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Ideas, ideology, and common beliefs that may guide a policy decision-making process are embodied in discourses. Thus, working out the underpinning beliefs and attributes of actors, or – applied to this topic – the driving ideas behind educational policies, involves the analysis of discourses. Yet, though discourses may be the right place to detect ideas and attributes of actors does not mean discourses are confined to specific sources. In fact, every human action involves communication and thereby entails a discourse. Consequently, there is a huge and influential tradition of closely linking discourse theory with social theory, as seen in the works of Foucault, Mouffe, Laclau, etc. In this strand of thought, discourse is understood as a system of social relations and practices (Howarth, Norval and Stavrakakis, 2000, 4).

Internationale militarische Einsatze der Gegenwart sind Stabilisierungseinsatze, Peacekeeping-Missionen, humanitare Hilfe, Post-Konflikt-, Peace- und Nationbuilding-Operationen und Operations Other Than War, aber auch Peaceenforcement-Missionen und Kriegseinsatze. In dieser Vielfalt militarischer Einsatze, die als ‚Hybridisierung’ der Streitkrafte verstanden werden kann (Kummel 2010a: 178), spiegelt sich das Konzept der menschlichen Sicherheit, das seit Mitte der 1990er-Jahre im Fokus der Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik steht und die physische und psychische Unversehrtheit des Individuums uber die staatlich-territoriale Sicherheit stellt (vgl. etwa Debiel/ Werthes 2005). Dabei ist menschliche Sicherheit explizit mehr als nur „mannliche Sicherheit“ (Ulbert 2008: 52). Gender-Sensibilitat und ein „embedded feminism“ (Unmussig 2011: 6) sind somit nicht nur zentrale Elemente der ISAF-Mission in Afghanistan, sondern mittlerweile elementare Bestandteile moderner Friedens- und Sicherheitspolitik geworden.

The main objective of this book has been to review the theoretical, political and societal implications of participatory governance. Before turning to the latter two of these, let us first try to come up with some preliminary theoretical conclusions. We have found participatory governance to be located somewhere between theories of democratic government and theories of governance. On the one hand, participatory governance makes mandatory an extension of the theory of democracy taking account of both the format and the logics of the new type of polity shaping the European political space. Klaus-Dieter Wolf’s discussion of the legitimacy of governance beyond the state brought us towards the idea that the specific milieu of governance beyond the state is more conducive to deliberative democracy than to majority voting. However, the question of how to operationalize the idea of deliberative democracy is far from being solved. On the other hand, the notion of participatory governance has confronted us with the need to change our ideas about citizenship. More precisely, the transition from a traditional context of democratic control towards a context which almost unavoidably suffers accountability deficits involves a parallel transition from the concept of citizen to something else. At this point, we have elaborated on the notion of holder as the collective embodiment of participatory governance arrangements at the European and at other levels.

Der politisch-ideelle Horizont der fruhen Siedlergesellschaft in den nordamerikanischen Kolonien Grosbritanniens lasst sich als Ableger des zeitgenossischen englischen Liberalismus darstellen. Die in Nordamerika errichteten britischen Kolonien wurden von Englandern und Schotten, zum kleineren Teil auch von Mitteleuropaern besiedelt. Englische Sprache und Kultur bestimmten das Selbstverstandnis der Kolonisten als britische Untertanen. Die in England nicht voll gewahrte Glaubensfreiheit stand in den meisten Kolonien in voller Blute. Erst die kolonialpolitischen Querelen mit dem Mutterland sollten den Kolonisten die Besonderheit ihrer Situation ins Bewusstsein rucken. Grosbritannien hatte sich als europaische Grosmacht am Siebenjahrigen Krieg (1756–1763) beteiligt. Mit Preusen verbundet focht es diesen Krieg aber nicht in Europa, sondern lediglich auf dem nordamerikanischen Subkontinent und demzufolge nur mit Frankreich aus, das im Norden Amerikas ebenfalls eine bedeutende Kolonialmacht war. Als Resultat der militarischen Niederlage musste Frankreich seinen gesamten amerikanischen Kolonialbesitz nordlich der Karibik an Grosbritannien abtreten. Grosbritannien wurde zur beherrschenden Kolonialmacht in Nordamerika. Wegen der hohen Kosten, welche die Kolonialtruppen und vor allem die britische Marine fur den Schutz der langen Handelswege verursachten, sann die Londoner Regierung auf neue Finanzquellen. Ausgerechnet die im Vergleich zum ubrigen Europa fortschrittliche politische Verfassung Grosbritanniens wurde zu einem masgeblichen Faktor, der die nordamerikanischen Kolonien zur Rebellion gegen das Mutterland trieb.

Mit diesen Worten leitet Alexander Hamilton jene Sammlung von 85 Essays uber den Verfassungsentwurf des Konventes von Philadelphia ein, welche er zusammen mit John Jay und James Madison in den Jahren 1787 und 1788 unter dem Pseudonym Publius verfast hatte, um die Annahme der Bundesverfassung im Staate New York propagandistisch zu befordern. Der Argumentation war nicht nur ein unmittelbarer Erfolg beschieden: Obwohl keineswegs als ein theoretischer Traktat uber die Wissenschaft vom Menschen und seiner politischen Ordnung konzipiert, gelang den Autoren doch eine Exposition der Ordnungsprinzipien des Novus Ordo Seclorum — so deuteten die Grundungsvater in einer bezeichnenden Abwandlung der vierten Ekloge der Aeneis des Vergil ihr politisches Gemeinwesen als ‘neues Rom’. In der minutiosen Analyse des im Verfassungsentwurf beschlossenen Institutionengefuges entfaltet Publius die idee directrice einer freien Republik derart uberzeugend, das die Federalist Papers bis zum heutigen Tag nicht nur ein interessantes Dokument politischen Denkens, sondern auch autoritative Quelle der Selbstdeutung der USA und unentbehrlicher Leitfaden fur die verfassungspolitische Praxis geblieben sind.

This paper reflects upon the position of young men in school. Largely based on empirical, school-based studies in the UK, the paper explores the contours of young masculinities as they manifest themselves in peer group arrangements within educational environments. Studies of youthful masculinity suggest that young men engage in hierarchically organised peer group cultures in which the demonstration of heterosexual masculinity is both a requirement and a resource. The paper document the ways in which humour, competitive game-playing and homophobia remain key features of heterosexual hierarchies, constantly drawn upon by young men to maintain or enhance their status within the peer group. The pumped up displays of heterosexual masculinity demonstrate the fragile dominance of masculinity as a performance that needs to be constantly invoked and re-established in routine social encounters. The paper argues that competitive and conservative versions of masculinity hold sway in school because they exist as important identity markers in the face of potentially emasculating experiences. Further, the paper considers the recent construction of masculinity as 'in crisis' and draws attention to the limitations of viewing the categories of 'young men' and 'masculinity' as collapsible, that can be characterised by moments of dispossession and 'failure'. The final part of the paper discusses the way in which peer group masculinities appear out-of-step with processes of social change and developments in popular cultures and suggests that psycho-social perspectives may help to understand and theorise the seemingly retrogressive style of contemporary 'lad' culture.

Within the tradition of studying youth transitions in Europe, considerable depth has been added in recent years to our understanding of how young people move from education to work and enter the adult world. Despite this advance, consideration of youth migration — movement from one region or country to another — has been relatively neglected. While existing studies of youth have not completely ignored migration, specific consideration of the issues facing mobile young people has only recently entered the mainstream of youth studies (see Thomson/Taylor 2005). At European policy level, consideration of youth and migration is somewhat more prominent. Indeed, encouraging transnational movement is a something of a priority for the European Union, as set out in the “New Impetus for European Youth” (2001) White Paper and Action Plan (2002) on mobility. The Commission addresses migration in its White Paper through emphasising the need for mobility in respect to education and training, e.g. promoting trans-European recognition of qualifications and skills, maintaining education and mobility programmes such as Socrates and encouraging the free movement of young people throughout Europe, typically in the form of bilateral or multilateral exchanges; such “mobility,” according to the Commission “the Main Asset of European Integration,” is to be recognised as valuable and obstacles to it should be overcome (2001: 55). The Action Plan (2002) on mobility is more oriented towards employment, promoting openness in and access to European labour markets through measures such as equalising tax and benefit systems and expanding language learning, with the implication that low levels of occupational mobility are an impediment to the establishment of a knowledgebased, service-oriented economy in the EU.

In July 2001 the EU Commission (200la) launched its long-announced White Paper on Governance. By that time, the conference where drafts of the contributions to this volume have first been presented had passed for almost one year. While discussing in Florence, we hardly had an idea about the salience the governance topic would have assumed only a couple of months later. Until then, it had mainly occupied the research agendas of a handful of political scientists in only some of the member states of the Union. Our project, indeed, was only in part related to the Commission’s initiative. The timing of this book, hence, is a mere coincidence. Whether it represents a more or less happy one has to be judged by the reader. Now, after the White Paper being published and after the rather unexpected noise it has triggered in and outside Brussels, it seems clear that, incidentally, we have caught the right moment with this present publication.

Since the mid-1990s, lifelong learning has become an extremely fashionable concept. Of course, the idea is not a new one. One leading British adult educator was already writing in 1920 on the topic of “education as a lifelong process” (Basil Yeaxlee, quoted in Field 2000, 5). Yet although there is a long standing recognition that learning is a process that continues beyond formal schooling, the level of interest in lifelong learning has shot up since the early 1970s, and in particular since the late 1990s. This development has primarily been associated with policy debate rather than academic interest, and above all it has been fostered by international policy forums. Key founding texts of the first wave of interest in lifelong education include the famous Faure report, published by UNESCO in 1972 (Faure 1972), which was followed by a series of national governmental measures, particularly in Europe, Australasia, Canada and Japan. The second wave of interest was marked by a plethora of major policy documents, starting with the European Commission’s white paper on competitiveness and employment (CEC 1994), followed shortly by further publications from the European Union (CEC 1995, CEC 2000) as well as the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD 1996) and the Group of Eight (G8 1999). Once more, the publications of these international policy forums were rapidly followed by a wide range of national policy documents, all of which placed lifelong learning at their centre.

The Commission’s White Paper on European Governance (COM (2001) 428) is as remarkable for what it says as for what it does not say. In combination, the emphases and the omissions seem to reflect a vision that is defined by the institutional self-interest of the Commission and its opposition to Member States and, at the same time, by a remarkable lack of concern about the real challenges confronting the Union and its Member States. I realize that this may appear to be an unfair judgement since the authors sought to avoid issues requiring amendments of the Treaty that might come on the agenda of the next Intergovernmental Conference (or Constitutional Convention). But even if recommendations were to be limited to changes permissible under the Treaty, they still could have been developed in the context of an unconstrained analysis of the challenges the Union must face.

One important consequence of the relevance-theoretic view of cognition and communication is the following: we can think many thoughts that our language cannot encode, and we can communicate many thoughts that our utterances do not encode. Strictly speaking, virtually no sentence encodes a complete thought; certain processes of contextual filling-in are required before anything of a propositional nature emerges at all. However, that more basic point is not my primary concern in this short paper. The idea is that, even given such processes of propositional completion, a great many of our thoughts are of a much finer grain than that of the minimal propositions which result from these processes. It follows that there are many more concepts (construed as constituents of thoughts) than there are words in the language.

"Ausgehend von der phänomenologisch inspirierten Vorstellung, daß Diskurse über die Wirklichkeit zu deren Entstehung beitrügen, geraten bei dem Vorhaben, Männergewalt gegen Frauen sozialwissenschaftliche zu untersuchen, die Thematisierungen und ThematisiererInnen dieser Gewalt in den Blick. Zu diesen ThematisiererInnen gehören insbesondere die neue Frauenbewegung und die sozialen Professionen. Die von ihnen betriebene Skandalisierung dieser Gewalt hat die Annahme begründet, immer mehr Sachverhalte, die früher als normal gegolten hätten, würden nunmehr als 'Männergewalt gegen Frauen' definiert. Festzustellen sei eine Ausweitung und Immaterialisierung des Gewaltbegriffs im allgemeinen, des Begriffs 'Männergewalt gegen Frauen' im besonderen, der Gewaltbegriff werde zunehmend auch für nichtkörperliche Handlungen oder für strukturelle Bedingungen verwendet. Weiter wird angenommen, das Schicksal des Opfers werde hervorgehoben. Bei der Wahrnehmung einer Handlung als Gewalt verliere die Instrumentalität als Definitionskriterium an Bedeutung, während das Leiden des Opfers zum zentralen Merkmal werde. Im Vortrag wird aus einem Forschungsprojekt berichtet, in dem diese Annahmen mit Hilfe einer Inhaltsanalyse von Zeitungstexten aus den Jahren 1960 bis 1995 überprüft werden. Zunächst wird einem möglichen Wandel der mit dem Wort 'Gewalt' assoziierten Handlungen und Verhältnisse und der Entwicklung der Thematisierungshäufigkeiten nachgegangen. Darüber hinaus lassen sich zwischen bestimmten Beschreibungen von Männergewalt, bestimmten Erklärungen dieser Gewalt und bestimmten Vorstellungen über Reaktionen auf diese Gewalt Zusammenhänge erkennen, die es ermöglichen, mehrere Diskurse über Männergewalt gegen Frauen zu unterscheiden." (Autorenreferat)

In connection with a study on relationships between food producers and retail chains a new theory on communication and projection was developed. To position the new theory the paper first gives a short presentation of the traditional communication theory. Then there is a short presentation of the paradigm including the research strategy used for the development of the new theory. Following that you will find a section concerning the conceptual framework used for the analysis of the companies. This section is followed by a discussion of the main results and the new communication and projection theory. The paper ends with a short discussion of implications for management. In connection with a study on relationships between food producers and retail chains a new theory on communication and projection was developed. To position the new theory the paper first gives a short presentation of the traditional communication theory. Then there is a short presentation of the paradigm including the research strategy used for the development of the new theory. Following that you will find a section concerning the conceptual framework used for the analysis of the companies. This section is followed by a discussion of the main results and the new communication and projection theory. The paper ends with a short discussion of implications for management.

The paper attempts to reflect on some aspects of the interplay between direct democracy, representative democracy and minority rights. It particularly focuses on direct democracy in different sub-national legal and political frameworks. It applies a comparative approach in assessing direct-democratic instruments as a mechanism for institutional change and as a governance tool for participatory political decision-making. This given the fact that both direct and representative democracy are constituent parts of the democratic principle. The relationship between direct democracy and representative democracy is thus to be considered as complementary. After a brief theoretical note, the paper introduces the case study of South Tyrol. Against the background of the failed referenda in South Tyrol in 2009, the paper analyses some precedents of differing natures, all of which present some hints that help to highlight the delicate relationship between direct democracy, representative democracy and minority rights, ranging from considerations on multinational federations (Switzerland and Belgium) to general considerations on the nature of direct democracy in classical federations (Austria, Germany). The paper does not intend to favor or disfavor direct democracy, but wants to raise some questions. The paper overall argues that direct democracy and the protection of minority groups are not a priori incompatible, provided that politics is conducive to its use and that certain technical precautions (e.g. legal guarantees) are put into place.

The development of a measure to assess residential areas outlined in this paper is based on a theory of socio-spatial differentiation. Two interdependent processes are combined here: the social differentiation of the population and the spatial differentiation of residential areas. Therefore, it should be possible to use the description of a residential area to make inferences about the dominant sociodemographic characteristics of its inhabitants. This paper first presents the theoretical background and operationalisation of the main variables for the description of residential areas. Indices are then constructed from these variables, and a typology of residential areas is developed.

The “mediatic turn“, the notion that media present a kind of “a priori” condition for knowledge and learning, was identified some ten years ago. The purpose of this paper is to consider the potential of this idea, and of related notions of the “constitutive power” of media specifically for the theory and practice of education. We consider these matters by looking at an example that has been articulated more than 40 years earlier, and that remains original and instructive today: Marshall McLuhan’s notion of media pedagogy, articulated specifically in terms of a “training of the senses.” As Janine Marchessault (2004) says, over the course of his career, McLuhan articulated “a specifically argued pedagogical enterprise” that is central to his “aesthetically-based, highly performative and historically grounded… ontribution to the study of media” (xi, 10, 34). We focus on this pedagogical enterprise particularly as it develops from McLuhan’s unusual understanding of the senses – including his critique of the dominance of the visual in our culture. This provides us with a point of leverage for discerning new possibilities and challenges for media pedagogy today – ones that take into account the mediatic turn, but without falling prey to various mediatic determinisms. In doing so, this paper shows that there remains much to be accomplished in developing concepts and practices for education and schooling as an engaging “training of the senses” in a thoroughly mediatized world.

Each coaching relationship is reliant upon the unique and special connection between the coach and the coachee. In this paper, which is an adaptation of the talk I gave to the „Coaching meets Research” conference in June 2010, I want to suggest that because of that unique connection we need approaches to the research of coaching that reflect the distinctiveness of the relationship. I want to argue that researching a confidential relationship is challenging. It is hard to know what really happens between two people because the very methods we use to study the relationship interfere with that relationship. The aim of this paper therefore is to consider three quite specific research methodologies that are, I suggest, particularly suited to the study of coaching.

This conceptual paper explores the feasibility of managing some aspects of the University of Botswana along business lines. The traditional role of a university shall serve as a starting point before proceeding to how a university can operate like a private business. Universities around the globe are applying modern management techniques in order to attract and retain students and remain competitive. Fierce competition and reduced public funding has prompted institutes of higher learning around the globe to be managed like business entities. The University of Botswana is facing similar challenges of reduced government funding and tough competition from local and international training institutions for quality programs, students and services. This paper explores the possibility of the University of Botswana to operate some of its activities on commercial lines in order to survive in the emerging competitive world. Indications are that for the University of Botswana to be competitive it has to adopt a radical approach of focusing on its core business of teaching and research, being pro-active and responding promptly to the needs of students, academic staff and external customers. In addition the University of Botswana can transform itself by adopting a business management approach to some of its centres of excellence.

This paper examines the employment of women and men at the macro level, with a particular focus on developing countries. Much of the research and policy development on gender equality in employment has been focused on micro and meso level measures to enable women to compete with men on an equal basis, including measures to improve women's access to education and training, credit, land and other assets; and measures to reform the governance of markets to create a “level playing field” (see, for example, World Bank 2001; 2006). Such measures are important, but this paper argues that they are not sufficient. To the extent that they are successful, they will simply redistribute some jobs from men to women. This will reduce gender gaps, but not in a way that meets the United Nations objective of “full and productive employment and decent work for all”. There needs to be an expansion of the number of decent jobs, as well as an improvement of women's access to them. This requires supportive macroeconomic policies.

The question posed by Nathan Keyfitz in 1950 continues to interest demographers (Edmonston/Michalowski, 2004). The purpose of this paper is to review demographic approaches that have been proposed for measuring the contribution of immigration to population growth. The paper also presents one approach – a historical reconstruction of Canada’s population – to illustrate a method that is useful for measuring the effect of immigration on population growth.

The purpose of this chapter is to update and summarize the research results presented in Seltzer and Anderson.1 It is based initially on a presentation to the conference, Bevolkerungsforschung und Politik in Deutschland im 20. Jahrhundert, held in 2003 in Berlin under the auspices of the German Association for Demography (DGD) and the Technische Universitat Berlin, which itself drew on a paper by Seltzer and Anderson.2 In addition, in many places the present chapter also draws directly on a subsequent paper, „On the Use of Population Data Systems to Target Vulnerable Population Subgroups for Human Rights Abuses“3.

The aim of this paper is to explore the emergence of local parties. Local parties, as opposed to the local chapters of national parties, are defined as political organisations that run candidates at elections, organise themselves and are active, only in a certain territory. The paper first presents a theoretical framework that provides concepts to grasp the problem of local parties. Then, the institutional and political settings of the specific case of the paper, Hungary, are presented. The exploration begins with an overview of the electoral performance of local parties. The next section continues with bivariate and multivariate analyses with the aim to better understand the factors that contribute opportunities and resources to local parties. Local parties are then analysed through the prism of a survey of local political organisations. The paper concludes with some tentative findings.

The paper deals with independent local lists in Croatia, in both analytic and theoretical way. At the beginning, the development and current state of local self-government and local political system in Croatia are described. Data on the independent local lists' participation and success during the 2005 general local elections are presented and analysed. Four theoretical approaches are proposed for an interpretation of the results: system, transition, neo-institutional and democratisation theory. None of them can alone explain the results in a satisfatory manner. That is reason why the author proposes a composite theoretical frame, which can explain the role and influence of a broader relevant context on the independent local lists' election success. Certain theoretical hypotheses are generated and to some extent verified in this paper. The advantages of the independent local lists and certain success factors of such lists are identified. Additional theoretical work and empirical verification are needed. Both qualitative insights and quantitative research can be useful.

This paper contributes to the theme of this conference — quality in primary school education — by turning the spotlight on the impact assessment of children can have on the quality of education. First, we have to be clear about the purpose of the assessment we are discussing, for assessment can be carried out for different purposes. Here, the focus is mainly on summative assessment, where the purpose is to summarise children’s learning in order to report on what has been achieved; it is not primarily to advance learning, which is the purpose of formative assessment. But summative assessment nonetheless has an impact on learning — directly, by affecting motivation for learning, and indirectly, through the effect that it can have on teachers, the curriculum and the practice of formative assessment. The extent of this effect, and whether it is positive or negative, depends on how summative assessment is carried out and the use made of the results. These matters are the main focus of this paper.

When I tell people what I do for a living — that I’m the Berlin correspondent for Science magazine — many are puzzled at first. If they have heard of Science at all, they often assume that I must have something to do with choosing and editing the papers that Science is best known for — from the human genome to new forms of matter. But although my stories are published in the same magazine, I have almost nothing to do with how those papers are chosen and edited. Instead, I work for a sort of magazine-within-a-magazine: the news section of Science.

What scientist wouldn’t like to publish in Nature? Even, as we remember with wry embarrassment, a certain Professor Hans Krebs, who elucidated the citrus acid cycle. Now known as the Krebs cycle, this is the biochemical pathway which allows cells to generate energy in the presence of oxygen. Krebs sent his manuscript to Nature in 1937 and received a polite note saying that there was a backlog of manuscripts. It offered him the opportunity to submit it elsewhere — or wait. Krebs decided to publish elsewhere, in a more obscure Dutch journal called Enzymologia. Many years later, in 1953, Nature’s editor asked Krebs to referee a research paper. Krebs reviewed the paper, taking the opportunity to point out that he had been awarded that year’s Nobel prize for the work that Nature rejected. Whoops!

While Private Security Company (PSC)1 operations are often thought to be largely confined to Africa and the Middle East, many PSCs today are active in Southeast Asia. The demand for private military and security services in this region comes in part from the maritime sector. This paper explores the role of private companies in securing vessels, ports, offshore energy installations and fishing grounds across Southeast Asia. Initially, the paper discusses the overall conditions and changes in the Asian (maritime) environment which have led to the growth of PSCs offering maritime services in recent years. It then describes the companies which operate in the maritime sector, details the different types of services offered by PSCs in Southeast Asia and explains why customers may prefer to rely on private, rather than on state provided security. Looking at the work conducted by PSCs, the paper then explores the impact and influence PSCs have today within and beyond Southeast Asia. The last part of the paper discusses problems and concerns about PSCs and the maritime services they offer, looking, for example, at the agitated response from Malaysian and Indonesian authorities to newspaper articles detailing the employment of armed PSC escort vessels in the Malacca Straits. The paper concludes by suggesting that PSCs will play an increasingly important role in maritime security in Asia, but stresses that there is a need for regulation of PSCs and their work practices.

In democratic theory and practice, direct democracy always marks a basic contrast to representative democracy, offering citizens greater opportunities for participation and “more democracy”. Both in theory and practice, major justifications for direct democracy are derived from deficits in representative systems and from the theoretical limitations of liberal democracy. The more general attempts at criticizing liberal-representative democracy have been provided by authors who developed theories of participatory democracy (Pateman 1970; Bachrach dt. 1970). When the debate on expanding democratic participation began in the late 1960s and early 1970s, many contributions to the theory of participatory democracy did not elaborate on direct democracy as a form of extended participation. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that theories of participatory democracy, in which the main general normative justifications which also apply to direct democracy have been put forward, should be the natural ‘home base’ of direct democracy. It is not, however, the purpose of this paper to repeat these patterns of justifications, which are well known (summaries in Butler/Ranney 1994: 11 ff.; Schmidt 2000: 358 ff.). Neither will the literature with a primary focus on direct democracy be discussed here (overviews of the subject: Mockli 1994; Schiller 2002). I will, rather, look at more general theories of participatory democracy and ask how they deal with direct democracy. Do we find considerations of functions, institutional structures and models of direct democracy as instruments of participation? And what can be learnt about qualitative aspects and in relation to possible designs of qualified institutions of direct democracy? It will not be possible to present a full picture of these aspects, but rather some representative observations, including attempts to explain why approaches to democratic participation are surprisingly hesitant about direct democracy. One general reason may be that direct democracy is often perceived only as a mechanism for a popular decisive vote with a majoritarian character. We will examine whether, on the other hand, direct democracy is or can be also viewed in a broader perspective as an institution covering a complete decision-making process, from setting the agenda for an issue to the final referendum vote. In the paper, some basic conceptual elements of participatory democracy will first be recalled. Secondly, we will look at the principles of democracy in the version of Robert Dahl and James Fishkin. A third section will give a short account of Barber’s “strong democracy”. Section four looks into different segments of theory deriving from the concept of participatory democracy, in particular the deliberative democracy approach, leading to some conclusions about the relations and distances of such theories to direct democracy as a participatory institution.

The hiring of private security companies (PSCs) by humanitarian aid agencies working in complex emergencies has so far received only little attention in academic research and political parlance. Systematic data on the scope, type and impact of such collaboration does not exist. According to a 2003 report by International Alert, “the impression, though, is that it is much wider than is usually acknowledged.” Indeed, the report identifies an “emerging trend” characterized by an increasing number of contracts between humanitarian actors and PSCs. Yet, it concludes that “[t]he consequences and implications of this trend (...) are little understood” (Vaux 2002: 16). This paper cannot be expected to produce any original data from which concise recommendations for an appropriate policy and humanitarian response to this development could be meaningfully deduced. Instead, it will confine itself to provide for an overview of the current debate and the main issues at stake. For this purpose, the paper will begin with a brief summary of the main causes for rising casualties in the humanitarian aid community, which partly explain the growing reliance on private security services on behalf of relief actors. Second, the range of security management strategies available to humanitarians will be considered and, third, integrated into a first typology of commercial security services catering to the aid industry. Fourth, the paper will point to some of the main problems and dangers, which increasing cooperation with PSCs may provoke. Such an awareness will finally enable the argument to identify some preliminary avenues for future research and further action.

This paper examines the circumstances of young Australian women and men according to some key themes commonly identified by governments as target areas for social policy, namely: economic self-support and security; citizenship; and maintenance of good health and well-being. Whilst not exhaustive, these themes have come to shape contemporary Australian youth research and policy agendas in recent times. In this paper I outline each of the themes in relation to research on young people’s experiences. I conclude with the suggestion that current research indicates that young Australians live in times of contradiction and ambivalence. I caution that the difficulties and challenges faced by many who are disadvantaged in the new economy must not be set aside by the assumption that with new opportunities for flexibility, expanding consumer lifestyles and access to sophisticated communications, media and technologies, ‘things are better now’ for youth. At the same time, I also draw attention to the agency of young people who are often perceived as passive victims of these changes. In doing so, I aim to illuminate an important trend in Australian youth studies that interrogates the dominant representations of young people’s experiences as symbols of either hope or despair.

This paper deals with East German youngsters’ attitudes toward democracy. The focus of the analyses will not be on the attitudes themselves, but rather on the paths of influences that parents have on their adolescent children’s political attitudes toward the democratic system. Parents’ political attitudes are generally seen as exercising great influence on the development of the political identity of their children; and indeed, surveys show a high congruence between the political attitudes of parents and those of their children (for reviews see Wasmund 1982; Geisler 1996). The main question, however, is how these congruences emerge, e.g., what causes these congruences. To deal with this question, this paper analyzes the paths of intergenerational transmission of political attitudes from parents to their children, using the longitudinal data set from the Brandenburg sample of adolescents, their fathers, and their mothers.

Near the end of World War II, in the winter of 1944 a young Dutch woman was writing a paper about the history of social work. The school of social work, where this woman was the director, was closed because of fuel shortage. Surrounded by books from the university library she wrote a paper that combined erudition with the practical experience of an ambitious woman who had made social work her profession. Marie Kamphuis (born in 1907) described how motives and aims, areas of specialization, practitioners, financing and methods of social work had changed through the centuries. She called the result of her historical research ‘Uit de Voorgeschiedenis’ (about the ‘prehistory’) because she was convinced that the real history of professional social work had not yet begun. Did she already know at that moment that she herself would play a key-role in the ‘real history’? Did she know that she would personally exert a determining influence on the discussions about motives and aims, areas of specialization and practitioners of social work, and that she would help to improve and renew professional methods? Whether she did or not, today historians cannot ignore the role of this grand old lady in the intriguing history of Dutch social work.

The aim of this paper is to discuss the way in which archives were accessed and analyzed using a particular framework. Research into the development of child welfare and protection social work in Ireland will be used for the purpose of illustration. While the original research related to developments from 1862–1991, this paper will concentrate on the role of female philanthropists and female social workers from 1900–1950. In this short presentation, I wish to begin with a brief outline of the theoretical framework underpinning the archival research carried out. The challenges of firstly accessing and then analyzing archival material are discussed in this context. Following on from this, I illustrate the complexities of archival research through use of a case study from my own research referred to above. I conclude with some pointers for effective and valid archival research in historical study.

The Alice-Salomon-Archives started with the administrative archives of the Soziale Frauenschule founded in 1908 by Alice Salomon (1872–1948). Predecessors of the two-year courses at the school for social work were the one year social training courses for women that had begun in 1899. The Alice-Salomon-School is the oldest school for social work in Germany. It developed into a center of the social engagement of the women’s movement and was the cradle of professional social work. It was here that the German Academy for Social and Educational Women’s Work was founded in 1925, dissolved in 1933, and where women were qualified for social leadership and teaching positions and where a center for family research was founded. Here finally was the bureau of the German Conference of Schools for Social Work (since 1917) and the International Association of Schools for Social Work (since 1929). In the Alice-Salomon-Archives you can find: files, documents and other material of the Soziale Frauenschule since 1900 papers of the Conference of German Schools for Social Work since 1917 papers of the International Association of Schools for Social Work since 1929 files of the German Academy for Social and Educational Women’s Work, 1925–1933 students’ lists of the schools of Anna v. Gierke, 1898–1934.

Over the past few years, numerous conferences have been held and studies written on the relationship between Ukraine and the European Union. As it became clearer that Ukraine was a late reformer with highly instable political institutions and murky finances, analysts and Western policymakers became increasingly preoccupied with the notion of Ukraine as risk to the West. It became fashionable to write about Ukraine as begetting weapons of mass destruction, illegal migration, organized crime and its corollaries (traffic in drugs and women), diseases (HIV and tuberculosis) and environmental pollution.2 The events of 11 September have reinforced the preoccupation of EU policy makers with security-related issues, further detracting from Eastern Europe and related processes of integration. This paper, in contrast, argues that taking hard and soft security issues as the starting point for the analysis of Ukrainian-EU relations is misguided and will not amount to a viable basis for long-term policymaking. Hence, the paper takes an integrationist perspective and considers the internal developments of Ukraine as the major determinants for its opportunities to integrate into European structures. The paper will propose various scenarios for the future of Ukraine, before putting the EU’s policy towards Ukraine under scrutiny. Finally, it will sketch out policy recommendations intended to deepen interdependence between Ukraine and the EU.

The United States and Canada are becoming increasingly integrated with each other economically. The details need not be rehearsed here; the evidence is obvious. Whether Canada can retain a degree of social, cultural, and political distinctiveness is an issue that sparks heated Canadian debate. On the political front, Canadian distinctiveness is arguably reinforced by the fact that our federal and provincial governments still operate within the British parliamentary framework, which means that the institutional nature of the political process is quite different on each side of the border. At the local level, however, Canadian institutions and practices have historically been more influenced by the United States than by Britain. One would expect, therefore, that in this age of increasing American-Canadian economic integration, the systems of local government in the two countries would remain similar, or become even more so. The objects of this paper are to show that the opposite is the case and to explain why. This then is a paper about diverging structures and practices in local government, with an emphasis on the governance of large cities.

Gerth was known as an erudite scholar. The wide range of his intellectual interests is reflected in his card files of people, works, and concepts. When stacked, they form a tower 5 feet (1.5 meter) high. More than half of them are not made of normal index cards, but of so-called yellow sheets (paper for carbon copies) cut into the 3”x5” card size. They were made either during a paper shortage or simply to save on costs. A cursory glance at his files of newspaper clippings shows country headings from the United States to South Africa, and topic headings such as art, fashion, eugenics, Jewry, Negro, women, war guilt, etc. In addition, he left many notes on such topics as the intelligentsia, philosophies, sociology of knowledge, rumor, and different -isms (imperialism, capitalism, socialism, Bolshevism, etc.). Some of them are schematized lecture notes, typologies, or just outlines.

Historical data on the measures of democracy are needed for various purposes. Researchers testing hypotheses on democratic peace or domestic civil peace need such data (for example, Ray 1995; Hegre et al. 1997). The same concerns researchers exploring the relationship between democracy and economic development, or seeking causal explanations of democracy and democratization (Hadenius 1992; Karvonen 1997; Midlarsky 1997, Vanhanen 1997). Researchers have formulated various ways to measure democracy, or some aspects of democracy, since the 1950s, but it has been difficult to agree on the measures of democracy and democratization. The purpose of this paper is to introduce a new dataset on the measurement of democracy and to compare it with some alternative dataseis. The Freedom House ratings of political rights and civil liberties since 1973 and the Polity project’s democracy and autocracy scales over the period 1800–1998 provide the most interesting points of comparison. The dataset introduced in this paper covers nearly all independent countries during the period 1810–1998.1

The paper represents an attempt to construct a partial concept of the emergence and maintenance of an environmental movement under critical conditions — the collapse of state socialism and transition to wild capitalism accompanied by a systemic crisis of society and its basic values. The underpinning of the proposed concept is the idea that an environmental movement as a collective social actor is reproduced in interactions with a context of different kind and scale. The more the movement’s contexts become turbulent and hostile, the stronger its shift from the production of collective actions towards the reproduction of its own organizations and networks. The paper examines the major elements of this reproduction process: key values, the type of social reflection, the nature of the resources and the mode of their mobilization, the space of economic, social and political opportunities, the degree of the integration of the movement’s organizations into global organizations and networks.

Even if national differences indeed exist, similarities rather than differences come to mind when the structure of local government in the Nordic countries is considered. By ‘Nordic countries’ we refer to Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, even if Iceland generally is considered as part of the Nordic ‘family’ of countries. In this first part of the paper, we shall consider some of the similarities mentioned before, and discuss to which extent they contribute to making local government in the Nordic countries distinct from the rest of Europe (or other industrialized nations). The focus of this paper will be on aspects of historical and institutional kind. Later on we will return to the problems of policy formation or governance. One first observation in this respect may be that the differences in operational modes are larger than those having to do with the structure of local government itself.

The basic assumption of this paper is that people from different cultures have different resources for performing and highlighting their gendered identities. One of those resources which has been studied extensively is language with research on language and gender tending to concentrate on the ways that gender is expressed through the grammar, phonology, morphology, and pragmatic aspects of a language. However, in this paper I want to explore how gender can be expressed through prosodic characteristics, especially, voice pitch.1

The transition from Communism has had important implications for the position of young people in education and the working world. However, there are important differences emerging between different post-Communist countries. This paper explores the changing experiences of school and work amongst young people in Poland — a more “successful” transition country — with Ukraine, a less “successful” one. The paper explores four axes of change: changes in the relationship between education and work, changes in the relationship between private and public sector employment; changes in the role of the informal economy; changes in social structure. Young people emerge paradoxically as group which is both advantaged and disadvantaged by the changes.

New technology-based firms (NTBFs) constitute an important determinant of a region’s innovative and growth potential. NTBFs are in need of complementary external resources and know-how, but face specific barriers to initiating and cultivating relationships with external partners. Thus, regional and national authorities have begun to help NTBFs in their network management by stimulating the creation of a supportive innovation-oriented infrastructure. Science parks and seed capitalists are actors that can support NTBFs in initiating and cultivating relationships to other actors. In this paper, a sample of 79 NTBFs out of science parks, the portfolio of seed capitalists and independent companies, is analysed. Based upon multivariate analyses, this paper shows that NTBFs in science parks and in the portfolio of seed capitalists are more intensively interwoven and have both a higher innovation success and a higher growth rate in turnover than independent companies.

There are two ways to outline perspectives for cross-national research within this volume: a) papers on results of studies on a national level which could or should be replicated in other countries; b) papers on projects or project proposals which include a comparative dimension and are still in the process of applying for funding or looking for partners in other countries. Our presentation belongs to the latter category. We shall present a project proposal with the working title “The English Language in the Media Worlds of European Youth”; in addition to the theoretical framework of this project, we shall report first results of a pilot study in Germany.

The main goal of this paper is to show how the verb-second (V2) pattern of Old English (OE), despite certain striking differences from the usual West Germanic pattern, fits with a general characterisation of the V2 phenomenon developed primarily for the analysis of German. A second goal is to reflect on how V2 may have arisen in the prehistory of English (and other Germanic languages), making inferences on the basis of work on Gothic by Ferraresi (1991), Longobardi (1994) and Kiparsky (1994). The OE data support the general approach to V2 outlined in Roberts & Roussou (1996), as well as a version of the “split-Comp” hypothesis developed by Rizzi (1995). The diachronic discussion extends ideas put forward in Longobardi (1994). A general conclusion of the paper is that the distinction between “residual V2” and “full V2” is a structural one, and an ancient one; as Kiparsky (1994: 162) says “In this respect at least, English is syntactically the most conservative of all the modern Germanic languages”.

For more than a century all the major countries in the Western World have been concerned with social problems. During this time many sociologists and other scholars have attempted to develop a sound definition of a social problem. They recognized that appropriate treatment requires understanding of what they are. The issue has received only sporadic attention throughout the last century. Consensus has never been achieved. All definitions contain one or more of the eight components of the minimum requirements of modern scholarship that takes into account the existing literature. This paper is the chronological story of how scholars arrived at the eight components and now define a social problem. It is restricted to the study of sociologists writing in English. The paper concludes that many difficulties remain and that our understanding of this important subject needs more attention.

This paper examines the position of argument NPs and argument clitics in West Flemish. Based on Vikner’s discussion of Scandinavian (1991) I argue that argument NPs and the full pronouns do not scramble to A’ positions (as is arguably the case in German) but that they undergo object shift, a type of A-movement found in Scandinavian languages. The distribution of the clitic pronouns suggests that WF object shift cannot be interpreted as adjunction, but must be seen in terms of movement to specifier. The paper also examines some problems which the WF data give rise to for the account of object shift developed in the Chomsky’s Minimalist Program (1992).

The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, a conceptual distinction is made between the image and reputation of organizations. Second, the prior literature on mass communication effects will be examined to determine the likely effectiveness of communication and public relations efforts to impact either the image or the reputation of an Organization. This paper argues that public relations efforts to amplify the reputation of an Organization are more likely to be successful than programs aimed at manipulating the image of an Organization. 1 Image and reputation are specifically explicated as constructs of the asymmetrical and symmetrical modeis (respectively) of public relations.

In this paper we will present a dialogical approach to the description of the use and interpretation of intonational means to focus on certain parts of an utterance.1 That focusing of parts of utterances should be studied in connection with the communicative function of language is by no means a new observation. This view has e.g. been advocated for a long time by the Prague School (cf. Mathesius 1929, Firbas 1958, Benes 1967). More recently, Hajicova (1984) and Sgall (1986) described an approach to the introduction of topic-focus articulation into a formal description of syntax and the meaning of the sentence. Gabbay and Moravcsik (1978) in their seminal paper on the focus of the negation operator write: “...what constituent negation enables us to do is to indicate which part of a sentence needs to be revised in order for that sentence to convey correct information. Constituent negation is an efficient way of doing this within a natural language; i.e. one that is primarily spoken, not written and is used to convey information, criticism, etc. between language users” (Gabbay/Moravcsik op.c. p: 255)