initiatives, based on democratic solidarity (Hulgard et al 2019) in which economic activity is pursued as a means to the achievement of political ends. This implies that economic praxis cannot be isolated from the overall dynamics of collective action (Laville & Eynaud 2019: 62). Such initiatives are based on the setting up of “autonomous and intermediary public spaces” (Op. cit.: 60) where “socio-ethical and counter-cultural practices” are experimented with, enacted and coordinated (Fois, 2019: 108). These spaces are “micro-public spheres” (Keane 1998) or “mobilizational commons” (Esteves 2020), in which participants re-signify economic activity through deliberative processes aimed at promoting cooperation among otherwise competing producers and consumers, contact and trust between segregated social sectors, as well as the engagement of the state in rethinking the economy over time. The praxis of such community-led initiatives is conceptualized as “solidarity economy” by scholars from Latin America and Europe, who frame them in Polanyi’s vision of an “active society” in “contradictory”, but creative, “tension with the market” (Burawoy 2003: 198). Such concept includes grassroots-level, community-based practices of economic self-governance that prioritize the creation of social value over capital accumulation (Mance 2007; Auinger 2009; Ould Ahmed 2015; Laville 2016). At its core is the promotion of economic resilience of territories, supported by participatory politics (Bauwens and Niaros 2017: 24; Estivill 2018: 15), as well as the normative orientation of economic activity towards democratic deepening within community-based economic activities (Laville 2016: 244–5). This promotes an ontological reframing of “the economic” and “the political” beyond the market/state dichotomy (Lucas dos Santos & Banerjee 2019). This implies the conceptual recognition of a diversity of economic imageries, as well as narratives on social emancipation and good living (Gibson-Graham 2002, 2009; Santos 2006). It also expands the understanding of economic activity beyond the focus on organization and ownership structures, which prevents the acknowledgement of the transformative potential and political embeddedness, in the social fabric and well as in collective action and public policies, of small-scaled grassroots practices based on reciprocity, redistribution and householding carried out by subaltern groups (Lucas dos Santos & Banerjee 2019). info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Resumen Esta reflexión está inspirada en mi experiencia como formadora de formadores durante veinte años y en la oportunidad que tuve de coordinar, por un año, la comisión encargada de la actualización del Proyecto Formativo del Programa (PFP) de la Licenciatura en Literatura y Lengua Castellana de la Facultad de Educación de la Universidad de Antioquia. Dichas vivencias, junto con las discusiones sostenidas en 2020 durante la primera actualización del PFP construido en 2013, suscitaron mi interés por la formación política de los maestros y las maestras. Por ello, señalo la necesidad de una educación en espiral, cuyo movimiento responda tanto a reflexiones vitales por el derecho a la vida de los sujetos y la naturaleza como al estudio y generación de propuestas donde el desarrollo social, científico, cultural y estético estén al servicio de una economía del bien vivir y de una política de la existencia. Presento, además, un recorrido por los acontecimientos sociales, políticos y educativos trascendentales en los últimos ocho años en Colombia, que se han caracterizado por luchas sociales que evidencian un cansancio de ciertos sectores de la sociedad frente a la pérdida progresiva de valores que deberían, según esta reflexión, estar presentes desde la cuna hasta la tumba para todos y todas. Finalmente, me enfoco en la importancia de pensar la formación desde una poética planetaria que permita la construcción de un mundo otro1. Abstract This reflection is inspired by my 20-year experience as a teacher educator, as well as by the opportunity I had to coordinate, for one year, the commission in charge of updating the Program Training Project (PFP) of the Bachelor’s Degree in Literature and Spanish Language of Universidad de Antioquia’s Department of Education. These experiences, together with the discussions held in 2020 during the first update of the PFP built in 2013, evoked my interest in teachers’ political education. Therefore, I point out need for a spiral education, whose movement responds both to vital reflections on the right to life of subjects and nature, as well as to the study and generation of proposals where social, scientific, cultural, and aesthetic development is at the service of an economy of good living and politics of existence. I also present a tour of the major social, political, and educational events of the last eight years in Colombia, which have been characterized by social struggles that evidence a weariness of certain sectors of society in the face of the progressive loss of values which should, according to this reflection, be present from the cradle to the grave for all men and women. Finally, I focus on the importance of conceiving education from a perspective of planetary poetics that allows building a different world.

Resumen El presente artículo analiza el rol de la juventud en el Paro Nacional de 2021 a la luz de la reconfiguración social de subjetividades políticas y su impacto en las formas de habitar las ciudades como escenarios en disputa. Metodológicamente, el análisis surge de una discusión sobre la espontaneidad, como propuesta para el análisis de la movilización social y sus alcances, articulada a la triada analítica de subalternidad, antagonismo y autonomía. En Colombia, el movimiento social se desarrolla en tres momentos que transforman las subjetividades: primero, reafirma la condición subalterna de una juventud que transforma su cotidianidad mediante nuevas subjetividades políticas; segundo, profundiza el antagonismo social que facilita la continuidad de una movilización que desborda su agenda inicial; tercero, expone la autonomía como práctica y horizonte de expectativa capaz de transformar lo nacional a partir del nivel local. El propósito de este artículo es fomentar nuevas reflexiones sobre el impacto y la configuración de subjetividades políticas a partir de la noción de espontaneidad, para comprender la conformación de la movilización social, la experiencia subalterna y la reconfiguración de lo político como un proceso de transición donde la juventud se disputa el espacio público y político mientras aspira a superar las violencias. Abstract This article analyses the role of Colombian youth in the 2021 National Strike at the sight of the social reconfiguration of political subjectivities and its impact on the ways of inhabiting cities as scenarios in dispute. Methodologically, the analysis arises from a discussion on spontaneity, as a proposal for the analysis of social mobilisation and its scope, articulated to the analytical triad of subalternity, antagonism, and autonomy. As a result, the shaping of the Colombian social movement develops in three moments that transform subjectivities: first, it reaffirms the subaltern condition of a youth that transforms its territoriality through new political subjectivities; second, it deepens the social antagonism that facilitates the continuity of a mobilisation that exceeds its initial agenda; third, it introduces autonomy as a practice and horizon of expectation that aims to transform the national project from the local level. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to encourage new reflections on the impact and configuration of political subjectivities based on the notion of spontaneity to understand the shaping of social mobilisation, the subaltern experience, and the reconfiguration of political subjectivities as a process of transition. Here young people dispute the public and political space while aspiring to overcome violence. Résumé Cet article analyse le rôle des jeunes dans la Grève Nationale de 2021 à la lumière de la reconfiguration sociale des subjectivités politiques et son impact sur les modes d'habiter les villes en tant que scénarios contestés. Sur le plan méthodologique, l'analyse découle d'une discussion sur la spontanéité, comme proposition pour l'analyse de la mobilisation sociale et sa portée, articulée à la triade analytique de subalterni-té, antagonisme et autonomie. En Colombie, le mouvement social se développe en trois moments qui transforment la subjectivités: le premier réaffirme la condition subordonnée d'une jeunesse qui transforme son quotidien à travers de nouvelles subjectivités politiques; le deuxième approfondit l'antagonisme social qui facilite la continuité d'une mobilisation qui dépasse son agenda initial; le troisième présente l'autonomie comme une nouvelle pratique et un horizon d'attente qui vise à transformer le niveau national à un niveau local. L'objectif de cet article est d'encourager de nouvelles réflexions sur l'impact et la configuration des subjectivités politiques à partir de la notion de spontanéité, afin de comprendre la formation de la mobilisation sociale, l'expérience subalterne et la reconfiguration des subjectivités politiques comme un processus de transition dans lequel les jeunes contestent l'espace public et politique tout en aspirant à surmonter la violence. Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o papel da juventude na Greve Nacional de 2021 à luz da reconfiguração social das subjetividades políticas e seu impacto nas formas de habitar as cidades como cenários em disputa. Metodologicamente, a análise surge de uma discussão sobre espontaneidade, como proposta de leitura da mobilização social e seus alcances, articulada à tríade analítica da subalternidade, antagonismo e autonomia. Como resultado, o movimento social se desenvolve em três momentos que transformam subjetividades: primeiro, reafirma a condição subalterna de uma juventude que transforma seu cotidiano através de novas subjetividades políticas; segundo, aprofunda o antagonismo social que facilita a continuidade de uma mobilização que transborda sua agenda inicial; terceiro, experimenta a autonomia como prática e horizonte de expectativa que visa transformar o âmbito nacional desde o local. O objetivo deste artigo é encorajar novas reflexões sobre o impacto e a configuração das subjetividades políticas baseadas na noção de espontaneidade, a fim de compreender a formação da mobilização social, a experiência subalterna e a reconfiguração das subjetividades políticas como um processo de transição no qual disputam o espaço público e político enquanto aspiram superar a violência.

Resumen Este artículo procura abordar las vinculaciones entre las prácticas artísticas y la movilización social. Tomando como caso a la ciudad de Rosario (Argentina), analiza la transformación de las manifestaciones que conmemoran el golpe de Estado del 24 de marzo de 1976 mediante artes performáticas. Para ello, presenta tres momentos que tuvieron lugar en la urbe. Primero, la constitución de las marchas de derechos humanos en la década de 1980. Segundo, el ciclo de conflictividad social 1990-1995, en el que emergieron nuevos sujetos y prácticas artísticas. Tercero, las conmemoraciones del 24 de marzo iniciadas en 1996, cuando diversos repertorios de artes performáticas se integraron a las movilizaciones. La hipótesis postula que, junto con la irrupción de la agrupación HIJOS, las prácticas artísticas posibilitaron una resignificación de las manifestaciones del 24 de marzo en clave artística, festiva y paródica. La metodología de trabajo combina entrevistas en profundidad, fuentes periodísticas y registros fotográficos. Abstract This article seeks to address the links between artistic practices and social mobilization. Taking the city of Rosario (Argentina) as a case, it analyzes the transformation of the demonstrations that commemorate the coup d'état of March 24, 1976, through performance arts. To do this, it presents three moments that took place in the city. First, the constitution of human rights mobilizations in the 1980s. Second, the cycle of social conflict 1990-1995, when new subjects and artistic practices emerged. Third, the commemorations of March 24 starting in 1996, when diverse repertoires of performing arts joined the mobilizations. The hypothesis postulates that, alongside the irruption of the HIJOS collective, the artistic practices made possible a resignification of the March 24 demonstrations in artistic, festive, and parodic ways. The work methodology combines in-depth interviews, journalistic sources, and photographs. Resumo Cet article cherche à aborder les liens entre les pratiques artistiques et la mobilisation sociale. Prenant la ville de Rosario (Argentine) comme étude de cas, l'article analyse la transformation des manifestations qui commémorent le coup d'État du 24 mars 1976 à travers des arts performatif. Pour ce faire, il présente trois moments qui se sont déroulés dans la ville. Tout d'abord, la constitution de manifestations en faveur des droits humains dans les années 1980. Deuxièmement, le cycle de conflits sociaux 1990-1995, au cours duquel de nouveaux sujets et pratiques artistiques ont émergé. Troisièmement, les commémorations du 24 mars depuis 1996, où divers répertoires d'arts du spectacle ont été intégrés aux mobilisations. L'hypothèse postule que, avec l'irruption du groupe HIJOS, les pratiques artistiques ont permis une resignification des manifestations du 24 mars dans une tonalité artistique, festive et parodique. La méthodologie combine des entretiens approfondis, l'enquête des sources journalistiques et des enregistrements photographiques. Résumé Este artigo aborda os vínculos entre as práticas artísticas e a mobilização social. Tomando a cidade de Rosário (Argentina) como caso, analisa a transformação das manifestações que comemoram o golpe de Estado de 24 de março de 1976 através das artes performáticas. Para isso, ele apresenta três momentos que aconteceram na cidade. Primeiro, a constituição das mobilizações de direitos humanos na década de 1980. Segundo, o ciclo de conflito social 1990-1995, em que surgiram novos sujeitos e práticas artísticas. Terceiro, as comemorações de 24 de março de 1996 em diante, quando diversos repertórios de artes performáticas foram integrados nas mobilizações. A hipótese postula que, juntamente com a irrupção do grupo HIJOS, as práticas artísticas tornaram possível uma ressignificação das manifestações de 24 de março em chave artística, festiva e paródica. A metodologia combina entrevistas em profundidade, fontes jornalísticas e registros fotográficos.

Prepared collectively, this article sought to analyze the benefits of a partnership between organized civil society and the Federal Public Defender’s Office (DPU), to implement the right to housing during the COVID-19 pandemic. To do so, the researchers carried out a descriptive, bibliographical research using the hypothetical-inductive method, as well as field research to collect data at the Novo Horizonte Occupation, in Campos dos Goytacazes, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Such methodology allowed us to describe: the Occupation and the need to suspend evictions during the pandemic; the Judiciary Branch and the legal-political disputes against evictions and DPU’s role in social movements. These assumptions revealed that the articulation between social movements and the DPU is necessary for access to justice, for the applicability of norms – with analysis and consideration of social inequalities and vulnerabilities –, as well as to ensure human rights and the right to decent, safe, and adequate housing. Este artigo foi elaborado coletivamente com o objetivo de analisar os benefícios de uma parceria entre a sociedade civil organizada e a Defensoria Pública da União (DPU) que garantisse o direito à moradia no contexto da pandemia da Covid-19. Para tal finalidade, foi feita uma pesquisa descritiva e bibliográfica utilizando o método hipotético-indutivo, bem como uma pesquisa de campo para coletar dados sobre a Ocupação Novo Horizonte, em Campos dos Goytacazes (RJ). Com tal metodologia foi possível descrever a ocupação Novo Horizonte, a necessidade de suspensão dos despejos em tempos de pandemia da Covid-19, o Poder Judiciário e as disputas jurídico-políticas contra os despejos e a atuação da DPU junto aos movimentos sociais. Com essas premissas, foi possível concluir que a articulação entre os movimentos sociais e a DPU se faz necessária para o acesso à justiça, para a aplicabilidade das normas – com análise e consideração acerca das desigualdades e vulnerabilidades sociais –, bem como para a garantia dos direitos humanos e do direito à moradia digna, segura e adequada.

Autonomy has been a term often used in agrarian studies to express the ability of individuals or collective subjects to escape the rule of capital or the control of the state. Academic interventions on autonomy in different fields and disciplines discuss how global capitalism operates and what kind of subjects, spaces, and practices can resist it and build alternatives to it. However, a closer look at the literature reveals contending notions of autonomy. This special issue therefore aims to stimulate theoretical debates on autonomy. This introduction provides an overview of the general problematic and major theoretical debates around which the discussion on autonomy has been taking place. This problematic is not specific to rural social subjects but involves the discussion within the Left about the need and possibility for radical social change. This article explores how ideas about autonomy are used by radical agrarian movements and critical agrarian studies scholars. It also presents the key issues covered by and the arguments of the different contributors to this special issue.

The “commons” have become a rallying point of social mobilization against privatization and a linchpin of collective civic empowerment and democratic renewal in several countries. What singles out the Italian “laboratory” of urban commons in recent years is the coalescence of pro-commons lawyers with activists, movements, and grassroots collectives. The central role played by law in the Italian commons network must be read in the light of the distinctive forms that regulations and rules assume in specific contexts. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted between 2018 and 2019, this article focuses on the case of Naples and the reinvention of the legal tradition of “civic use.” Our account of the daily practices pursued by a Neapolitan community of commoners—L’Asilo—delves into the role played by the law and its representatives in a political context that has always been the subject of stigmatization.

The work reported here sought to map out groups, movements and organizations made up in large extent of mothers who in that role engage in activism and related activities in the public sphere. All of the research done has used secondary data and information available online and was done via desk research only. This is a descriptive report introducing the dataset we compiled in Spring 2023 titled “Inventory of Mothering and Fathering Activism for More Sustainable Living Environments _ V1” has been deposited to the SVN data repository. It is available under the following identifier https://doi. org/10.5878/n0cb-4f19 and is available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC-BY 4.0)., Funder: Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development - FORMAS. Project ID 2019-01887

[ES] La presente tesis doctoral recoge una investigación basada en la práctica artística propia desarrollada entre 2017 y 2022, en el territorio de la comarca de l'Horta. Los trabajos y procesos que componen dicha investigación se inscriben principalmente en el ámbito de las prácticas en contexto, y presentan especial interés por los relatos, memorias y luchas asociadas a las transformaciones territoriales locales. A través de los proyectos L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) y A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022), esta investigación plantea explorar la capacidad que tienen las prácticas artísticas contextuales y colaborativas de generar rupturas en el relato histórico hegemónico, mediante la producción de dispositivos críticos y situados que posibiliten la visibilización y articulación de memorias subalternas. Asimismo, este trabajo propone investigar si dichas prácticas pueden contribuir a reforzar relaciones de apego y empatía con un territorio dado a través de la consolidación de contramemorias locales propias, así como procesos de afectación, dentro del contexto de la defensa de l'Horta de València., [CAT] La present tesi doctoral recull una investigació basada en la pràctica artística pròpia desenvolupada entre 2017 i 2022, en el territori de la comarca de l'Horta. Els treballs i processos que composen aquesta investigació s'inscriuen principalment en l'àmbit de les pràctiques en context, i presenten especial interés pels relats, memòries i lluites associades a les transformacions territorials locals. A través dels projectes L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) i A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022), aquesta investigació planteja explorar la capacitat que tenen les pràctiques artístiques contextuals i col·laboratives de generar ruptures en el relat històric hegemònic, mitjançant la producció de dispositius crítics i situats que possibiliten la visibilització i articulació de memòries subalternes. Així mateix, aquest treball proposa investigar si aquestes pràctiques poden contribuir a reforçar relacions d'aferrament i empatia amb un territori donat a través de la consolidació de contramemòries locals pròpies, així com processos d'afectació, dins del context de la defensa de l'Horta de València., [EN] This thesis presents a research based on artistic practice developed between 2017 and 2022, in the regional territory of l'Horta (València). The works and processes that make up this dissertation are mainly inscribed in the field of practices in context, and present special interest in the narratives, memories and struggles associated with local territorial transformations. The capacity of contextual and collaborative artistic practices is investigated in five different field studies; L'Horta, ni oblit ni perdó (2017), Aturem la ZAL, recuperem La Punta (2018), Ara vindran les màquines. Relats subalterns de la València Sud (2018), La Retaguardia (2020) and A hores d'ara. Experiències i memòria de la defensa de l'Horta a través del seu arxiu (2022). The totality of these projects serve to create generative ruptures in the hegemonic historical narrative, through the production of critical and situated devices making possible the visibilization and articulation of subaltern memories. Correspondingly, this work proposes how such practices can contribute to reinforce relationships of attachment and empathy with a given territory: through the consolidation of local counter-memories, as well as processes of affectation, within the context of the defense of l'Horta de València.

O presente artigo tratará sobre a prisão em segunda instância, levando em consideração a mudança de entendimento do Supremo Tribunal Federal, no que concerne ao período entre a decisão estabelecida no ano de 2016 e sua última alteração quanto a compreensão desse instituto jurídico em 2019, e como a influência e a repercussão dos movimentos sociais ocorridos nesse intervalo de tempo impactou tal mudança, tendo como parâmetro e foco de análise o voto do Ministro Gilmar Ferreira Mendes. Por fim, serão analisadas decisões que tiveram como fundamento o entendimento fixado em 2019.

Most examinations of the political consequences of social movements are single case studies that seek to ascertain the determinants of movement success. This thesis instead employs comparative analysis to further the understanding of the dynamics of partial successes and unintended outcomes of mobilisation. Thus, instead of simply asking why movements sometimes fail at achieving their core aims, the main contribution of this thesis is to provide a clearer picture of what happens when movements fail. To address these issues, I examine the largely frustrated, contentious efforts to reform policies that govern illicit drugs in Brazil, which – following the activists themselves – I collectively call the anti-prohibitionist movement. Anti-prohibitionism challenges the War on Drugs, pointing out its destructive consequences, including violence, human rights abuses, corruption and an overall weakening of democratic institutions. In order to attain greater analytical robustness, I subdivide Brazilian anti-prohibitionism into four units: Ayahuasca Movement; Cannabis Movement; Harm Reduction Movement; and NGO-led Advocacy. Collectively, these four units form a comprehensive picture of the civil society-driven drug policy reform efforts in Brazil in the past four decades. The thesis develops an original analytical framework to assess the pathways leading to varied outcomes among the four units. Employing a combination of social movement theory and comparative historical analysis, I explain how certain characteristics of social movements, as well as the political scenario in which they operate, generate different forms of impactful failure. From a structural point of view, this investigation improves our understanding of continuity and change within such institutions as prohibition. The findings show that the extant literature on Latin American social movements requires revision, in order to better understand novel forms of contentious politics in the region. Based on the theory of the regulatory state, I propose and develop a new category of Latin American social movement, which I term regulatory contention. In regulatory contention, social movements make primarily rules-based, rather than redistributive, claims. This, in turn, has effects on important factors such as movement strategy, internal organisation, constituency-building and, not least, outcomes.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é identificar e analisar as frames mobilizadas pelos movimentos feministas para tratar da violência contra as mulheres, bem como discutir suas influências nas políticas públicas. O referencial teórico e metodológico é o das frames (Snow & Benford, 1992). O corpus de pesquisa constitui-se de matérias publicadas nos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Globo, em períodos de tempo relacionados a três ações estatais de combate à violência contra a mulher: i) criação das delegacias da mulher, em 1985; ii) estabelecimento dos juizados especiais criminais, em 1995; e iii) aprovação da Lei 11.340 de 2006 (Lei Maria da Penha). Os resultados indicam que, ao longo dos períodos analisados, uma master frame, “violência contra a mulher”, ressoou na opinião pública e fez esta questão ser reconhecida como um problema pelo Estado, que estabeleceu medidas para seu enfrentamento. Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es identificar y analizar los frames movilizados por los movimientos feministas para hacer frente a la violencia contra las mujeres y discutir su influencia en las políticas públicas. El marco teórico y metodológico es el de los frames (Snow & Benford, 1992). El corpus de la investigación se compone de artículos publicados en los periódicos Folha de S. Paulo y O Globo durante los períodos relacionados con tres acciones estatales para combatir la violencia contra las mujeres: i) la creación de las comisarías de la mujer en 1985, ii) el establecimiento de tribunales penales especiales en 1995, y iii) la aprobación de la Ley 11.340 de 2006 (Ley Maria da Penha). Los resultados indican que a lo largo de los periodos analizados resonó en la opinión pública un master frame "violencia contra las mujeres", y este tema fue reconocido como un problema por el Estado, que estableció medidas para enfrentarlo. Abstract This article aims to identify and analyze the frames mobilized by feminist movements to address violence against women and discuss their influences on public policies. The theoretical and methodological framework comprises frames (Snow & Benford, 1992). The research material consists of articles published in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo during periods related to three state actions that sought to combat violence against women: i) the creation of the women’s police stations in 1985, ii) the Special Criminal Courts in 1995, and iii) the approval of Law 11.340, of 2006 (Maria da Penha Law). The results indicate that throughout the analyzed periods, a master frame, "violence against women," resonated in public opinion, and this issue was recognized as a problem by the state that established measures to confront the problem.

Neoliberalism is a political creed defined by a belief in the power of markets to bring about a free and prosperous society. It is the dominant ideology of recent times, and one that has attracted growing interest from historians. This dissertation breaks new ground by examining neoliberalism “from below,” that is from the perspective of ordinary people who were affected by neoliberal policies and who chose, in one way or another, to resist them. It examines a range of social movements that organised in opposition to neoliberalism in the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, a period that has thus far received insufficient scholarly attention. It charts the emergence of a transnational network of movement actors, including labour unionists, feminists, environmentalists, indigenous activists, and others who were engaged in political campaigns within the United States and beyond its borders. Collectively, these movements highlighted the implications of neoliberal policies for rising national and global inequality, environmental degradation, and precarious employment. In telling this story, this dissertation brings together several strands of historical scholarship – political history, environmental history, and labour history – that have hitherto been treated as discrete objects of study. Three thematic threads are interwoven throughout the dissertation. The first is an emphasis on neoliberalism as ideology, a set of ideas, policy prescriptions, and practices grounded in a particular economic doctrine. The second is an analysis of neoliberalism as a distinct political economy, an assemblage of political and economic processes with distributional effects that advantaged some and disadvantaged others. It is argued that the study of social movements allows us to consider the interrelationship of these two dimensions of neoliberalism, together with their material consequences. The third thread is the argument that popular opposition to neoliberalism has so far been overlooked by historians because it was most energetic at the grassroots. The insulation of national policymaking elites from such dissent, obliges us to ask critical questions about the nature of American democracy in the late twentieth century., Arts and Humanities Research Council

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia’s 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates’ selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

This paper draws on 10 months of empirical research observing how the Scottish independence movement mobilized during 2020, the unique period of time when the UK was beset with overlapping crises: Brexit and the Covid-19 Pandemic. When the pandemic forced a cessation of physical demonstrations in March, we employed a mixed-methods research design combining manual and automatic classification of tweets with qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews, in order to illuminate both how the independence movement responded to the pandemic in organizational and strategic terms, as well as providing a reflection of how activists reflected on the purposes and context of their activities. We conceptualise the cessation of activities as a period of ‘abeyance’ and ask how Scottish independence activists worked to stay mobilized during lockdowns. We found that the movement utilized a variety of strategies, including online events, and by framing independence as a response to these crises. In pointing to the mishandling of the pandemic by the Conservative government in Westminster, and the oncoming end of the Brexit transition period, for example, activists were able to emphasise the importance and urgency of the movement’s cause.

El texto explora el denominado estallido social en América Latina durante el 2019, tomando como casos de estudio Ecuador y Chile, cuyo foco de análisis son las demandas que las mujeres han instalado en los movimientos sociales del siglo XXI. Interesa examinar las formas de articulación de sus discursos, cuyas consignas han encontrado eco en las diferentes manifestaciones: Una de ellas “¡Nunca más sin nosotras!”, visibiliza las históricas demandas en gran parte de la región, y que adquiere urgencia ante la reproducción sistemática de violencia que viven las mujeres. La propuesta sugiere que la crisis del estado-nación, cuya base es la exacerbación del capitalismo, ha generado una fisura que permite el aceleramiento de procesos de reivindicación histórica; entre ellos, la emergencia del indigenismo, los feminismos y diversidades, cuya crítica central es que la clásica fórmula de entender lo político, ha estado atravesado por sesgos de género, clase y raza entre otros, es decir, plantea una crítica profunda al patriarcado. A través de la cobertura que medios de comunicación -oficiales y alternativos- dieron a las movilizaciones, se analizan las demandas que los movimientos feministas latinoamericanos exigen, evidenciando matices y particularidades que dan cuenta de la complejidad de los problemas que denuncian. The text explores the so-called social outbreak in Latin America during 2019, taking as case studies Ecuador and Chile, whose focus of analysis is the demands that women have installed in the social movements of the 21st century. It is interesting to examine the forms of articulation of their speeches, whose slogans have found an echo in the different manifestations, one of them "¡Never again without us!", makes visible the historical demands in a large part of the region, and which acquires urgency in the face of reproduction systematic violence experienced by women. The proposal suggests that the crisis of the nation-state, whose basis is the exacerbation of capitalism, has generated a fissure that allows the acceleration of processes of historical vindication; Among them, the emergence of indigenism, feminisms and diversities, whose central criticism is that the classic formula of understanding the political has been crossed by gender, class and race biases among others, that is, it raises a profound criticism of patriarchy. Through the coverage that the official and alternative media gave to the mobilizations, the demands that the Latin American feminist movements demand are analyzed, highlighting nuances and particularities that account for the complexity of the problems they denounce.

This essay brings together different voices to reflect on several participatory research projects carried out in Colombia, based on human rights, ‘empowerment’, harm reduction, (im)mobility and forced migration, gendered and political violence, armed conflict, and the right to health of people in the social margins. We look back on nine years of activism to explore the foundations of what our friendships and relationships have come to know as a revolutionary ethos. We critically re-visit and reflect on the concept of ‘the activist’ in the realms of the human rights apparatus in Colombia, the academy and the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (NPIC). We look back on what was forged and what was lost to propose the critical concept of ‘radical honesty and self-care’ as the basis for a revolution that supports processes of healing and social justice. Finally, we imagine what ‘healing’ can look like, as committed activists despite our differences and positionalities. We engage with and problematise the different forms of activism that emerge in social struggles and we address self-criticisms, constant reflection, radical honesty and uncomfortableness as powerful tools in joining forces to continue social justice work and caring.

The past decade has witnessed rapid growth in popular protest, alongside an upsurge in research on collective action. The proliferation of research has been both productive and fragmenting: We have an excellent understanding of the many factors that shape participation in collective action, but we lack a framework that explains how these factors fit together. The Model of Belonging, Individual differences, Life experience and Interaction Sustaining Engagement (MOBILISE) addresses this gap to explain when, why, how, and for whom, collective action manifests. MOBILISE suggests that participation in collective action is shaped by individual differences (micro) and life experiences which, separately and in combination, lead to the formation of a group consciousness (meso) via the collectivization of grievance. Group consciousness is, in turn, the proximal predictor of collective action. Collective action itself has outcomes for people (dis/empowerment) and societies. These micro and meso processes occur in the context of macro societal factors relating to the cultural, political, and economic environment. MOBILISE highlights the transformational role of interaction in explaining the global reach and rapidity with which popular movements can form.

Revenant sur la littérature en sciences humaines et sociales qui traite de l’émeute, cet article propose une avenue théorique nouvelle pour appréhender cette forme d’insurrection particulière : une approche processuelle. Ancré dans les recherches en études organisationnelles qui mobilisent cette approche, l’article analyse l’émeute qui a mené à l’incendie du commissariat de police du 3e district à Minneapolis en mai 2020. L’approche processuelle permet de déplier l’émeute et d’explorer comment elle est incarnée non pas par des criminels et des fous, mais bien par des stratèges qui communiquent intensément tout en se répartissant les tâches sur un territoire particulier. In fine, l’article invite à porter un regard différent sur l’émeute pour ainsi la considérer comme une organisation en mouvement qui fait et défait constamment, cette organisation étant constituée de corps co-affectés et productrice de nouvelles formes de vie sociale. Reviewing the literature in the humanities and social sciences which analyse riots, this article proposes a new theoretical avenue for understanding this particular form of insurrection: a processual approach. Grounded in organizational studies research which mobilizes this approach, the article analyzes the riot that led to the fire of the 3rd District Police Station in Minneapolis in May 2020. The processual approach allows us to unfold the riot and explore how it is embodied not by criminals and madmen, but by strategists who communicate intensely while distributing tasks over a particular territory. Ultimately, the article invites us to take a different look at riots in order to consider them as a moving organization, made up of co-affected bodies and producer of new forms of social life.

This thesis is a historical ethnography of the parish of Simiatug, from the turn of the twentieth century to the present but focused mainly between 1970-2020. Simiatug is a rural parish located in the Bolívar province in the central highlands of Ecuador, where Kichwa indigenous communities, a major hacienda (Hacienda Talahua), and a white-mestizo town coexisted until the early 1980s. Relationships of exploitation and racial discrimination against indigenous people were predominant during this period. Legislation such as the agrarian reforms were not implemented locally, due to the unassailable power of the landowning family, the Cordovez, who were able to maintain their estate despite the law. This began to change in the 1970s, and social change accelerated during the 1980s. Indigenous peasants organised themselves to create a Peasant House for adult literacy, founded independent bilingual schools and a Kichwa radio frequency. They also demanded changes in market relations with mestizos, refusing the asymmetrical exchange systems that had been usual until then. In April 1981, hundreds of people marched to occupy the land of hacienda Talahua, pressing for the application of land reform legislation. In 1982, they were successful, and the hacienda’s land was granted to the indigenous organisation Fundación Runacunapac Yachana Huasi (FRY). FRY still owns several hundred hectares of communal land, on which they have since carried out many agricultural and educational projects. Each chapter of the thesis analyses a different aspect of the transformation of Simiatug, contrasting observations made during fieldwork with archival material, including documents from the Land Reform Archive and several unpublished video interviews with indigenous leaders filmed by anthropologists in the 1980s. Chapter One describes the hacienda through the landowners’ and peasants’ concepts of land, Chapter Two portrays the town and its market as a second backdrop for the struggles, Chapter Three describes the uprising in which indigenous peasants occupied Hacienda Talahua, Chapter Four looks at education and Chapter Five reflects on indigeneity as a form of historical consciousness. The main historical narrative woven through the thesis has been reconstructed from the perspective of the generation who participated in the occupation of the hacienda. This narrative is complemented by other interpretations made by the indigenous youth, mestizos, and landowners. Focusing on indigeneity, from the point of view of different actors - including not only the indigenous peasants’ perceptions of their identity but also the mestizos’ and the elites’ discourses - I trace how being indigenous in Simiatug is a complex, intricate and changing reality. I argue that the struggles for land, education and fair commerce, as a practice and lived experience of political mobilisation, shaped certain forms of historical and ethnic consciousness. This allows the consideration of historical consciousness not only as an abstract process, but as a multi-layered, embodied experience, with a strong relation to certain forms of indigeneity. Unravelling these histories of change and the pivotal events that made change possible from the perspective of my interlocutors, I present the complexities of being indigenous in Simiatug in the recent past and today and across different generations., Partially funded by SENESCYT Ecuador

The Community Change Collaborative (CCC) at Virginia Tech brings together student and faculty researchers, practitioners, and community partners who are committed to enacting democratic social change at local, regional, and global levels. Under the sponsorship of the Virginia Tech Institute for Policy and Governance (IPG), CCC promotes thoughtful dialogue with leaders who have devoted their professional lives to spurring or assisting with community change. This book is the product of those conversations. Following up on the successful 2021 book, Conversations in Community Change: Voices from the Field, this new volume features 16 interviews, conducted by CCC members, with thought leaders from a variety of fields and backgrounds including the arts, journalism, political activism, law, education, and science. A frequent focus of discussion in the interviews is the indispensable role that citizen agency plays in bringing about true democratic social change. The guests share stories and insights from their work, discussing successes, challenges and setbacks, and innovative approaches. The interviews originally aired on WUVT’s Talk at the Table radio program or were featured in the podcast series, Trustees Without Borders, both hosted by IPG senior fellow Andy Morikawa. Three broad themes emerge: the imperative and animating power of the imagination, the importance of story or narrative to individual and community self-understanding, and the abiding significance of human agency to democratic change and possibility.

In 2013 the Virginia Tech Institute for Policy and Governance (VTIPG) launched the online essay series “RE: Reflections and Explorations” for Virginia Tech graduate students to share articles concerning their evolving research, interests, and experiences on topics relevant to the VTIPG mission. The “RE: Reflections and Explorations” book series features essays selected and edited by VTIPG Director Max Stephenson Jr. and affiliated research faculty member Lyusyena Kirakosyan. This volume, the third and final in the “RE: Reflections and Explorations” series, which ended in 2021, treats dimensions of the broader trends shaping policy and governance at all scales of analysis, examining the elemental issue of democratic agency and obstacles to its exercise, the difficulties inherent for self-governance in inter-governmental cooperation and in racial, ethnic, and religious diversity and the antagonisms and challenges resulting from rapid widespread economic, social, and technological shifts. These chapters investigate the dynamics of political change and movements in a time when the prevailing social imaginary makes such action, always difficult, especially tough to achieve. The book is divided into five sections, each of which addresses a discrete topical concern. In one form or another, however, the chapters all address the consequences of Western colonialism and liberalism and of its embrace in recent decades of neoliberalism’s elevation of capitalism to a governing role and its view of freedom as atomistic individualism. By illuminating deeper political trends in the United States and beyond, the authors both give hope and signal the alarm that social change is necessary if self-governance is to be preserved.

This study will experimentally test the differences between symbolic and instrumental disruptive action and test potential mechanisms. Specifically, the present study examines whether symbolic and instrumental disruptive action are perceived to have different goals (i.e., raising awareness vs. resolving an issue), and whether these goals inform people’s understanding of the status quo and the social movement. We focus our attention to the potential of symbolic disruptive action to elicit pluralistic ignorance, and the potential of instrumental disruptive action to elicit collective efficacy.

Through the study of case events in the short history of Brandeis University, I find that university administrators often pitch their responses to on-campus protest to two audiences: the protestors themselves, and the uninformed public. Administrators often try to angle their disapproval of student dissent into familiar channels, such as threat, disruption of daily affairs, and infeasibility. The university also tends to selectively employ criminalization of student protestors, based on the struggle between appearing as a stable, law-and-order institution and appearing cruel and unresponsive to student demands. The rate at which adoption of said student demands and official incorporation into the institutional history happens is determined by the radical nature of the demands’ content, as well as the relative cost of adoption. Those elements chosen for incorporation must fit into the nebulous structure of neoliberal capitalist knowledge production, and then be claimed by the university as a standalone event. While this is happening, student protestors are criminalized and disciplined while the university can profit off the history of their labor.

Resumo O artigo busca analisar os usos de novas tecnologias da comunicação e da informação (TICs) em inquéritos contra ativistas a partir de pesquisa sobre a criminalização de manifestantes no ciclo de protestos de 2013 em Porto Alegre. Por meio da análise de conteúdo do inquérito contra integrantes do Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Público, complementada por entrevistas com policiais civis, a pesquisa identifica que a narrativa policial se fundamenta em uma lógica inquisitorial, que classifica os indiciados como “lideranças” predispostas ao cometimento de delitos e vinculadas à simbologia anarquista. Do conjunto de táticas adotadas pelas forças policiais no inquérito (infiltração em eventos de protesto; estigmatização de manifestantes; coleta de depoimentos; uso de imagens; buscas e apreensões; monitoramento das redes), as TICs são operacionalizadas centralmente nas três últimas para reforçar a narrativa construída pelas fontes de informação tradicionais, tendo como principais efeitos a amplificação da visibilidade sobre os manifestantes e a busca por legitimação policial. O inquérito é centralmente mobilizado para coleta massiva de informações sobre os ativistas, constituindo-se como tática de vigilância. Abstract The article seeks to analyzes the uses of new communication and information technologies (ICTs) in police inquiries against activists based on research on the criminalization of protesters in the 2013 protest cycle in Porto Alegre. Through the content analysis of the inquiry against members of the Bloco de Lutas pelo Transporte Público, complemented by interviews with civil police officers, the research identifies that the police narrative is based on an inquisitorial logic, which classifies those indicted as “leaders” who are predisposed to the commitment of crimes and linked to anarchist symbology. From the set of tactics adopted by the police forces in the investigation (infiltration in protest events; stigmatization of protesters; testimonial collection; use of images; searches and seizures; network monitoring), the ICTs are centrally operationalized in the last three to reinforce the narrative constructed by traditional information sources, resulting, as main effects, in the amplification of visibility on the protesters and on the search for police legitimacy. The inquiry is mainly mobilized for massive collection of information about activists, constituting a surveillance tactic.

This book provides an historical account of the emergence and spread of the climate change counter movement across the globe. Drawing on an extensive database developed by the author, the book recounts the development of an international network, taking the reader on a journey through the history of the movement before looking closely at a series of comparative case studies examining movement organisations in different countries.

In recent years, the rise of right-wing populism and post-truth politics has created a dangerous cocktail, enabling ‘immigration’ and ‘anti-racism’ to be framed within dominant political and media coverage in such a way that it stigmatises and marginalises foreign nationals migrating to the United Kingdom, replicating social injustice. Several activist groups within the broader anti-racist movement are engaging in contemporary forms of video activism alongside protest action to resist and challenge these frames and framing processes. This thesis makes the necessary four-way theoretical and methodological links between hegemony, qualitative frame analysis, video activism and knowledge production to explore the ways in which dominant framings of immigration are resisted by the broader anti-racist movement. Using a broad framework combining film theory/studies and cinematography, the analysis of the visual strategies employed by eight activist groups within this movement within video activist footage disseminated on YouTube and Facebook provides unique insights into the groups themselves, and the various stylistic, shot, angling, sound and editing strategies employed that open up opportunities for framing. A further qualitative, and discursive, frame analysis explores the various frames that are used by the groups through video activism itself; persecution, hardship, heroism, empowerment, incompetence and anti-racism; producing different new knowledges surrounding organisational knowledges of the movement (including collective identity), social injustice in general, dominant hegemonic narratives, and, most importantly, the struggles of migrants and refugees. In doing so, it makes significant contribution to knowledge by proposing three unique typologies to demonstrate how the contemporary hegemonic post-truth narratives surrounding immigration can be, and are being, resisted in order to reinforce social justice.

Pre-registration for experimental component of BodyPolitic - Study Two

RESUMO Este trabalho realiza um estudo sobre o caso da tramitação legislativa e aprovação do novo Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica e de Valorização dos Profissionais da Educação em 2020, com objetivo de analisar a atuação da Campanha Nacional pelo Direito à Educação como um exemplo paradigmático de participação da sociedade civil na elaboração de políticas públicas educacionais. Para tanto, recorre-se à investigação dos documentos produzidos pela rede, sob a luz de teorias sobre políticas públicas e movimentos sociais. Conclui-se que a inserção na arena decisória dos segmentos da população mais afetados pelas políticas públicas em discussão é um caminho necessário para a ampliação dos direitos sociais e para que avancemos no caráter substancial da democracia brasileira. ABSTRACT This work aims to carry out a study on the case of legislative processing and approval of the new Fund for the Maintenance and Development of Basic Education and Valorization of Education Professionals in 2020, with the objective of analyzing the acting of the Brazilian National Campaign for the Right to Education as a paradigmatic example of civil society participation in the development of public policies. For this purpose, we resort to the investigation of documents produced by the network, in the light of theories on public policies and social movements. It is concluded that the insertion in the decision-making arena of the segments of the population most affected by the public policies under discussion is a necessary path for the expansion of social rights and the advance in the substantial character of Brazilian democracy. RESUMEN Este trabajo tiene como objetivo realizar un estudio sobre el caso de tramitación legislativa y aprobación del nuevo Fondo para el Mantenimiento y Desarrollo de la Educación Básica y Valorización de los Profesionales de la Educación en 2020, con el objetivo de analizar el desempeño de la Campaña Nacional por el Derecho a la Educación em Brasil como ejemplo paradigmático de participación de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo de políticas públicas. Para ello, recurrimos a la investigación de documentos producidos por la red, a la luz de teorías sobre políticas públicas y movimientos sociales. Se concluye que la inserción en la arena de decisión de los segmentos de la población más afectados por las políticas públicas en discusión es un camino necesario para la expansión de los derechos sociales y para avanzar en el carácter sustancial de la democracia brasileña.

A survey will be conducted to assess the emotions and sentimentality generated by the public regarding the recognition of Juneteenth as a federal holiday.

This is a preregistration of a Master's thesis project as part of the Social and Economic Research Master’s program at Leiden University. Climate change is one of today’s most pressing issues, and, social movements play a crucial role in creating political pressure to act upon climate change. However, the environmental movement in the Global North has been criticized for comprising mainly White and middle-class people (Bell & Bevan 2020), thus lacking representation of people of color and lower-class people. While an increasing amount of research has been done on social movements, only very few studies have investigated what are the concrete acts through which social movements can become more inclusive. The current study aims to respond to this gap and examine the effect of representation on minority support for and willingness to participate in the environmental movement. More specifically, we aim to investigate whether increased representation of people of color within an environmental movement makes people of color evaluate the movement more positively and to engage more in environmental activism behavior. The study will thus broaden the scientific knowledge and provide insights for social movements on how they can become more inclusive and appeal to larger groups of people.

A survey will be conducted to assess the emotions and sentimentality generated by the public regarding the recognition of Juneteenth as a federal holiday.

Karantina ve sonrasında aşı karşıtı gösteriler, 2020’den bu yana hemen hemen her ülkede çeşitli büyüklüklerde gelişmiş ve neredeyse küresel bir eylem dalgasına dönüşmüştür. Çalışmanın amacı, bu eylemlerde muhafazakar argümanların eylemlerin yoğunlaştığı ABD ve Avrupa örneklerinde nasıl tanımladığını incelemektir. Çalışmada üç ana eksen, muhafazakar argümanlarla gerçekleşen eylemler, buradaki özgürlük vurgusu ve bunun küresel çapta bir söyleme dönüşmesi incelenecektir. Bu çerçevede liberalizm ve muhafazakarlık arasındaki bağların esnediği, neoliberal dünyanın serbest piyasaların işleyişi üzerinde kurduğu normallerin sarsıldığı savunulacaktır. Salgının yarattığı yeni durumun önceki siyasal sistemin temellerini aşırı biçimde değiştirme ihtimali, muhafazakarları eyleme sürükleyen temel noktadır. Çeşitli sayısal verilere değinse de asıl olarak kavramsal eksende ilerleyen bu çalışmada öncelikle bu hareketlerin oluştuğu siyasal ve ekonomik çerçeve, neoliberalizm ve popülizm kavramlarına dair temel tespitlerle çizilecektir. Ardından ABD ve Avrupa’da hareketleri koordine eden kurum ve örgütler üzerinden eylemlerde öne çıkarılan özgürlük bağlamı incelenecektir. Piyasaların güvenliği ve kişisel özgürlük bağlamlarında küresel düzenin ana ekseni haline gelen neoliberalizm, toplumsal protestoların yeni hedef tahtası olmuştur. Muhafazakarlığın makul olma, liderler aracılığıyla yavaş bir değişim isteği bu eylemlerde, bu düşüncenin çok yatkın olmadığı radikal yöntemlerle daha keskin bir direnişe ve sadece yerel düzeyde değil küresel çapta bir eleştiriye dönüşmüştür. Burada, küreselleşme-karşıtı hareketteki gibi, hiyerarşik ya da sıkı bir örgütlenme içinde olmadan, taban oluşumlarının, sıradan insanın gündelik hayat dertlerine dair taleplerini ifade eden kendiliğinden oluşumların ve ona eşlik eden yeni birlikteliklerin kitlelerin eylem ve ifade biçimi olmaya başladığı görülebilir. Bu yeni eklemlenmelerin neoliberal işleyişin içinde yeni kırılmaları ifade etme ihtimali yüksektir., The main purpose of the study is to examine conservative arguments during the anti lockdown and vaccine actions, in the examples of the USA and Europe. Three principal axes, the actions taking place with conservative arguments, the emphasis on freedom and its transformation into a global discourse will be examined. In this framework, it will be argued that the ties between liberalism and conservatism have been stretched, and the normals established by the neoliberal world on the functioning of free markets have been shaken. The main point that drives conservatives to action is that the possibility that the current situation created by the epidemic will radically change the foundations of the previous political system. The debate is also directly related to the political pursuits created by populism. The political and economic framework in which these movements emerged will be drawn with the basic determinations of the concepts of neoliberalism and populism, and then the context of freedom, emphasized on the institutions and organizations coordinating the movements in the USA and Europe, will be examined. Neoliberalism, which has become the main axis of the global order in the context of market security and personal freedom, has become the new target of social protests. Conservatism's desire for reasonableness and a slow change through leaders has turned into a sharper resistance and a wave of criticism not only at the local level but also at the global level in these actions, with radical methods that this thought is not very suitable for. It can be seen that grassroots formations, spontaneous formations expressing the demands of ordinary people about the daily life problems and accompanying new associations, without being in a hierarchical or tight organization as in the anti-globalization movement, have started to be the form of action and expression of the masses.

À l’automne 2016, dans la ville portuaire d’Al Hoceima, au nord du Rif, à près de 300 km du Tanger, se sont déroulées les plus grandes protestations socio-économiques du Maroc depuis 2010-2011, début des Printemps arabes. Le mouvement de protestation, qui devait prendre le nom de hhirâk ar-rîf [mouvement du Rif] ou hhirâk ashsha’bî bil-rîf [mouvement populaire au Rif] (désormais dans ce texte simplement : hirak ou hirak du Rif), a été déclenché par la mort de Mohcine Fikri, un vendeur de pois...

Using a scoping review methodology, we aim to provide a broad overview of all current evidence regarding the role of leadership in social movements.

This project explores how exposure to repression shapes attitudes and support toward subsequent collective action tendencies using a survey experiment in Uganda.

This chapter surveys the trajectories and role of social movements in Portugal since the transition to democracy. Popular mobilization on an unprecedented scale was one of the remarkable traits of the Carnation Revolution. Since then, the social movement field has undergone a number of changes—at times echoing developments elsewhere in Europe, others charting its own path. By analysing these shifts, this chapter engages with key debates about the nature of politics in Portugal. Is it a low-mobilization democracy? How autonomous are its social movements, and what is their relationship with institutional politics? While usually viewed as a peripheral country characterized by low-engagement patterns, the Portuguese case reveals some surprises when one considers its bridging role in terms of innovation in forms and study of participation.

Many influence professionals within the U.S. Department of Defense are aware of the power of social movements, but current training and doctrine does not address the key components that affect the success of a movement. When successful, social movements have been an effective driving force to enact change in their respective societies. Change can be seen in the form of major policy changes or, in some instances, a full transfer of power. Regardless of outcome, however, social movements are characterized by the social and political instability that accompanies them. In an era of intense global competition, the U.S. should leverage all mechanisms of competition to combat its adversaries. The purpose of this research is to examine the variables both quantitative and qualitative that influence a movements probability of success. This research identifies key variables that influence practitioners should consider and evaluate prior to committing support to a movement organization. Furthermore, this research supports the idea that non-violent action may be a better alternative to compete with US adversaries in environments with little to no U.S. presence. Major, United States Army Major, United States Army Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.