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"The object of the present report was not to look more closely into the interfaces between the Rio conventions but to weigh the benefits of international cooperation based on conventions against other forms (e.g. bilateral development cooperation). The most important approach of bi- and multilateral development cooperation in the forest sector consists in national forest programs (NFPs), which are designed to achieve an integrated, interministerial course of action on sustainable forest management and forest protection in developing countries. Analysis of the NFPs has shown that the most important bottlenecks to their implementation must be sought in the inherent difficulties of integrated action. A forest convention could help to eliminate these bottlenecks, as is shown by the experiences made in connection with other convention processes, where slow progress is being made with integrated action." (excerpt)

1\. Introduction 5 2\. Conceptual Clarifications 7 2.1 Mechanisms of Diffusion 7 2.2 How to Analyze Environmental Ideas? 8 3\. Where Did Ideas about the Environment Come from? 9 4\. Which Ideas Were Adopted? The Environmental Action Programme of 1973 12 5\. Which International Models Did the EC Draw on? 15 5.1 UNESCO - Man and the Biosphere 1968 16 5.2 US - National Environmental Policy Act 1969 18 5.3 Council of Europe - European Conservation Year 1970 19 5.4 The UN Conference on the Human Environment 1972 20 5.5 Summary: Which Ideas were Included? 21 6\. How and Why Did the EC Receive and Appropriate Environmental Ideas? 23 7\. Conclusions 26 Literature 29, Environmental policy has become an important area of European Union (EU) policy making, even though it had not originally been foreseen in the Treaty of Rome. Its emergence in the early 1970s can be understood as a result of a transfer of the novel policy idea of the environment to the European level. This paper thus inquires into the emergence of a European environmental policy from a diffusion of ideas perspective. Rather than focusing on multi-level policy making it seeks to trace the diffusion of environmental ideas from the level of international organizations to the European Communities (EC) in the early 1970s. It analyzes how and why these new concepts were taken up by the European Communities and adapted to the specific institutional framework of the EC. Starting with a brief introduction into the historical context, the paper first explores the origins of the notion of the environment as a political concept emerging in the context of international organizations at the time. Secondly, an analysis of the first Environmental Action Programme of 1973 will be used to show how the EC conceptualized the environment, including the definition of problems and potential remedies. Thirdly, the origins of these ideas will be traced back to international models, from the UNESCO conference “Man and the Biosphere” in 1968 onwards. In a final step, the paper tries to explain the diffusion and reception of ideas. It examines how these ideas were received by the EC, which actors were involved in this process, and which mechanisms of diffusion played a role. The goal is thus to make a contribution to the debate about the transnational diffusion of ideas.

In order to achieve cost-effective RES-E deployment it is often argued that technology-neutral support schemes for renewables are indispensable. Against this background, RES-E support policies making widely use of technology differentiation in remuneration settings, e.g. across the EU, are frequently criticized from a theoretical point of view. However, in this paper we provide a systematic critique of the technology neutrality concept as a foundation for designing policy support schemes in the RES-E technology field. Specifically, the main objective of the paper is to scrutinize the arguments for technology-neutrality, and discuss three conceptual arguments for why technology-specific support schemes could in fact help minimize the societal costs of reaching future RES-E targets. We also briefly address different political economy concerns, which could constrain the choice of cost-effective policy support schemes, and that have to be taken into account for economic policy advice. For empirical illustration of the key arguments we refer to the case of German RES-E support.

Policies for sustainability transitions necessarily have three main characteristics: they are prescriptive with regard to dynamic societal processes, linked to the normativity of sustainable development, and are able to interlink both the societal and the individual levels. Taking transition management as a starting point, the paper elaborates that it cannot well address the second and third characteristic. We therefore suggest complementing transition management approaches with the individualistic capability approach and the more structural practice theory. We suggest a heuristic combination that places individuals back into the study of sustainability transitions and show with three suggestions how this might change research on and for transitions. Firstly, we propose to assess sustainability on individual, niche, and regime level; Secondly, we show that the crucial learning processes occurring in the transition processes can be better understood when interrelating the three levels; Finally, we elaborate that the governance of sustainability transitions necessarily has – at the same time – to foster free spaces for experimentation and to select those niches that are conducive to more instead of less sustainability.

Recent work has shown that Weitzman's policy rule for choosing price- versus quantity-based pollution control instruments under uncertainty is biased when the polluting firms possess market power (Heuson 2010). However, this study is restricted to emission standards and taxes, while tradable emission permits are ruled out since market power gives rise to strategic permit trading, which requires some separate effort in investigation. This paper aims at closing this gap and, in doing so, makes three main contributions. First, it provides the first-time full comparative analysis of the three most common pollution control instruments stated above which takes into account two features that are frequently given in actual regulation settings, namely market power of polluting firms and uncertain abatement costs from the regulator's perspective. Second, the paper reveals a new form of strategic permit trading that may arise even though the permit market is perfectly competitive. Finally, the rather pessimistic view concerning the impact of market power on the comparative advantage of tradable emission permits, which dominates in the literature so far, is put into context.

1\. Introduction 5 2\. Diffusion and Domestic Politics 7 3\. European and Global Ideas Concerning Climate Change Mitigation 9 4\. Limited Socialization and Lesson-Drawing: The Development of Chinese Climate Change Policy 12 5\. Resistance to Diffusion: The Development of Indian Climate Change Policy 18 6\. Conclusions 23 Literature 25, The EU has for a long time claimed the title of “leader” in the international politics of climate change. However, existing research has generally failed to specify whether the EU’s purported leadership has induced the “followership” of other states. This working paper seeks to shed light on this somewhat neglected topic by examining the attempted diffusion of climate change norms, policies, and institutions by the EU to China and India. The paper makes two principal arguments. First, the development of Chinese and Indian climate change policy should be understood as primarily domestic developments. Nonetheless, there was limited evidence of diffusion from the EU, but there was significant variation between the Chinese and Indian responses to the EU’s diffusion attempts. The Chinese response was one increasing accommodation; the Indian response was a more straightforward case of resistance. Second, domestic factors help to explain the variation in the Chinese and Indian responses to EU attempts at diffusion and, related, the observed pattern of diffusion from the EU to China and India. Particularly important is the degree to which new external ideas and concepts resonate with pre-existing domestic ideas and concepts. The paper thus paints a picture of limited EU leadership, but also suggests that the EU attempts to secure “followership” could be enhanced by paying greater attention to the domestic politics and preferences of third countries.

"As part of a wider review of existing scenario analyses in areas with direct relevance to the future of global development, this paper focuses on two major recent studies: the scenarios contained in the UN Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA) and the scenarios developed by the International Energy Agency (IEA) in support of the G8 Gleneagles plan of action on climate change, clean energy and sustainable development. The paper offers a critical appraisal of these scenarios, examines the drivers of change that are considered to influence future developments, explores the implications of the scenarios for developing countries, and outlines what types of changes in development policy could be appropriate in light of the lessons learned from these scenario exercises. The adverse consequences of growing pressures on ecosystems due to demographic and economic drivers identified in the MEA scenario projections are most immediately felt by rural poor populations in the least developed regions of the world. The degradation of ecosystem services poses a significant barrier to the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. Many of the regions facing the greatest challenges in achieving these targets coincide with regions facing the greatest problems of ecosystem degradation. Significant changes in policies, institutions, and practices can mitigate many of the negative consequences of growing pressures on ecosystems. A key implication of the interdependence between environmental and development goals is the need for a meaningful integration of environmental sustainability concerns in national development plans and strategies of individual donors and intergovernmental development agencies, as well as the need for closer coordination between multilateral environmental agreements and other international institutions in the development policy sphere. The IEA baseline scenario clearly shows that without decisive globally coordinated policy action in support of the adoption of low-carbon energy technologies, GHG emissions will continue to rise rapidly over the 21st century and exacerbate current global warming trends. However, in the presence of a supporting policy environment, emerging clean energy technologies can move the global energy system onto a more sustainable path and return world-wide energy-related CO2 emissions back to today's level by 2050. Most of the future growth in energy demand, and hence emissions, arises from developing countries. An effective follow-up agreement to the Kyoto Protocol must therefore include the major large and fast-growing developing countries including China and India. Developed countries have an important role to play in helping developing economies to leapfrog the technology development process and to employ efficient equipment and practices through technology transfer, capacity building and collaborative research, development and demonstration efforts. It will take a huge internationally coordinated effort to achieve the positive outcomes suggested by the IEA-scenarios, and development cooperation on an unprecedented scale will be required as part of this effort. Thus, an important future role of development policy must be the facilitation of the technology and knowledge transfer that is required to meet this challenge. Overall, the scenario studies under review confirm that ecosystem degradation and global warming pose serious threats for poverty reduction and development and deserve high priority on the future development policy agenda." (author's abstract)

This paper examines the prospects and feasibility of using the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU as a roadmap for reorienting the Ukrainian brown economy toward a green economy, making use of green financial instruments in the process. The first chapter is dedicated to the concept of green financial policy as well as its main fiscal and market instruments. The second chapter explores in detail the state of climate-related affairs in Ukraine, the country's commitments to numerous international environmental agreements as well as the role of the EU Association Agreement and its place in the Ukrainian economic context. The third chapter considers the political, economic and social measures required to establish a green financial policy. Our central findings are as follows: (1) Although Ukraine has been making progress towards a green financial policy in recent years, there is no doubt that the country needs technical and financial assistance from its European partners. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the countries of the European Union provides an essential basis for building a green economy in Ukraine. (2) Despite efforts to mobilise internal green financial resources, the Ukrainian Government is struggling with what has already been achieved and is at a crossroads in moving in a different direction. For this reason, local and even non-governmental organisations in Ukraine today have often a greater direct influence on the process of building a green economy than the government itself. Two promising examples of Ukrainian companies seeking a green reputation are the Ukrainian Green Bank (Ukrgasbank) and the large energy company DTEK.

"Germany's pioneering role in the field of renewable energies (RES) can best be observed by its world leading position in installed wind power and photovoltaics. Also its first European rank in the production of biofuels and installed solar thermal collector space is remarkable. These successes are not due to an exceptionally good natural resource base; mainly they are the result of an innovative national support policy. Pressure from the European and international commitments also have contributed to the German success story in RES. The current paper analyses the main factors of the German case in the development of RES, including the design elements of the national promotion instruments and support programmes, the policy impacts from the European and the international level, technical as well as cognitive conditions. In addition, a description is given of further driving forces for a successful RES development in other European countries. The paper ends with the question which of the described success factors of the German RES case might be transferable to China - and which not." (author's abstract)

"This discussion paper is about the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) - one of the multilateral agreements that came out of the UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. UNCCD is based on a conceptualization of international relations that transcends to a large extent the traditional notions of inter-governmental treaties. Such policy concepts are known under the framework of Global Governance as they allocate political action rather to the horizontal level - implying multi-actor-networks and the civil society - than to vertical or top-down processes. The paper first shows that - inspired by the Brundtland Report and the emerging process of globalization - Rio was the peak season for Global Governance concepts that found their way into treaties and triggered structural reform, thus shaping a different reality of multilateral cooperation. In a second step, the paper shows that the Convention to Combat Desertification is the most Global Governance oriented of all of UNCED's outcomes. Its legally binding text contains a number of pertinent elements, ranging from a stringent cross-over of environment and development issues, via the ąbottom-up approach', to a mix of policy tools such as mainstreamed national action programmes and partnership agreements." (author's abstract), Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die UN-Konvention zur Bekämpfung der Desertifikation (UNCCD). Sie zählt zu den multilateralen Übereinkünften, die im Zuge der 1992 in Rio de Janeiro veranstalteten UN-Konferenz über Umwelt und Entwicklung (UNCED) geschlossen wurden. Die UNCCD basiert auf einem Konzept internationaler Beziehungen, das zu einem großen Teil jenseits traditioneller Vorstellungen von Verträgen zwischen Regierungen angesiedelt ist. Solche auch als Global Governance bezeichneten Politikkonzepte sind eher horizontal als vertikal orientiert und beziehen Akteurnetzwerken und Zivilgesellschaft ein. Ausgehend vom Brundtland-Report und dem sich entwickelnden Prozess der Globalisierung zeigt der Verfasser, dass Rio den Höhepunkt für Global Governance-Konzepte war; diese Konzepte fanden ihren Niederschlag in Verträgen und setzten strukturelle Reformprozesse in Gang, die eine neue Form multilateraler Zusammenarbeit schufen. Von allen Ergebnissen, die die UNCED zeitigte, ist die UNCCD am meisten auf Global Governance orientiert. Ihr rechtlich verbindlicher Vertragstext enthält eine Reihe entsprechender Elemente, so die Verbindung von Umwelt- und Entwicklungsfragen, einen bottom-up-Ansatz und einen Mix von Politikinstrumenten wie nationale Aktionsprogramme und Partnerschaftsvereinbarungen. (ICEÜbers)

"In this paper, the author discusses two different beliefs of how institutional change towards sustainability in agriculture and environment works: the institutional view and the evolutionary view. Both perspectives are studied in the context of restructuring the agricultural sectors and rural environments in Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs). The specific nature of the 'agri-environmental problem' calls for specific institutions and may require a specific building process. Case study results are presented showing the effect of EU accession on institutional change towards sustainability in several CEECs. The results provide evidence that the quality of institutional change required for sustainability goes beyond the building of legislative frameworks and requires more time than was envisaged by the roadmap to accession. Finally, the paper explores the role of social and human capital stocks in rural areas of CEECs outlining a number of differences in environmental governance in the agricultural sectors between various CEECs." (author's abstract)

Der erste Abschnitt des Forschungsberichtes untersucht die slowenische Landwirtschafts- und Umweltpolitik hinsichtlich des Naturschutzes und der nachhaltigen ländlichen Entwicklung während der Übergangsphase des Landes. Diese Periode ist sowohl durch die Schaffung eines unabhängigen Staates, die Einführung eines demokratischen Mehrparteiensystems, den Übergang von der Plan- zur Marktwirtschaft als auch durch die EU-Mitgliedschaftskandidatur geprägt. Die Analyse der bestehenden Gesetze macht deutlich, dass die Gesetzgebung im Bereich des Umwelt- und Naturschutzes weiter fortgeschritten und in der Praxis effektiver ist als die Gesetzgebung in der Land- und Forstwirtschaft. Beide Bereiche lassen jedoch eine Annäherung zwischen oben und unten erkennen. In dem zweiten Abschnitt werden eine Reihe von empirischen Untersuchungen in den Bereichen der Land- und Forstwirtschaft sowie der Umweltschutzmaßnahmen unter dem Einfluss verschiedener Gesetze dokumentiert, insbesondere die vorgeschlagene Gründung des Trnovski Gozd Regionalparks als Naturschutzgebiet. Die empirischen Studien basieren auf Interviews mit 20 Vertretern der lokalen und sieben Mitgliedern der staatlichen Elite. Die befragte lokale und staatliche Elite glaubt, dass trotz einiger Einschränkungen der Park gute Gelegenheiten für die lokale Entwicklung (Werbung für den Park, neue Arbeitsplätze, Öko-Tourismus) bieten wird und zudem Natur-/Biodiversität und Umweltschutz garantiert. Des Weiteren plädiert die lokale Elite dafür, dass lokale Autoritäten und Anwohner (NGOs) bei der Gründung des Regionalparks mit eingebunden werden sollten. (ICGÜbers), "The first part of the paper examines Slovenian agricultural and environmental policy related to nature protection and sustainable rural development in the period of the country's transition. This period has been characterised by creation a new independent state, introduction of a multi-party democratic political system, transformation of planned-market economy to market economy as well as by the coming accession to the EU. The analysis of relevant laws reveals that environment and nature protection legislation is more advanced and more effective in practice than agricultural and forestry legislation, both, however, displaying a top-down approach. In the second part of the paper, empirical studies are made into the impact of the different laws on agriculture, forestry and environment protection practices as well as into the proposed foundation of Trnovski Gozd regional park as a protected area. The empirical studies were based on interviews made with 20 members of local and 7 members of state elite. Local and state elite respondents believe that, despite some limitations, the park will offer good opportunities for local development (promotion of the area, new jobs, eco-tourism), and by the same token guarantee protection of nature/ biodiversity and the environment. The local elite respondents, furthermore, agree that local authorities and local residents (NGOs) should participate at all stages of the foundation of the regional park." (author's abstract)

"Der Text berichtet über die in Deutschland geführte sozialwissenschaftliche Diskussion über das umweltpolitische Programm 'Lokale Agenda 21'. Er versucht eine vorläufige Rekonstruktion der spezifischen Gestalt der Agenda-Prozesse und ihrer Abweichungen von der westdeutschen Tradition der Politischen Ökologie, und diskutiert die theoretischen Fragen, die sich angesichts dieser neuartigen Phänomene stellen. Dabei geht es vor allem um die Angemessenheit der modernisierungstheoretischen Perspektive, mit der Beteiligte und Beobachter auf die LA 21 blicken. Entgegen deren Prämissen scheinen die Erfolge der LA 21 nicht darauf zurückzuführen, daß die problematischen Folgen von Differenzierungsprozessen durch einen vernünftigen Konsens auf der Grundlage universalistischer Normen aufgefangen werden. Vielmehr scheinen hier partikularistische Momente eine entscheidende Rolle zu spielen - nicht nur in Form einer kalkulierenden Verfolgung des je selektiven Nutzens, sondern auch durch Auswirkungen lokaler Identitäten, die besser durch 'kommunitaristische' Konzepte zu erfassen sind. Gerade was dieses Nutzbarmachen partikularistischer Orientierungen betrifft, scheint die LA 21 eine grundlegende Veränderung in der deutschen Politischen Ökologie darzustellen." (Autorenreferat), "This paper reports on the social science debate in Germany over the environmental policy program, 'Local Agenda 21' (LA 21). It attempts a preliminary reconstruction of the specific form the LA 21 processes have taken, and it tries to show how they deviate from the traditional West German notion of political ecology. The paper examines theoretical issues and questions that present themselves in light of this new phenomenonin particular, it considers the appropriateness of the modernization-theoretical perspective with which participants and observers have scrutinized LA 21. Contrary to their suppositions, the success LA 21 has enjoyed does not appear to have stemmed from fact that problems generated by differentiation processes has been resolved through a reasonable consensus based upon universal norms. It is more likely that particularistic instances have played a decisive roll in LA 21's success - not only in terms of calculated pursuit of selective benefits, but also in terms of the impacts of local identities, which can be more accurately described by using 'communitarian' concepts. Precisely because of this particularistic orientation, it appears that LA 21 represents a fundamental shift within German political ecology." (author's abstract)

"Das Abschlussdokument 'Agenda 21' der Rio-Konferenz von 1992 fordert in Kapitel 28 die Kommunen auf, in einem breiten Konsultationsprozess mit ihrer Bürgerschaft lokale Aktionsprogramme für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung zu entwickeln. Nachdem in Berlin alle (ehemaligen) 23 Stadtbezirke in diesen Prozess eintraten, setzte das Abgeordnetenhaus von Berlin mit seinem Beschluss vom September 1999 den Startschuss für die Entwicklung einer gesamtstädtischen Agenda. In dieser Arbeit werden zunächst die Aktivitäten und Erfahrungen der Lokale Agenda 21-Prozesse in den einzelnen Stadtbezirken ausgewertet und dann mit den gesamtstädtischen Entwicklungen verglichen. Nach den Kriterien 'Partizipation', 'Öffentlichkeitsarbeit' und 'Verbindlichkeit der Politik' - die sich als zentrale Erfolgsfaktoren für die LA 21 herausstellten - kann der Berliner Agenda-Prozess nicht als stabilisiert gelten. Während in den Stadtbezirken die (Bürger-)Beteiligung abnimmt, ist auf der gesamtstädtischen Ebene von vornherein eine geringe und eher 'professionelle' Beteiligung gegeben. Es wird vorgeschlagen, den vagen Begriff der (Bürger-)Beteiligung anhand des Gegensatzpaares Konsens versus Dissens genauer zu differenzieren und die von Akteuren zunehmend geäußerte Kritik an den in der LA 21 vorherrschenden Konsensstrategien ernsthaft zu berücksichtigen. Eine anstehende Wende von der Konsens- bzw. 'win-win'-Strategie hin zu einer konstruktiven 'Dissensstrategie' der sozialen Bewegungen wird diskutiert." (Autorenreferat), "In chapter 28 of the final document 'Agenda 21' of the Rio Conference 1992, the local municipalities are requested to develop local action programs to implement sustainable development. After all (former) 23 boroughs of Berlin became involved in the Local Agenda 21 process, the city parliament passed a resolution in September 1999 to develop a Berlin-wide Local Agenda 21. This paper investigates the activities and experiences with the agenda processes in the individual boroughs of Berlin and, afterwards, compares these to citywide developments. According to the criteria 'participation', 'public relations' and 'policy commitment' - which are identified as central for a successful process - the Berlin process cannot be considered as stabilised. While participation has decreased in the boroughs, the citywide process was characterised by low participation and professional actors from the very outset. This paper suggests that the vague concept of participation should be distinguished along the concepts of consensus and dissent. The criticism against the consensus strategy of the Local Agenda 21 mentioned by local actors should be taken seriously into account. The upcoming turn from consensus and win-win strategies towards new dissent strategies in social movements is discussed." (author's abstract)

The European Union (EU) has been advocating climate policy ambitions from the very beginning of the international climate regime. Climate action to support the implementation of the Paris Agreement (2015) involves nearly all fields of national and international policy-making. In this research paper, we look into the role of trade policy in this respect. There are several legal and institutional options for how policy-makers in the EU and elsewhere could promote a productive relationship between the UN climate regime and the international trade regime, comprising the World Trade Organization (WTO) and regional trade agreements (RTAs). The increasing number of WTO disputes over national renewable energy policy regulations points to a systemic conflict between national climate policies and WTO obligations, whereas a number of RTAs including environmental standards demonstrate positive ways forward, in particular on how to avoid a race to the bottom. As a longer-term vision, we identify the legal options under the WTO regime, and for the medium term we suggest synergies that the EU can achieve through RTA negotiations and reviews. In the short term, the EU and its Member States should push for more transparency on trade-related climate measures, for example through notifications, between the bodies of the WTO and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as follow up with climate policy allies on trade initiatives that support the climate agenda. (author's abstract)

This paper uses a political ecology approach to unpack the experience of local governments and displaced communities in Sarawak, Malaysia, with Chinese dam construction at the Bakun Hydroelectric Dam. Data for the study was collected over 32 months from 2014 to 2016. The field site offered a unique insight into how recipient countries of aid are also often at the receiving end of domestic politics of donor countries. The paper finds that Chinese and Australian enterprises involved in the dam construction and resettlement of indigenous communities displayed different understandings with regards to social and environmental safeguards, resulting in a dysfunctional handover of the project from Australian to Chinese leadership. Consequently, indigenous communities were dispossessed from their land, affecting their ability to successfully reconstruct their livelihoods, with their attempts to do so causing further damage to the environment around the reservoir of the dam.

Ecological Fiscal Transfers (EFT) have recently gained attention as a promising instrument to provide incentives for nature conservation addressing public authorities. In parallel, both the EU and different European countries are exploring new mechanisms to mobilise funding to support biodiversity conservation. So far, existing EFT mechanisms in Europe have been implemented at the national level in Portugal and, to some extent, in France while in Brazil EFT schemes exist between the state and local level. In this paper we develop a proposal for an EFT design within the supranational context of the EU and assess its potential effects with evidence-based estimates. To provide such a knowledge base for a potential supranational EU-EFT implementation, we i) provide a theoretical underpinning, and an analytical synthesis of the current experiences both with the uptake of EFT and the implementation of EU's nature conservation legislation (i.e. the Habitats and Bird Directives), ii) propose a model for an EFT implementation within the existing EU funding framework for N2k financing which is built upon both quantitative and qualitative conservation indicators, iii) compute fiscal effects of our suggested model and analyse how the resulting payments would be (spatially) distributed among European regions, and iv) discuss the model outcomes in terms of ecological effectiveness, distributive effects, and cost-efficiency. Thereby we aim at stimulating a debate about how to better integrate ecological public functions within multi-level and supra-national governance structures.

The EU Water Framework Directive (WFD) calls for cost-effective measures to achieve a "good status" in all European ground, surface and coastal waters. Besides eutrophication, the degradation of hydro-morphology is the main reason for failing the WFD's objectives in Germany. In this paper , we conceptualize the interactive decision support process BASINFORM-M for finding proper locations for river restora tion. The method combines the recently proposed "stepping stone concept" from aquatic ecology with elements from cost-effectiveness analysis, multi-criteria analysis and participatory approaches. BASINFORM-M exemplifies a shift away from the isolated resto ration of single river reaches to wards a consideration of functional relationships within the whole river network. In doing so, it satisfies the WFD's requirement of considering cost-effectiveness without neglecting other important evaluation criteria.

The conclusions of Advocate General Jääskinen in the matter of the infringement proceedings against Germany, regarding the scope of the term "water services" in Article 9 of the Water Framework Directive, are now available. In these he considers that the action brought by the Commission against the narrow interpretation in Germany, which is restricted to water supply and waste water disposal, is inadmissible due to the fact that there is no complaint in respect of any clearly defined conduct that would constitute an infringement; in the alternative he materially agrees in full with the position put forward by Germany. However, this paper argues that the AG's main arguments in favour of a strict interpretation are misleading.

As economic incentives for biodiversity and ecosystem service protection (e.g., payments for ecosystem services) have become widespread in environmental science and policy, a major concern among conservationists and environmental scientists is that economic incentives may undermine people's intrinsic motivations to conserve biodiversity. In this paper we review the theoretical insights and empirical findings on motivation crowding effects with economic instruments for biodiversity protection. First, we synthesize the psychological mechanisms behind motivation crowding effects relevant for environmental behavior as identified in the specialized literature. We then conduct a systematic review of the empirical evidence. Our results show that, although several empirical studies suggest the existence of crowding-out and crowding-in effects, evidence remains inconclusive due to i) methodological limitations for empirical studies to demonstrate crowding effects, ii) lack of adequate baseline information about pre-existing intrinsic motivations, iii) weak comparability of results across case studies resulting from inconsistent terminology and methods, and iv) the complexity stemming from cultural and contextual heterogeneity. We conclude that, as economic instruments for conservation are increasingly implemented, it becomes paramount to develop robust methodologies for assessing pre-existing intrinsic motivations and changes in people's motivational structures. To address possible detrimental long term effects for conservation outcomes we call for caution in situations where high uncertainties remain.

In this discussion paper, we introduce and outline in detail an analytical scheme - SCAPE - that has been developed over several years, that has been tested and iteratively refined through application to dozens of case studies, and which is currently in use for a case survey of several hundred case studies of public environmental decision-making. The ‘scheme for the comparative analysis of public environmental decision-making’ (SCAPE) facilitates the systematic comparison of cases of public decision-making and serves to identify causal relationships between the characteristics of a decision-making process and its outcomes. The framework is meant to be applicable to a wide range of public decision-making processes, focused on but not limited to environmental governance processes SCAPE is particularly suited to the analysis of processes in the realm of environmental governance that entail different forms of citizen and interest group involvement or environmental mediation. It develops a clear notion of the ‘decision-making process’ as its core unit of analysis, and provides a coherently structured set of more than 300 items covering: contextual conditions (section B) such as the societal and political environment, the pre-history of a decision-making process, elements of the issue at stake, characteristics of the relevant stakeholder field, and the level of pre-existing conflict; process characteristics (section C) such as who is involved in terms of governmental and non-governmental actors, the configuration of power relations, the role of scientific expertise, communication and information flows between actors, aspects of process facilitation, and process resources; process outputs and outcomes (section D) in terms of social, economic and environmental aspects (with an emphasis on the latter), social learning, trust-building, public acceptance, and conflict resolution, to name but a few.

In the 20 years since the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was adopted, progress in global climate policy has been modest. Annual greenhouse gas emissions have increased by over one-third since 1992. Acute conflicts of interest remain a persistent obstacle. One of the few points of general consensus in the international community is on the overarching objective of limiting the temperature increase to two degrees Celsius. If one is to accept key recommendations from scientific policy advisors, emissions will have to be reduced significantly between 2010 and 2020 to stay below the 2°C limit. Yet given that global emissions trends are moving in the opposite direction and will be impossible to reverse in a matter of a few years, this goal is patently unrealistic. And since a target that is obviously unattainable cannot fulfill either a positive symbolic function or a productive governance function, the primary target of international climate policy will have to be modified. The express aim of this paper is to stand apart from the innumerable studies detailing theoretically possible measures to avoid crossing the 2°C threshold. Instead, it provides the first systematic analysis of possible options for modifying the 2°C target. A particular focus is placed here on the relationship between climate science and climate policy. Since the EU brought the objective into the climate policy arena, the modification of the 2°C target carries the risk of damaging the EU's public image. Furthermore, it would lead to a debate over the easing of the EU's internal emissions reduction objectives which are directly derived from the 2°C target. This could become a highly controversial issue in the coming years, when the EU has to decide on its legally binding emissions target for 2030. (author's abstract), Zwanzig Jahre nachdem die Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen verabschiedet wurde, fällt die Bilanz der internationalen Klimapolitik bescheiden aus. Die jährlichen Emissionen sind seit 1992 um gut ein Drittel gewachsen. Die Interessengegensätze zwischen Industrie-, Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländern sind anhaltend groß. Einer der wenigen Aspekte, über die Konsens besteht, ist das übergeordnete Ziel, den Temperaturanstieg auf zwei Grad Celsius zu beschränken. Folgt man den Kernaussagen der Klimaforschung, müssten die Emissionen zwischen 2010 und 2020 bereits deutlich reduziert werden, um ein Scheitern des von der EU durchgesetzten 2-Grad-Ziels noch zu verhindern. Angesichts eines gegenläufigen globalen Emissionstrends ist dies völlig unrealistisch. Da ein als unerreichbar geltendes Ziel politisch aber weder eine positive Symbol- noch eine produktive Steuerungsfunktion erfüllen kann, wird das zentrale Ziel der internationalen Klimapolitik unweigerlich modifiziert werden müssen. Vor diesem Hintergrund reiht sich die vorliegende Studie nicht in die Vielzahl von Untersuchungen ein, in denen dargelegt wird, mit welchen Maßnahmen sich das Überschreiten der 2-Grad-Marke theoretisch noch vermeiden ließe. Vielmehr werden hier erstmals systematisch mögliche Varianten einer Veränderung des 2-Grad-Ziels analysiert. Eine politische Diskussion über die Zukunft des 2-Grad-Ziels ist bisher ausgeblieben. Da die Emissionen weltweit immer noch ansteigen, wird die EU dieser Frage aber nicht mehr lange ausweichen können. Die hierbei entscheidenden Staats- und Regierungschefs der EU-Mitgliedstaaten werden sich darüber klarwerden müssen, wie eine Veränderung der Zielformel mit ihren jeweiligen klima-, außen- und wirtschaftspolitischen Interessen in Einklang gebracht werden kann. (Autorenreferat)

Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Folgen einer polit‐ökonomischen Betrachtung des europäischen Emissionshandels (ETS) für die ökonomisch optimale klima‐ und energiepolitische Instrumentenwahl. Die aus dem wirtschaftswissenschaftlichen Raum prominent vorgetragene Forderung, die energiepolitische Regulierung ausschließlich auf einen möglichst perfekten Emissionshandel zu beschränken und auf ergänzende technologiepolitische Eingriffe zu verzichten, beruht auf drei restriktiven und zugleich realitätsfremden Annahmen: Dass 1) der anthropogene Klimawandel die einzige für die Energieversorgung relevante Externalität ist, daher 2) nur die Begrenzung des CO2‐Ausstoßes ein legitimes Umweltziel darstellt und 3) der ETS über ein insoweit optimales Design verfügt, kann jedoch in der Realität nicht vorausgesetzt werden. Vielmehr erscheint der realtypische Emissionshandel aus politökonomischer Sicht als das Resultat eines politischen Regulierungsspiels. Die sich hieraus ergebenden polit‐ökonomischen Grenzen des Emissionshandels können flankierende Politikinstrumente insofern legitimieren, als dass die ergänzende Förderung Erneuerbarer Energien (EE) die gesellschaftliche Durchsetzung der gegebenen Klimaziele erleichtert, indem politisch weniger widerstandsträchtige Verteilungsschlüssel der Klimalasten gesellschaftlich organisiert werden. Die Berücksichtigung der tatsächlich bestehenden technologiepolitischen Ziele im Rahmen der Energiewende verstärkt die Notwendigkeit flankierender Politikinstrumente. Denn ein „Energiewende‐Emissionshandel“, der als Einzelinstrument den vollständigen Zielfächer der Energiewende herbeiführt, wäre schon in der Theorie überfordert, geschweige denn in der politischen Praxis durchsetzbar. Die polit‐ökonomischen Bedingungen der Energiepolitik zeigen daher zusätzliche Begründungen für einen Policy Mix auf., In this paper, we analyse the rationale for an energy policy mix when the European Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) is considered from a public choice perspective. That is, we argue that the economic textbook model of the ETS implausibly assumes 1) anthropogenic climate change as the only relevant externality related to energy provision, 2) thus, climate protection as the single objective of policy intervention and 3) efficient policy design. Contrary to these assumptions, we propose that the ETS originates from a political bargaining game within a context of multiple policy objectives. In particular, the emissions cap is negotiated between regulators and emitters with the emitters’ abatement costs as crucial bargaining variable. This public choice view yields striking implications for the optimal policy mix. Whereas the textbook model implies that the ETS alone provides sufficient climate protection, our analysis calls for additional policies. Hence, support for renewable energies contributes to a more effective ETS‐design and may even increase the overall efficiency of climate and energy policy if other externalities and political objectives besides climate protection are considered.

This paper investigates the role of environmental social movements and NGOs in the struggle for democracy in Nigeria. In particular, it examines how environmental issues, specifically in the oil-rich Niger Delta, have come to symbolise the Niger Delta communities’ craving for greater inclusion in the political process. The paper argues that because of linkages to the nature of economic production, environmental crises have been particularly useful in driving the democracy discourse in Nigeria. By linking environmental crisis to democratisation and the interactions of power within the Nigerian federation, NGOs and social movements have been able to gain support for environmental causes. This may, however, have dire implications for the environmental movement in Nigeria. Because ownership, not necessarily sustainability, is the central theme of such discourse on resource extraction, social movements may not be framing the environmental discourse in a way that highlights its unique relevance. The paper concludes by making a case for alternative methods of framing the environmental discourse in a developing-world context like that of Nigeria. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Bedeutung umweltpolitischer Bewegungen und Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) für den Kampf um Demokratie in Nigeria. Insbesondere widmet er sich der Frage, inwiefern Umweltthemen, speziell im ölreichen Nigerdelta, inzwischen das große Bedürfnis der Bevölkerung reflektieren, stärker in den politischen Prozess einbezogen zu werden. Umweltkrisen haben den demokratischen Diskurs in Nigeria ganz besonders vorangebracht, weil sie zu den Grundlagen der ökonomischen Produktion in Beziehung stehen. Indem soziale Bewegungen und NRO die Umweltkrisen mit dem Demokratiedefizit und den Machtstrukturen innerhalb Nigerias in Beziehung setzten, fanden sie auch Unterstützung in Umweltfragen. Dies könnte allerdings negative Folgen für die nigerianische Umweltbewegung haben. Denn das zentrale Thema eines sozialen Diskurses zum Abbau von Ressourcen ist die Eigentumsfrage und nicht notwendigerweise die Nachhaltigkeit; wird der Diskurs von sozialen Bewegungen bestimmt, wird die einzigartige umweltpolitische Relevanz möglicherweise nicht ausreichend herausgestellt. Der Autor plädiert für eine alternative Themensetzung im umweltpolitischen Diskurs in Entwicklungsländern wie Nigeria.

Ex-ante impact assessment of agricultural, environmental, and rural policies has become an integral part of political decision making processes in the EU. While there is a large variety of agri-environmental modelling tools available to analyse likely social, economic, and environmental impacts of these policies, scientifically well-founded ex-ante policy assessment tools capturing institutional dimensions are still missing. In this paper, we introduce a formalised procedure for modelling - ex-ante - institutional aspects for policy implementation: the 'Procedure for Institutional Compatibility Assessment' (PICA). It has recently been developed within the SEAMLESS project as a component of an integrative modelling framework for ex-ante assessment of policy impacts on sustainable development. PICA is based on the assumption that the effectiveness of a policy and the cost-effectiveness of its implementation largely depend on the degree of compatibility between this policy and the institutional context in the respective countries and regions. It has been designed as an explorative and flexible, yet formalised methodology that enables policy makers to identify at an early stage potential institutional incompatibilities. After providing a brief overview of relevant approaches for policy assessment we elaborate on the four distinct steps of PICA and use a core element of the EU Nitrate Directive to illustrate its function.

"The laws of thermodynamics constrain transformation of materials and energy, and thus have implications for material and energy use in the economy, for environmental impact, and for policy. This paper provides an overview over the applications of concepts from thermodynamics in economics at the level of individual processes and explores potential constraints at larger system levels - the economy as a whole and the ecosystems within which economies are embedded. Specific emphasis is placed on the ways in which insights from thermodynamics are used to inform economic and policy decision making." (author's abstract)

"The 'Kyoto Protocol', as the first and only implementation mechanism under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), will expire by the year 2012. There are, however, many good reasons not to abandon this multilateral approach to climate change, but to soon go for a new round - 'Kyoto II'. In doing so, the treaty must be thoroughly scrutinized for its deficiencies, as regards targets, instruments, and institutions. Particularly, and for various reasons, the Kyoto Protocol which is predominantly an economic concept should be supplemented by a technological companion - the 'Houston Protocol' - under the UN Climate Convention. This paper shows how such an innovative 'double strategy' of future climate policy might look like." (author's abstract)

"The Eco-Management and Audit Scheme (EMAS) belongs to new forms of reflexive or indirect regulation in European environmental policy. The development of European environmental policy is outlined in respect to indirect regulation. By the example of EMAS the paper analyses the impacts of indirect regulation. At the first level the analysis focuses on the EMAS-participation within the European Union emphasising that EMAS turns out to be more a German rather than a European project. At the second level the analysis concentrates on the effects of EMAS-participation in respect to in-company processes of ecological modernisation as well as to external, mainly market-based impacts. The results are ambivalent: Positive effects are an improved level of in-company environmental protection and enhanced legal compliance. However, innovative potentials to organisational environmental learning are only partly exhausted. Market effects and improved relationships to external stakeholders seldom occur. To attribute these outcomes to specific instruments of environmental regulation would negate the multi-level and multi-centred institutional setting of European environmental policy. Therefore, starting points for a more effective European environmental policy are discussed, which combine aspects and instruments of direct and indirect regulation. Moreover, options to increase the participation of firms in EMAS are outlined." (author's abstract), Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit dem umweltpolitischen Instrument EMAS (Eco-Management-and-Audit-Scheme), einer neuen Form der reflexiven bzw. indirekten Regulierung in der europäischen Umweltpolitik. Die Untersuchung der Einflüsse der indirekten Regulierung gliedert sich dabei in die folgenden Kapitel: (1) die Modernisierung der europäischen Umweltpolitik durch die neue politische Vorgehensweise der indirekten Regulierung, (2) die politische und institutionelle Entwicklung der europäischen Umweltpolitik, (3) die politische Entstehung der EMAS-Regulierung und (4) deren Grundzüge, (5) der Umfang der EMAS-Partizipation in den EU-Mitgliedsstaaten sowie (6) die Einflüsse von EMAS bei Firmengründungen bzw. die internen und externen Effekte, am Beispiel Deutschlands. Gemäß der Untersuchung präsentiert sich EMAS als ein ambivalentes Instrument indirekter Regulierung hinsichtlich seiner internen und externen Einflüsse auf jene Firmen, die freiwillig an EMAS teilnehmen, als auch der Auswirkungen auf die EU-Umweltpolitik.

Der Verfasser formuliert auf der Grundlage früherer Forschungsphasen des CEESA-Projekts Empfehlungen für eine nachhaltige Agrarpolitik. Zunächst werden Ergebnisse einer Fallstudie zu Rumänien vorgelegt, die sich mit dem Umweltbewusstsein von Landwirten beschäftigt. Dann werden im Rahmen der EU eingesetzte umweltpolitische Instrumente diskutiert, die die von der Landwirtschaft ausgehende Umweltbelastung minimieren sollen und von den Beitrittsstaaten aller Voraussicht nach eingesetzt werden können. Der Verfasser gibt einen kurzen Überblick über die rechtlichen und institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen der Umweltpolitik in Rumänien, wobei der Bereich des Gewässerschutzes im Mittelpunkt steht. Abschließend werden Elemente einer nachhaltigen Agrarpolitik skizziert, die der Fallstudie zu Folge in Rumänien Anwendung finden können. (ICEÜbers), "The paper gives a range of sustainable agricultural policy recommendations, based on the results of the previous CEESA research phases. We begin by a brief presentation of the Romanian case study dealing with the environmental awareness of farmers, measured by means of agri-environmental indicators and discrete choice modelling. Then, we present the policy instruments dealing with non-point source pollution from agriculture, focusing on those applied in the European Union, that are most likely to be used in accession countries. Here we briefly introduce the Romanian environmental institutional and legislative framework, emphasising the existent water policy instruments. We end up by proposing sustainable agricultural policies that, based on the insights of our case study, we consider to be most appropriate for the case of Romania." (author's abstract)

Im vorliegenden Artikel wird der Zusammenhang zwischen rechtem Antifeminismus und rechten Positionen zu Umwelt- und Klimapolitik untersucht. Dazu wird erstens der Forschungsstand zu (extrem) rechten Positionen in der Klima- und Umweltpolitik sowie der Geschlechterpolitik skizziert. Zweitens wird das Verhältnis der zugrunde liegenden Geschlechts- und Naturkonstruktionen im rechten Denken herausgearbeitet und anhand der feministischen Umweltforschung für ihre wechselseitige Bedingtheit argumentiert. Drittens wird das beschriebene Naturverständnis als Element extrem rechter Ideologie eingeordnet. Der Artikel zeigt, dass Natur eine wesentliche Ordnungskategorie im rechten Denken ist. Der Begriff nimmt eine Scharnierfunktion zwischen Antifeminismus, lokalem Naturschutz und Klimawandelleugnung ein. Zentral hierfür ist die Konzeption der Natur als besonders schutzwürdig, die neben der Natur als Umwelt auf die 'natürliche gesellschaftliche Ordnung' samt traditionellem Familienbild und binärer Geschlechterrollen übertragen wird. Die Naturalisierung von gesellschaftlichen Unterschieden, menschlichen Eigenschaften und Verhaltensweisen fungiert somit als zentrale Begründungsweise für die erstrebte völkische Ordnung. This paper investigates the relationship between right-wing antifeminism and right-wing positions on environmental and climate policy. To this end, first, the state of research on (extreme) right-wing positions on climate and environmental policy and gender politics is outlined. Second, the article elaborates the relationship of the underlying gender and nature constructions in right-wing thinking and argues for their mutual conditionality on the basis of ecofeminist theory. Third, the described understanding of nature is classified as an element of extreme right-wing ideology. The article shows how nature is an essential ordering category in right-wing thinking. It takes on a linking function between antifeminism, local nature conservation, and climate change denial. Central to this is the conception of nature as particularly worthy of protection, which is transferred to the 'natural social order', including traditional family images and binary gender roles, in addition to ecological nature. The naturalization of social differences, human characteristics and behavior thus functions as the central mode of justification for the aspired völkisch order.

"The study deals with eco-labeling systems that have spread faster than other types of new policy instruments. The paper focuses on the diffusion of two different types of eco-labels: 1. general eco-labeling systems such as the German 'Blue Angel' (Blauer Engel), and 2. the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) certification program. We start with three different explanations for policy convergence: international regimes, regional integration, and global policy diffusion. Policy diffusion is gaining in importance due to the diffusion processes triggered by the emergence of international, intergovernmental, and transnational transfer institutions. It is assumed that governmental or quasi-governmental transfer institutions (general eco-labels) and nongovernmental transfer institutions (FSC label) have similar functions and effects. Our main thesis is that labels can diffuse globally, be decided on, and even implemented at the national level without significant state influence. Furthermore, three success factors for the national performance of eco-labeling schemes are analyzed: 1. the characteristics of policy innovations (costs of labeling etc.), 2. the economic, societal, and political-institutional capacities for action, 3. the co-existence and competition between different eco-labeling systems which can result in converging standards. On this basis some conclusions regarding the overall performance of transnational network organizations, such as the FSC, are drawn." (author's abstract), "Mit dem Vergleich zweier unterschiedlicher Systeme von Umweltzeichen, stellt diese Studie ein Politikinstrument ins Zentrum, das eine sehr viel schnellere Verbreitung gefunden hat als andere Politikinnovationen. Verglichen wird die Diffusion zweier unterschiedlicher Typen von Umweltzeichensystemen: 1. allgemeinen Umweltzeichensystemen wie dem deutschen 'Blauen Engel' und 2. dem Zertifizierungsprogramm des Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). Zu Beginn werden drei unterschiedliche Erklärungen für Politikkonvergenz dargestellt: Konvergenz durch internationale Regime, regionale Integration und über globale Politikdiffusion. Letztere gewinnt an Bedeutung aufgrund der Diffusionsprozesse, die durch die Entstehung internationaler, intergouvernementaler und transnationaler Transferinstitutionen ausgelöst werden. Es steht zu vermuten, dass staatliche oder halbstaatliche Transferinstitutionen (allgemeine Umweltzeichen) und nichtstaatliche Transferinstitutionen (FSC-Zertifikat) ähnliche Funktionen und Effekte haben. Wir gehen von der Annahme aus, dass Umweltzeichen auch ohne signifikanten staatlichen Einfluss beschlossen werden können, weltweite Verbreitung finden und sogar auf nationaler Ebene implementiert werden können. Darüber hinaus werden drei Erfolgsfaktoren für die nationale Performanz von Umweltzeichen identifiziert und analysiert: 1. die Merkmale von Politikinnovationen (Zertifizierungskosten etc.), 2. die ökonomischen, gesellschaftlichen und politischinstitutionellen Handlungskapazitäten, 3. die Koexistenz von und der Wettbewerb zwischen verschiedenen Systemen von Umweltzeichen, die zu konvergierenden Standards führen können. Auf dieser Basis werden einige Schlussfolgerungen hinsichtlich der allgemeinen Performanz transnationaler Netzwerkorganizationen, wie dem FSC, gezogen." (Autorenreferat)

"The subject of this paper is the importance of the diffusion of environmental innovations between countries for the global development of environmental policy. Empirical observation has shown that national environmental initiatives are often rapidly adopted by other countries, thus, these initiatives spread internationally. The conditions for and restrictions on the international diffusion of environmental innovations are examined on the basis of five case studies: environmental agencies and ministries, ecolabels, national environmental plans, CO2/ energy taxes, and soil protection legislation. The key determinants of policy diffusion include (1) national factors (capacities for action in environmental policy, the demand for problem solutions), (2) the dynamics of the international system (the significance of front-runner countries for global policy diffusion, international organisations, transnational networks), and (3) aspects of the specific policy innovation (characteristics of policy innovation, availability of appropriate policy models, etc.)." (author's abstract), "Thema dieses Beitrags ist die Diffusion umweltpolitischer Innovationen zwischen Nationalstaaten in ihrer Bedeutung für die globale Entwicklung von Umweltpolitik. Dabei geht es um die empirische Beobachtung, dass nationale Umweltinitiativen vielfach mit hoher Geschwindigkeit von anderen Ländern übernommen werden und sich auf diese Weise international ausbreiten. Anhand von fünf Fallstudien (Umweltämter und -ministerien, Umweltzeichen, nationale Umweltpläne bzw. Nachhaltigkeitsstrategien, CO2-/ Energiesteuern, Bodenschutzgesetze) werden Erfolgsbedingungen und Restriktionen der internationalen Ausbreitung umweltpolitischer Innovationen untersucht. Zu den zentralen Determinanten der Politikdiffusion zählen: 1. nationalstaatliche Faktoren (umweltpolitische Handlungskapazitäten, Nachfrage nach Problemlösungen); 2. die Dynamik des internationalen Systems (Bedeutung von Vorreiterländern für die globale Politikdiffusion, internationale Organisationen, transnationale Netzwerke); 3. Aspekte, die die Politikinnovation selbst betreffen (Charakteristika der Politikinnovation, Verfügbarkeit von geeigneten Politikmodellen etc.)." (Autorenreferat)

"All Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) have been going through a severe agricultural depression since their centrally planned economies collapsed in the early 1990s. It has now become clear that the transition process is far more complex and is likely to be much more protracted than was first expected. The agricultural policies of the Communist era resulted in considerable environmental problems, which are still present to varying degrees even after a considerable decrease in agricultural inputs during the past ten years. On the other hand, CEECs still retain a significant proportion of Europe's biodiversity. The existing low input and low intensity agriculture practised in these countries can be perceived in certain respects as an opportunity for environmental sustainability in the agricultural sector. However, in view of future EU membership and accompanying policies, the question is to what extent the requirements of environmental protection and nature conservation will be taken into account in the CEECs' policy formation. The paper presents a preliminary survey of agri-environmental problems and relevant regulations in the Central and Eastern European Countries and identifies future challenges for their agri-environmental policy formation." (author's abstract), Der vorliegende Beitrag beleuchtet die Herausforderungen im landwirtschaftlich-umweltbezogenen Bereich in den Ländern Zentral- und Osteuropas. All diese Länder haben eine tiefe landwirtschaftliche Depression durchlaufen, nachdem ihre zentral geplanten Wirtschaftssysteme in den frühen neunziger Jahren kollabierten. Es ist mittlerweile klar, dass der Transformationsprozess viel komplexer und langandauernder ist als angenommen. Die Agrarpolitik der kommunistischen Ära warf beträchtliche Umweltprobleme auf, die zum Teil noch nach zehnjährigem sinkendem Input sichtbar sind. Andererseits verfügen die Länder Zentral- und Osteuropas noch über einen bedeutenden Anteil an Europas Artenvielfalt. Die vorhandene Landwirtschaft niedriger Inputs und niedriger Intensität, die in diesen Ländern praktiziert wird, kann in diesem Zusammenhang als Gelegenheit für umweltbezogene Nachhaltigkeit im landwirtschaftlichen Sektor gesehen werden. Angesichts der zukünftigen EU-Mitgliedschaft und den damit verbundenen Begleitmaßnahmen stellt sich jedoch die Frage, in welchem Maß die Anforderungen des Umweltschutzes und der Naturerhaltung in die Betrachtungen der Politik mit einfließen. Das vorliegende Papier präsentiert eine Übersicht über die landwirtschaftlich-umweltbezogenen Probleme und Regelungen in diesen Ländern und kennzeichnet zukünftige Herausforderungen für die Politik in diesem Bereich. (ICDÜbers)

"Im Rahmen eines teilweise (1991-1994) vom Bundesministerium für Bildung, Wissenschaft, Forschung und Technologie (BMBF) geförderten Forschungsprojekts analysiert eine multidisziplinäre Forschergruppe der Abteilung 'Normbildung und Umwelt' des WZB in- und ausländische Mediationsfälle im Umweltschutz. Zentraler Untersuchungsgegenstand war das Mediationsverfahren zum Abfallwirtschaftskonzept des Kreises Neuss. In der vorliegenden Studie werden die Ergebnisse der mündlichen Befragung vorgestellt. Vor, während und nach der Mediation wurden mit den Mediationsteilnehmern und weiteren relevanten Akteursgruppen insgesamt 93 qualitative Interviews geführt. Die Befragung zielte zum einen auf zusätzliche Informationen zum besseren Verständnis des Neusser Mediationsverfahrens, die sich auf die Konfliktgeschichte und Konfliktkonstellation, auf die politischen Prozesse im Umfeld der Mediation und auf die politische Weiterentwicklung nach der Mediation beziehen. Zum anderen wurden Daten zu politikwissenschaftlichen Fragestellungen erhoben, die das Verhältnis von Mediationsverfahren und politisch-institutioneller Umwelt zum Gegenstand haben. Sie umfassen das Beteiligungskonzept, die Rolle der Medien, Rückkoppelungsprozesse zwischen Mediationsteilnehmern und ihren Herkunftsorganisationen und Veränderungen in der Netzwerkstruktur." (Autorenreferat), "In a research project partially supported by the German Federal Ministry for Education, Science, Research and Technology (BMBF) from 1991 to 1994, a multidisciplinary research group from the section 'Standard Setting and Environment' of the Science Center Berlin for Social Research (WZB) analyzed a series of domestic and foreign environmental mediation cases. The main object of the research was the mediation procedure over the waste management concept for the district of Neuss, North Rhine-Westphalia, in Germany. In this paper, the authors present the results of an oral survey. Before, during, and after the procedure, 93 qualitative interviews were conducted with participants in the mediation and other relevant actor groups. The aim of this survey was in part to obtain additional information to better understand what went on in Neuss in terms of conflict history, conflict constellation, the political processes surrounding the Neuss mediation, and further political developments following this event. The survey data also cover research questions exploring the relationship between mediation procedures and their political-institutional environments. In particular, the authors consider the concept of participation, the role of the media, feedback processes between participants in a mediation and the organizations or businesses they represent, and changes in the network structure." (author's abstract)

This paper is about excessive overuse of resources and about serious environmental impacts, and the need for a global ecological turnaround. Ideas about a social contract for sustainability are being discussed, and examples given of resource decoupling and impact decoupling. Global environmental governance is seen as being insufficient and in need of vigorous reform. It seems that only through improved planetary cooperation can a collapse of the global ecosystems be prevented and global sustainability be secured. Die Konferenz der Vereinten Nationen 1992 in Rio de Janeiro markierte einen Meilenstein in der globalen Umweltpolitik. Der German Advisory Council on Global Change (WGBU) begründet in seinem jüngsten Hauptgutachten die Notwendigkeit einer großen globalen Transformation, wozu ein neuer Gesellschaftsvertrag zu schließen sei. Die “Große Transformation”, das Konzept des Ökonomen Karl Polanyi für die Analyse der ersten Industriellen Revolution, wird vom WBGU normativ umgedeutet: Ein radikaler Umbau der nationalen Ökonomien und der Weltwirtschaft innerhalb spezifischer “planetarischer Leitplanken” soll die Überforderung und den Zusammenbruch der globalen Ökosysteme vermeiden helfen. Zur strategischen Absicherung eines solchen strukturellen Optimismus plädiert der WBGU in seinem Gutachten für eine planetarische Zusammenarbeit - fordert dafür aber nichts weniger als eine “Internationale Kooperationsrevolution” ein.

This article examines the nexus of ecological science and environmental politics by considering the tensions between the global circulation of the notion of “environmental monitoring” and the local production of data on environmental change. The history of the planning of the Global Network of Environmental Monitoring (GNEM) program provides a glimpse of what it takes to launch a program of environmental monitoring globally on the level of intergovernmental organizations, such as the United Nations. The first part of the paper traces the GNEM project as it moved through different international agencies and international programs in the 1960s and 1970s. The second part explores the local story of the environmental monitoring of Lake Baikal. The emergence of “environmental monitoring” as an issue of global concern, and the local story of environmental monitoring of Lake Baikal were interrelated, but only in theory: Rather than boosting the already ongoing local monitoring of Lake Baikal, the intergovernmental global monitoring program was used as a legitimation to sustain the environmental pollution of the lake. Yet, the Soviet scientists-led environmental activism, which failed to influence environmental regulation in the Soviet Union, had critically contributed to the sustaining of the environmental monitoring programs in a small way, through collecting the data detailing the environmental changes in the places most affected by disastrous Soviet environmental policies, such as those regarding Lake Baikal.

Die Strategie für grüne Infrastruktur (GI) der Europäischen Kommission stellt einen noch jungen, aber zentralen Beitrag der EU zum Biodiversitätsschutz dar, und zielt auf die Förderung von Ökosystemleistungen. GI soll hierzu in verschiedenen Politiksektoren integriert werden. Im Bereich der europäischen Agrarpolitik (GAP) wird ein kombinierter Nutzen zwischen landwirtschaftlicher und ökologischer Entwicklung betont. Problematisch ist jedoch die bisher unscharfe Ausgestaltung der europäischen GI Politik, die eine konkrete Abschätzung von Implementation und Wirksamkeit verhindert. Ziel unserer Untersuchung ist es daher, das Potential der GI-Strategie am Beispiel der GAP zu beurteilen. Hierzu wird eine vergleichende Betrachtung der Maßnahmenausgestaltung des Greenings der GAP und der GI-Strategie durchgeführt. Die Analyse zeigt, wie Elemente der Politiken in Kombination einen Aufbau von grüner Infrastruktur befördern können und wo Hindernisse und Probleme liegen. Unsere Untersuchung macht das Themenfeld der grünen Infrastruktur einer politikfeldanalytischen Betrachtung zugänglich. Hierbei wird das Konzept der Politikintegration zugrunde gelegt und mit einer prozessorientierten und strukturierenden, qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse verbunden.

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[Gliederung] 1. Problemstellung 2. Begriff der Umwelt- und Ressourcenkosten 3. Stellung der Umwelt- und Ressourcenkosten in der Normarchitektur des Art. 9 a) Problemstellung b) Interpretationen der Normarchitektur c) "Effiziente Ressourcennutzung" als Schlüsselbegriff d) Relevante und irrelevante URK e) Zwischenergebnis 4. URK als Teil der Deckung der Kosten: Was ist abzudecken? a) Grundsatz der Zweckbezogenheit der Kosten b) Der Kostenzweck des Art. 9 WRRL c) Zustands- und funktionsabhängiges Ausmaß von URK d) Zustandsbezug als Deckungskonzept: Erreichung von Umweltzielen nach Art. 4 WRRL als Abschneidegrenze? e) Zwischenfazit 5. Konzepte der Berücksichtigung von URK: Wie ist abzudecken? a) Auslegungsbemühungen im juristischen Schrifttum: Berücksichtigung als Verbindlichkeitsproblem b) Berücksichtigung als Rechenproblem c) Approximation von URK durch Maßnahmenkosten? d) Berücksichtigungskonzepte der umweltökonomischen Theorie e) Kritik an dezisionistischen Berücksichtigungskonzepten f) Instrumente der Berücksichtigung 6. Fazit

"This article discusses the problem-solving capacity of river basin cooperatives in German water policy in historical and current cases. The article builds an institutional theory and refers to the most important Water Framework Directive (WDF) of the European Union in 2000 and works back to the emergence of the first agencies in Germany around 1900. The article shows that these agencies organized a sophisticated institutional compromise between different groups of water users such as mining companies and public authorities. The Prussian state set up a complex legal framework of representation and negotiation of conflicting interests, as the article shows with the cases of the Schwarze Elster and the Erft cooperative. The second part of the paper discusses the problem-solving capacity of these old institutional structures for today's problems such as environmental degradation and urban shrinkage. It states, by analyzing the cases of the Erft and the Rur cooperatives, that the complex mechanisms of financing and decision-making provide protection of water resources and broad agreement amongst the actors involved. The cooperatives are expanding their activities in the context of the WFD and can be regarded to be an appropriate instrument of water policy in the early 21st century." (author's abstract)

Biodiversity loss in Europe is caused to a large extent by agricultural intensification. To halt this loss and to support species and habitat types in agricultural areas, agri-environment schemes have been introduced in Europe to compensate farmers for (costly) conservation measures. Currently, agri-environment schemes for grassland in general consider only a few conservation measures with fixed dates and a payment for average opportunity costs, e.g. for later mowing. A systematic approach that calculates farmers' opportunity costs in relation to the timing of grassland use is still lacking. We fill this gap by developing a systematic agri-economic cost assessment approach. Our approach is general enough to be applicable on a large spatial scale but can still sensitively differentiate among different timings. Moreover it is straightforward and time-saving enough to be suitable for implementation in regional scale optimisation procedures. We demonstrate this by applying the systematic cost assessment in the decision support software DSS-Ecopay using the example of grassland species and habitats conservation in the German federal state of Saxony.

Bei dem Bemühen, die Berücksichtigung von Umwelt‐ und Ressourcenkosten (URK) gemäß Art. 9 WRRL praktisch umzusetzen, werden im Schrifttum immer wieder zwei "Vereinfachungen" angesprochen, um die als außerordentlich schwierig eingeschätzte URK‐Ermittlung und ‐Anlastung praxistauglich zu machen. So hat unlängst eine DWA‐Arbeitsgruppe abermals vorgeschlagen, die URK‐Anlastung erstens an die Notwendigkeit von Maßnahmen zum Erreichen der jeweiligen wasserkörperbezogenen Ziele zu koppeln, d.h. bei Zielerreichung guter Zustände zu suspendieren, und zweitens dabei anstelle von URK die Maßnahmenkosten der WRRL als Ersatzgröße heranzuziehen. Für beide Überlegungen bietet allerdings die WRRL rechtlich keine tragfähige Stütze. Zudem verkennt die URK‐Suspendierung "bei Zielerfüllung" die zentrale ökonomische Funktionalität einer URK‐Berücksichtigung. Der Ersatz von schwer ermittelbaren URK durch Maßnahmenkosten der WRRL ist nicht nur methodisch und gewässerschutzpolitisch hochproblematisch, er ist schlicht gar nicht erforderlich, zieht man die in der Umweltökonomik seit über 40 Jahren diskutierten pragmatischen Konzepte einer URK-Berücksichtigung heran. Demeritorisierende Abgaben wie die Abwasserabgabe demonstrieren seit Jahrzehnten, wie grundsätzlich in pragmatischer Weise mit URK angemessen verfahren werden kann.

Zwanzig Jahre nachdem die Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen verabschiedet wurde, fällt die Bilanz der internationalen Klimapolitik bescheiden aus. Die jährlichen Emissionen sind seit 1992 um gut ein Drittel gewachsen. Die Interessengegensätze zwischen Industrie-, Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländern sind anhaltend groß. Einer der wenigen Aspekte, über die Konsens besteht, ist das übergeordnete Ziel, den Temperaturanstieg auf zwei Grad Celsius zu beschränken. Folgt man den Kernaussagen der Klimaforschung, müssten die Emissionen zwischen 2010 und 2020 bereits deutlich reduziert werden, um ein Scheitern des von der EU durchgesetzten 2-Grad-Ziels noch zu verhindern. Angesichts eines gegenläufigen globalen Emissionstrends ist dies völlig unrealistisch. Da ein als unerreichbar geltendes Ziel politisch aber weder eine positive Symbol- noch eine produktive Steuerungsfunktion erfüllen kann, wird das zentrale Ziel der internationalen Klimapolitik unweigerlich modifiziert werden müssen. Vor diesem Hintergrund reiht sich die vorliegende Studie nicht in die Vielzahl von Untersuchungen ein, in denen dargelegt wird, mit welchen Maßnahmen sich das Überschreiten der 2-Grad-Marke theoretisch noch vermeiden ließe. Vielmehr werden hier erstmals systematisch mögliche Varianten einer Veränderung des 2-Grad-Ziels analysiert. Eine politische Diskussion über die Zukunft des 2-Grad-Ziels ist bisher ausgeblieben. Da die Emissionen weltweit immer noch ansteigen, wird die EU dieser Frage aber nicht mehr lange ausweichen können. Die hierbei entscheidenden Staats- und Regierungschefs der EU-Mitgliedstaaten werden sich darüber klarwerden müssen, wie eine Veränderung der Zielformel mit ihren jeweiligen klima-, außen- und wirtschaftspolitischen Interessen in Einklang gebracht werden kann. (Autorenreferat), In the 20 years since the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was adopted, progress in global climate policy has been modest. Annual greenhouse gas emissions have increased by over one-third since 1992. Acute conflicts of interest remain a persistent obstacle. One of the few points of general consensus in the international community is on the overarching objective of limiting the temperature increase to two degrees Celsius. If one is to accept key recommendations from scientific policy advisors, emissions will have to be reduced significantly between 2010 and 2020 to stay below the 2°C limit. Yet given that global emissions trends are moving in the opposite direction and will be impossible to reverse in a matter of a few years, this goal is patently unrealistic. And since a target that is obviously unattainable cannot fulfill either a positive symbolic function or a productive governance function, the primary target of international climate policy will have to be modified. The express aim of this paper is to stand apart from the innumerable studies detailing theoretically possible measures to avoid crossing the 2°C threshold. Instead, it provides the first systematic analysis of possible options for modifying the 2°C target. A particular focus is placed here on the relationship between climate science and climate policy. Since the EU brought the objective into the climate policy arena, the modification of the 2°C target carries the risk of damaging the EU's public image. Furthermore, it would lead to a debate over the easing of the EU's internal emissions reduction objectives which are directly derived from the 2°C target. This could become a highly controversial issue in the coming years, when the EU has to decide on its legally binding emissions target for 2030. (author's abstract)

Entering the twenty-first century, China has been the site of many serious environmental disasters and accidents. These have strengthened the call for the establishment of an environmental risk management system and for the development of new policies to effectively manage risk. Among the new policies in China's environmental risk management strategy are pollution insurance and information disclosure. This paper explores information disclosure policies through the implementation of the Environmental Information Disclosure Decree by governmental authorities and companies. In both 2008 and 2010, we reviewed the websites of the Ministry of Environmental Protection and all 31 provincial Environmental Protection Bureaus, conducted experiments in requesting information disclosure, and held interviews with all provincial Environmental Protection Bureaus. We conclude that the implementation of the Environmental Information Disclosure Decree is improving but still far from widespread, full and effective. The lack of enforcement and the ambiguity of some clauses in the decree give provincial environmental agencies great discretion to avoid disclosure and discourages enforcement of company environmental information disclosure. Implementation shortcomings of the decree are also related to the longstanding closeness, secrecy and monopoly of information in China's political system.

"This paper deals with the early stages of NATO's 'Committee on the Challenges of Modern Society' (CCMS), established as environmental 'Third Dimension' of the Alliance in 1969. It discusses 'environmental security' as a prime CCMS motive, assuming that the early CCMS-pioneers already projected global environmental uncertainty factors as security threats to the Atlantic Alliance. NATO's environmental concept already showed elements of environmental and human security being considered in the face of the environmental crisis. The interrelation between both is examined by means of a knowledge-based history approach on the example of the CCMS 'Road Safety' project (1970-1974). In the course of the project, NATO's environmental security assumptions turned into a technological leitmotif dealing with technically controllable environmental risks as well as basic human and individual needs for security in a technological society. Therefore, the CCMS provided technical solutions to environmental and security policy problems and, finally, did not develop any political patterns of acting as a risk orientated environmental alliance." (author's abstract), "Der Beitrag behandelt die Frühgeschichte des bei der NATO 1969 als umweltpolitische 'Dritte Dimension' eingerichteten 'Ausschusses für Aufgaben der modernen Gesellschaft' (CCMS). 'Umweltsicherheit' wir hier als ein Hauptmotiv der Initiative diskutiert, wobei die These zugrunde liegt, dass die Wegbereiter des CCMS zeitgenössische Umweltbelange als globale Unsicherheitsfaktoren und Sicherheitsbedrohung der Allianz konzeptualisierten. Im Lichte der globalen Umweltkrise verfügte das Umweltkonzept der NATO bereits über umweltsicherheitspolitische Momente und Aspekte 'menschlicher Sicherheit'. Beider Zusammenhang wird mithilfe eines wissensgeschichtlichen Ansatzes anhand des CCMS-Projekts zur Straßenverkehrssicherheit (1970-1974) geprüft. Hier wandelten sich die umweltsicherheitspolitischen Annahmen der NATO zu einem technologischen Leitmotiv, das technisch kontrollierbare Umweltrisiken sowie grundsätzliche menschliche und individuelle Sicherheitsbedürfnisse einschloss. Der CCMS lieferte insofern technische Antworten auf umwelt- und sicherheitspolitische Probleme und entwickelte letztlich keine politischen Handlungsmuster einer durch Risikohandeln geprägten transatlantischen Umweltallianz." (Autorenreferat)

Politics in the international climate regime is a balancing act between intra- and intergenerational justice, as it has to account for both the needs of developing countries and those of future generations. Following a constructivist approach, this paper argues that international climate politics are heavily dependent upon the way climate change and the appropriate behavior required to prevent it are constructed collectively. The article shows how the diffusion of norms and changing images of climate change have shifted the interests of the actors under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. As a result, adaptation became more and more widely accepted as a necessary step in international climate politics in advancing the strategy of climate change avoidance. This also represents a shift from a focus on intergenerational justice as the main normative goal of the convention, to a broader aim of sustainable development that comprises both inter- and intragenerational justice., Intergenerational Justice Review, Vol 3, No 3 (2009): Climate Change and Intergenerational Justice