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International audience; Universal jurisdiction (UJ), which not very long ago seemed condemned to extinction, is now becoming routine. It has been endorsed by 109 states, and the number of prosecutions is increasing. This article is based on an ethnographic study of the recent trial in France of Pascal Simbikangwa, a Rwandan accused of participating in the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. Using the concepts of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘transnational legal orders’, it shows how UJ is creating a transnational judicial space (TJS). Involving both partisan and ordinary actors, this process is fraught with multiple conflicts. Although UJ does not participate in the dissemination of a uniform definition of genocide, it makes various jurisdictions work together. This fragmented transnational justice is paradoxically contributing to the integration of national legal systems.

Every year since 1990 the National Consultative Commission for Human Rights (CNCDH) commissions a poll measuring the level of racism in France, allowing for the creation of a Longitudinal Index of Tolerance towards minorities (LIT). The term « minority », which has no official recognition in France, is used here in a pragmatic way. The LIT makes it possible to catch the perceptions of minorities in France, their evolution in time and the factors that explain them.; Tous les ans depuis 1990 la Commission nationale consultative des droits de l’homme (CNCDH) commande un sondage mesurant le niveau du racisme en France, qui permet d’établir un indicateur longitudinal de tolérance à l’égard des minorités (ILT). Le terme de « minorité », qui n’a pas de reconnaissance officielle en France, est employé ici de manière pragmatique. L’ILT permet de saisir les perceptions des minorités en France, leur évolution dans le temps et les facteurs qui les expliquent.

Not all politics is local. Not even local politics is necessarily local. The reemergence of local politics is not comparable to the nationalization of politics but is rather an element making multilevel policies more or less interconnected. This global review (not including North America) suggests that the rise of local politics is explained by three set of processes—( a) democratization, including protest, ( b) economic globalization, urbanization, and the deepening of territorial inequalities, and ( c) decentralization or deconcentration and the rise of local governance and policies. The rise of local politics is not a revival of the past but an element of the politics of scale taking. All over the world, local politics is increasingly about policies, governance, and political choice.

International audience; The confrontation between custodians of health care policies and the Obama reformThe study of American health care reform during the 1990s and 2000s reveals that, far from waning, the influence of federal policy elites has been reconfigured. Like Philip Selznick’s “custodians of policy,” small groups of elites with long-term careers and located at the heights of power in the executive and legislative branches have acquired strategic expertise in key policy sectors. Like their French counterparts, these health policy elites have positioned themselves as guardians of health policy by adapting the imperative of cost control to a historical, institutional, and political legacy – one that stands in opposition to comprehensive systemic reforms that would align the U.S. with the prevailing models of universal access in other western democracies. It was through confronting this “provincialism”, together with a determined quest for a political compromise, that the Obamacare initiative eventually succeeded in implementing changes which, despite not amounting to comprehensive systemic reform, nonetheless stand out as the most important American health care reforms since the 1960s.; L’étude de la réforme de l’assurance maladie aux États-Unis durant les années 1990 et 2000 montre que loin de disparaître, l’influence des élites de l’État fédéral a été reconfigurée. À l’image des custodians of policy de Philip Selznick, de petits groupes d’élites professionnalisés durablement au cœur des pouvoirs exécutif et législatif ont acquis une expertise stratégique dans certains secteurs de politique. Comme leurs homologues français, les élites des politiques de santé étasuniennes se sont posées en gardiens des politiques de santé en adaptant l’impératif du contrôle des coûts à un héritage historique, institutionnel et politique défavorable à une réforme alignant le système d’assurance maladie sur le modèle des autres démocraties occidentales. C’est au prix de ce « provincialisme » et de la recherche invétérée d’un arrangement politique que la réforme Obama a pu aboutir à une évolution du système d’assurance maladie qui, à défaut d’être systémique, n’en est pas moins la plus importante depuis les années 1960.

International audience; This article examines gender inequalities in popular music booking in the venues of Berlin and Paris. There are less women artists on stage than men, but why is this phenomenon more pronounced in the French capital? The article suggests that the inequalities between artists can be grasped by looking at the professional arrangements among intermediaries on the music production side. Overwhelmed by too many gig requests, bookers rely on the recommendations of trusted intermediaries to sort out the proposals they receive and stabilize the definition of musical value. In Paris, the strong professionalization of music and the low turnover amongst bookers reinforces the homogeneity of their professional networks. However, these booking networks remain relatively closed to female artists. In addition, the bookers oppose artistic criteria to taking the artists’ gender into account, considering the latter an illegitimate criterion for music selection. In Berlin, collective booking (several people in a single venue) diversifies the networks used to select artists, lowering the barriers to entry for women artists. The proximity between musical and activist scenes, favoured by the lesser professionalization of music work, also legitimizes gender as a criterion for music selection, including in renowned venues.; Cet article étudie les inégalités de genre dans la programmation musicale à Berlin et Paris, dans les salles de musique dites « actuelles » ou populaires. Les artistes femmes sont moins nombreuses que les hommes sur scène, mais pourquoi ce phénomène est-il plus marqué dans la capitale française ? L'article propose de saisir les inégalités entre artistes à l'aune des configurations professionnelles chez les intermédiaires qui construisent l'offre musicale. Noyés par une offre pléthorique, les programmateurs et programmatrices s'appuient sur les recommandations d'intermédiaires de confiance pour trier les propositions reçues et pour stabiliser la définition de la valeur musicale. À Paris, la forte professionnalisation de la programmation et le faible renouvellement des positions renforce l'homogénéité des réseaux professionnels des programmateurs et programmatrices. Or, leurs réseaux de programmation demeurent relativement fermés aux femmes artistes. En outre, les programmateurs et programmatrices opposent les critères artistiques à la prise en compte du genre des artistes dans la sélection musicale, renvoyant ce dernier à un critère illégitime. À Berlin, l'existence de nombreuses salles programmées par des collectifs diversifie les réseaux de sélection des artistes, abaissant les barrières à l'entrée pour les femmes artistes. La proximité entre espaces musical et militant, favorisée par la moindre professionnalisation de l'activité musicale, légitime également le critère du genre des artistes dans la sélection artistique, y compris dans des salles renommées.

Cet article compare deux programmes de réforme de l’État promus par les institutions internationales (principalement Banque mondiale et OCDE) à l’orée du xxe siècle : la nouvelle gestion publique et la lutte contre la corruption, et interroge les rapports qui existent entre eux, à partir d’une analyse des archives de ces organisations et d’entretiens avec des fonctionnaires internationaux. Aborder ces programmes de réforme sous un angle cognitif, tout en tenant compte des instruments d’action publique qui cristallisent ces idées en actions, permet de comprendre où ces programmes de réformes développés et diffusés par des institutions internationales se recoupent et où ils s’éloignent. Cette double approche permet de montrer que, malgré un discours de différenciation, les programmes de prévention de la corruption (notamment par la promotion de l’éthique publique) sont souvent présentés comme une réponse aux dérives et omissions de la nouvelle gestion publique – la première est pourtant bien l’héritière de la seconde, reproduisant le même appareillage théorique du Public Choice et des outils néo-managériaux similaires en vue d’atteindre un objectif nouveau.

The last 20 years have been characterized by very different dynamics: massive reduction of milk and, to a lesser extent, dairy consumption; fewer positive attitudes towards milk; no reclaims for affordable, public dairy production; the development of a large conversation about the presumed risks associated with the intake of lactose; and semantic battles on non-dairy ‘milk’ alternatives. These new attitudes haven’t been systematically studied. We explore here the links between milk/dairy consumption, health concerns, and trust in medical expertise. Through an online survey of highly educated youth in Italy (N=378) we have investigated: milk and dairy consumption; attitudes towards items carried out by vegan movements; attitudes towards medical expertise and trust in counseling by general practitioners. Results show that anti-speciesist and vegan movements are very little known among consumers. Data display very limited impact of the ideas and concepts of anti-milk movements within our sample. The results highlight that milk consumption shrinking is due to health concern and an unfavorable perception of dangerous consequences in lactose intake, and additionally to a general distrust towards medical expertise and evidence-based arguments. Indeed, we observe a tendency to self-diagnose intolerance/allergies, questioning the role of physicians and medical knowledge in advising for dietary choices among highly educated youth. The analysis of the patterns of consumption and motives clearly shows that health considerations, not politics, are behind the Italian youth’s dairy restrictions. Healthy consumerism emerges as a concept fitting better than political consumerism for interpreting our results.; Les vingt dernières années ont été traversées par différentes dynamiques : la réduction massive de la consommation de lait et, dans une moindre mesure, de produits laitiers ; des attitudes de plus en plus négatives à l’égard du lait ; aucune revendication pour une production abordable et publique du lait ; le développement d’une vaste discussion à propos des risques qui seraient associés à la consommation de lactose ; et des batailles sémantiques autour des alternatives que constituent les « laits » non laitiers. Ces nouvelles attitudes n’ont pas été systématiquement étudiées. Nous explorons ici les liens entre la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les préoccupations en matière de santé et la confiance dans l’expertise médicale. À partir d’un sondage en ligne auprès des populations jeunes et éduquées en Italie (N=378), nous avons analysé : la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les attitudes envers les arguments portés par les mouvements végans, les attitudes envers l’expertise médicale et la confiance dans les conseils dispensés par les médecins. Les résultats ont mis en évidence que les mouvements antispécistes et végans sont assez peu connus des consommateurs. Les données ont montré que les idées et les concepts des mouvements anti-lait avaient un impact limité sur notre échantillon. Les résultats soulignent que la réduction de la consommation de lait est due à des préoccupations en matière de santé et à une perception défavorable des apports en lactose et, additionnellement, à une méfiance générale envers l’expertise médicale et les arguments fondés sur des preuves. En effet, nous observons une tendance à l’auto-diagnostic pour les intolérances et les allergies, une tendance chez les populations jeunes et éduquées qui mettent en doute le rôle des médecins et du savoir médical dans l’accompagnement diététique. L’analyse des schémas de consommation et de motivation montre clairement que des considérations liées à la santé, et non à des opinions politiques, sont derrière les restrictions des jeunes italiens en matière de produits laitiers. Un consumérisme orienté vers la recherche d’une meilleure santé a émergé, un concept qui fonctionne mieux que celui de consumérisme politique pour interpréter nos résultats.

Contemporary political economy is predicated on widely shared ideas and assumptions, some explicit but many implicit, about the past. Our aim in this Special Issue is to draw attention to, and to assess critically, these historical assumptions. In doing so, we hope to contribute to a political economy that is more attentive to the analytic assumptions on which it is premised, more aware of the potential oversights, biases, and omissions they contain, and more reflexive about the potential costs of these blind spots. This is an Introduction to one of two Special Issues that are being published simultaneously by New Political Economy and Review of International Political Economy reflecting on blind spots in international political economy. Together, these Special Issues seek to identify the key blind spots in the field and to make sense of how many scholars missed or misconstrued important dynamics that define contemporary capitalism and the other systems and sources of social inequality that characterise our present. This particular Special Issue pursues this goal by looking backwards, to the history of political economy and at the ways in which we have come to tell that history, in order to understand how we got to the present moment.

Identifying and explaining change in the structure of central state bureaucracies and the determinants of survival of individual public organizations are two closely related areas of research in public administration. We aim to bridge the gap between these two main strands of studies of organizational change by presenting a novel approach to collecting event history data for public organizations. We have developed this framework as part of the Structure and Organisation of Governments Project, which aims to map entire central state bureaucracies in three Western European countries. Our approach is flexible enough to describe macro-trends in public sector organization populations and to explain these trends by analysing the event histories of the organizations they comprise. In addition to presenting our framework and how we applied it to create this data set, we also present some initial cross-national comparisons of the distribution of the event types recorded, highlighting initial findings and promising avenues for further research. Points for practitioners We present here a novel approach for representing the structural changes that organizations and sub-departments experience over time that can apply to any hierarchical organization (public or private). Applying the approach illuminates the historical development of organizations and their parts, and allows cross-national comparisons of events and trends across organizations. Our comparison of ministerial organizations in France, Germany and the Netherlands from 1980 to 2013 shows that trends in the size of bureaucracies mask considerable structural changes within.

Contemporary West European shantytowns have essentially been studied with qualitative methods. Questions related to their ethnic structure, homophily and interaction with local institutions have not been analysed through large samples and survey data. Based on the example of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma living in shantytowns in the Parisian metropolitan area, we analyse the ‘historical’ region of origin (autochthony), networks between individuals and households having lived together in a shantytown, as well as some of their attitudes, skills, and behaviour (i.e. expectations as to local welfare, French proficiency, children’s schooling). We used a database of slum-dwellers in Paris collected by social workers (N = 12,019). The paper looks at how autochthonies combine with socialisation in shantytowns and with territorial institutional effects of local policies. Evidence shows that while there are limited differences in the socio-professional backgrounds of slum-dwellers, there are several differences in attitudes, behaviour and skills. Moreover, social network analysis shows that these differences are only weakly related to the households’ region of origin (autochthony), while they are more correlated to emergent structural clusters of co-habitation connections, where individuals socialise in acting together to build and manage a shantytown. Moreover, local policies at the city level play a role in shaping shantytown dwellers expectations and skills for integration.

Are election campaigns relevant to policymaking, as they should in a democracy?This book sheds new light on this central democratic concern based on an ambitious study of democratic mandates through the lens of agenda-setting in five West European countries since the 1980s. The authors develop and test a new model bridging studies of party competition, pledge fulfillment, and policymaking. The core argument is that electoral priorities are a major factor shaping policy agendas, but mandates should not be mistaken as partisan. Parties are like 'snakes in tunnels': they have distinctive priorities, but they need to respond to emerging problems and their competitors' priorities, resulting in considerable cross-partisan overlap. The 'tunnel of attention' remains constraining in the policymaking arena, especially when opposition parties have resources to press governing parties to act on the campaign priorities. This key aspect of mandate responsiveness has been neglected so far, because in traditional models of mandate representation, party platforms are conceived as a set of distinctive priorities, whose agenda-setting impact ultimately depends on the institutional capacity of the parties in office. Rather differently, this book suggests that counter-majoritarian institutions and windows for opposition parties generate key incentives to stick to the mandate. It shows that these findings hold across five very different democracies: Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, and the UK. The results contribute to a renewal of mandate theories of representation and lead to question the idea underlying much of the comparative politics literature that majoritarian systems are more responsive than consensual ones.

Policy Points Private health insurance (PHI) in France has been facing critical changes over the past 30 years. A complementary and voluntary scheme, it has been historically dominated by nonprofit entities. However, the share of for-profit insurance companies in the sector has significantly increased. Nonprofit firms also changed their strategies and mimicked some for-profit behaviors. The present paper argues that this process is a result of the conflict-provoking coevolution of the insurance and health care sectors. Trying to improve the regulation of the insurance industry as whole, two European directives first jeopardized the business model of nonprofit entities. Then, two national reforms designed to improve health coverage significantly increased competition among insurers, notably in the area of corporate-level contracts. Decoupling the insurance and health care sectors has become a major source of policy feedback and unexpected outcomes of reforms affecting the very organization of PHI. Context In France, private health insurance (PHI) has an exceptionally high level of coverage and accounts for 13.7% of health expenditures. A complementary and voluntary scheme, it has been historically dominated by nonprofit, mutual benefit societies. Over the past 20 years, however, the market share of for-profit insurance companies has increased by 47%. Financialization of the field developed, and competition based on new risk management strategies also increased. The broad aim of this paper is to characterize and to elucidate the causes of this trend. More specifically, we are interested in how and to what extent a series of supranational and national policies contributed to this situation. Method Our data come from three sources. We first reviewed documents published by health insurers, government reports, and newspaper articles. We then conducted two semistructured interview campaigns between September 2017 and May 2018. The first mostly covered private and public actors and their involvement in European Union (EU) policymaking (n = 21). The second series of interviews was conducted with another group of actors directly involved at the French level (n = 16). Findings Our findings support preliminary observations. PHI in France, we argue, is indeed facing a development of competition and marketlike instruments. Four major policies (two EU directives and two national reforms) played a significant role in this outcome. Surprisingly, however, it has never been the purpose of legislators and policymakers: while EU directives created a regulatory framework for insurance activities within the Single Market, policies adopted at the national level initially aimed at improving health coverage. We show that it is the interactions and the noncoordination among all of these policies that explain their unexpected outcome. Conclusions The trend described in this paper is twofold. The first is Europeanization, as PHI in France is increasingly affected by EU legislation. Since this framework tends to favor larger firms and for-profit companies, a reduction in statutory coverage can no longer be considered a quasi-neutral transfer from (publicly owned) social security to nonprofit providers. At the same time, PHI is shifting toward collectivization: as competition increases, complementary health coverage is becoming gradually standardized and based at the corporate level. Together, these changes are likely to reduce freedom of choice and individual welfare, an assumption supported by studies published on the most recent period.

The striking economic agglomerations emerging in affluent democracies are generating, reproducing, and expanding inequalities. A major mechanism for this is housing, which is both a repository for wealth and, under these conditions, a magnifier of wealth. Access to urban areas – the site of educational, labor, and marriage market advantages – is contingent upon access to housing. We use comparative analysis of cases in Europe (London and Paris) and the United States (New York and San Francisco) to consider the capacities of different societies to limit or ameliorate these new sources of diverging opportunity. These seemingly local issues remain shaped by distinct national political contexts, which vary dramatically in their capacity to support local affordable housing and reduce the collective action problems confronting major metropolitan areas.

The present paper proposes a three‐axis method for identifying metropolitan regions in a European context that was developed from a public policy perspective within the field of regional geography. Drawing on a harmonised definition of functional urban area and a case‐specific literature review, the proposed method can be applied to urban regions characterised by multiple territorial development patterns. This paper focuses on the metropolitan node of Milan within the urban network of northern Italy. First, the concept of functional territorial scale is used to assess the city‐regional scale of Milan. Then, based on available geographical descriptions of metropolitan Milan, the metropolitan region is defined as a set of labour market areas, rather than as a single metropolitan area. Finally, some demographic and employment trends that have characterised the Milan metropolitan region and its emerging territorial imbalances over time are highlighted. Having identified a metropolitan territorial unit of Milan, the paper outlines some linkages between city‐regional development and metropolitan institutional policy.

International audience; Paediatric sarcoidosis is an extremely rare disease characterized by a granulomatous inflammation. The estimated incidence is 0.6–1.02/100,000 children, but in the absence of international registers, the disease is probably under-reported. Its pathophysiologic basis is not clearly understood but the current hypothesis is a combination of a genetic predisposition and an environmental exposure that could be either organic or mineral. Contrary to adult forms of the disease, general symptoms are often at the forefront at diagnosis. In its most frequent form, paediatric sarcoidosis is a multi-organ disorder affecting preferentially the lungs, the lymphatic system and the liver, but all organs can be affected. This review aims to provide an overview of current knowledge on sarcoidosis in children, providing a summary of the data available from cohort studies on the presentation, the management and the evolution of the disease in this specific population.

L’article examine l’émergence d’un marché de l’assurance santé complémentaire en France au cours des vingt dernières années. Nous y développons l’idée que, loin d’avoir suivi une trajectoire univoque, cette évolution résulte de la rencontre de plusieurs séries de réformes partiellement indépendantes : les directives européennes « assurances » et « Solvabilité » ; le développement des réseaux de soins, encouragé par les pouvoirs publics ; et plus récemment, l’obligation faite aux entreprises du secteur privé de fournir une couverture complémentaire à leurs salariés. Si chaque réforme concourt au renforcement d’un marché du risque santé, nous insistons sur le fait qu’elles répondent à des logiques et mobilisent des acteurs spécifiques. Dans ce contexte, l’article montre les tensions induites par cette pluralité de « mises en marché », qui s’accompagne d’une complexification de la régulation de l’assurance santé complémentaire dans le système français. The article examines the emergence of a complementary health insurance market in France over the past twenty years. We develop the idea that, far from having followed an unambiguous trajectory, this evolution results from the convergence of series of partially independent reforms : the European “insurance” and “Solvency II” directives ; the development of managed care, encouraged by the public authorities ; and more recently, the obligation for private sector companies to provide complementary coverage to their employees. While each reform contributes to the strengthening of market for complementary health insurance, we insist on the fact that they respond to different logics and mobilize specific actors. In this context, the article shows the tensions induced by this multiplicity of “marketization” processes, which results in a more complex regulation of complementary health insurance in the French system.

In recent decades, accelerating processes of globalization and an increase in economic inequality in most of the world's countries have raised the question of the emergence of a new bourgeoisie integrated at the global level, sometimes described as a global super-bourgeoisie. This group would be distinguished by its unequaled level of wealth and global interconnectedness, its transnational ubiquity and concentration in the planet's major global cities, its specific culture, consumption habits, sites of sociability and shared references, and even by class consciousness and capacity to act collectively. This article successively discusses how the social sciences have examined these various dimensions of the question and begun to provide systematic empirical answers.

From Boundless Expansion to Existential Threat: Transhumanists and Posthuman Imaginaries," in Futures, edited by Jenny Andersson and Sandra Kemp, 333-348. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021): This essay examines visions of the future of human life in transhumanist imaginaries of the posthuman, ranging from utopian figurations to catastrophist warnings. Focusing on libertarian, liberal, and conservative posthuman imaginaries, it argues that the posthu­man condition is defined by changing scientific, moral, and political narratives, including ideas of revolutionary change, progressive evolution through the ethical use of human en­hancement technologies, and the mitigation of existential risk for the preservation of in­telligence and civilization in the long term. Changing posthuman imaginaries, it shows, reshape spaces of present and future political imagination

En los últimos veinte años, las sociedades de España e Italia han experimentado un cambio demográfico muy notable debido a flujos migratorios de alta intensidad. Desde principios de la década de 1990, la población extranjera se multiplicó por cinco en ambos países y en 2010 alcanzó el 12 y el 6 por ciento, respectivamente, del conjunto poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En ambos casos, dicho fenómeno migratorio plantea nuevos desafíos de representación democrática, dado que, en un periodo muy corto de tiempo, ha generado un gran caudal de nuevos residentes con expectativas legítimas de hacer oír su voz en el proceso de toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, el aumento del número de inmigrantes residentes en España e Italia también coincidió con un período en el que la opinión pública empezó a mostrar mayor preocupación por la inmigración, lo que provocó actitudes negativas cada vez más visibles hacia los colectivos inmigrantes en ambos países. Este artículo analiza en qué medida la presión migratoria y el cambio actitudinal hacia los inmigrantes en España e Italia pueden ayudarnos a comprender mejor las estrategias de los partidos a la hora de facilitar el acceso de este colectivo a cargos electos en los parlamentos nacionales. Haciendo uso de una base de datos única que incluye información sobre el perfil sociodemográfico y político de todos los diputados y diputadas en ambos países desde 1990 hasta la actualidad, nuestro estudio contribuye a avanzar en el conocimiento sobre las dinámicas que favorecen y que dificultan la representación política de los inmigrantes en estos dos países del sur de Europa. In the 1990s and the 2000s, Spain and Italy experienced a considerable growth in immigration. In just two decades, the foreign population has multiplied more than fivefold in both countries and by 2010 accounted for 12 and 6 per cent of the total population, respectively (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). This demographic change has put pressure on the democratic representative system of both countries, with large numbers of new residents wishing to have a voice in the direction of collective affairs. Yet, at the same time, public opinion has become increasingly concerned about immigration and immigrants' integration in both countries, with attitudes towards immigrants becoming increasingly negative in both. This article examines how these competing pressures can help us better understand the strategies of political parties in relation to the incorporation of citizens of immigrant origin into elected office in the national parliaments of both countries. Drawing on an original and unique dataset on the socio-demographic characteristics and political profiles of all national MPs elected in Spain and Italy since the beginning of the 1990s, this study aims at examining the dynamics which encourage or hinder the political representation of citizens of immigrant origin in these two Southern European countries. En els últims vint anys, les societats d'Espanya i Itàlia han experimentat un canvi demogràfic molt notable a causa de fluxos migratoris d'alta intensitat. Des de principis de la dècada de 1990, la població estrangera es va multiplicar per cinc en tots dos països i el 2010 va assolir el 12 i el 6 per cent, respectivament, del conjunt poblacional (INE, 2015; ISTAT, 2015). En tots dos casos, aquest fenomen migratori planteja nous desafiaments de representació democràtica, atès que, en un període molt curt de temps, ha generat un gran cabal de nous residents amb expectatives legítimes de fer sentir la seva veu en el procés de presa de decisions. No obstant això, l'augment del nombre d'immigrants residents a Espanya i Itàlia també va coincidir amb un període en el qual l'opinió pública va començar a mostrar major preocupació per la immigració, la qual cosa va provocar actituds negatives cada vegada més visibles cap als col·lectius immigrants en ambdós països. Aquest article analitza en quina mesura la pressió migratòria i el canvi actitudinal cap als immigrants a Espanya i Itàlia poden ajudar-nos a comprendre millor les estratègies dels partits a l'hora de facilitar l'accés d'aquest col·lectiu a càrrecs electes als parlaments nacionals. Fent ús d'una base de dades única que inclou informació sobre el perfil sociodemogràfic i polític de tots els diputats i diputades en tots dos països des de 1990 fins a l'actualitat, el nostre estudi contribueix a avançar en el coneixement sobre les dinàmiques que afavoreixen i que dificulten la representació política dels immigrants en aquests dos països del sud d'Europa.

Volunteer Activism Influence Political Attitudes and Behavior? In this chapter, we propose a reflection on the relationship between volunteering and political participation. We will ask ourselves whether the specific traits that characterize volunteer engagement in various forms, individual or associative networks, interpersonal links, and the cultures that develop through these activities can influence political attitudes and different forms of political participation. In recent years, Italian citizens have scarcely harboured positive feelings toward politics but have rather exhibited indifference and often anger toward parties and representative institutions. Their willingness to participate has not diminished, 14 has rather taken on other forms quite different from the parties themselves (volunteering, associations, movements). These tendencies had already begun manifesting themselves in Italy in the 1980s with the growth of volunteer commitment at a social, individual, or group level. The weight of social volunteering, oriented to the production of public goods, has increased in the last 20 years, while the influence of political parties has been reduced, and the forms of citizens’ participation have been transformed. In general, a considerable amount of research indicates a significant relationship between volunteering and political participation. However, the relationship can take several different forms and meanings depending upon the type of association to which the volunteers are linked and the possible ways of expressing political participation. On the other hand, a hypothesis may also be put forth that volunteering and political commitment are both influenced by the same social conditions of the volunteers as well as by the territorial contexts in which they operate. Based on the survey results of the Istat Aspects of Daily Life (ADL) of 2013, this chapter shows proofs of a socialisation effects of volunteering on political skills and behaviour, reducing inequalities in political participation. Especially, an inclusive group’s style reduces the effects of exclusion from democratic political participation structured by social inequalities. In 2013, associationism was confirmed as a true school of democracy, namely, for the work- ing classes. Finally, we note that political and social participation differ in relation to their distribution on the respondents’ respective territories. The levels of latent and visible political participation can be significantly influenced by the levels of civicness that traditionally differentiate across the Italian regions, as has been noted since the beginning of Putnam’s research in the 1980s. However, in all regional areas, the experience of volunteering and participation in social associations increases political participation. The influence of this experience is much more relevant in the southern regions where a more limited level of civic participation is traditionally reported. In territories where civicism is lower, not only associationism itself play a fundamental role in the production of public goods, but it also serves as a fundamental driver of the socialization to democratic values and practices, even more so than in other parts of the Bel Paese.

This chapter considers the political battles that led to the far-reaching reform of solvency rules governing insurance activities in the EU, between 1994 and 2016. Then we review their main implications for a particular segment of this industry, namely private health insurance. Focusing on the prudential regime laid down in EU law and regulation, we show that the adoption of Solvency II is likely to be a critical shift for the sector. Indeed, and while previous directives were essentially preoccupied with finding common rules to organize competition within the Single Market, Solvency II developed as a more conceptual architecture, with rules, requirements and standards intended to become ingrained in insurers’ daily activities. This shift was essentially legitimized as providing greater transparency and safety to financial investors and policyholders. Yet, we argue from the vantage point of private health insurance that this statement is open to doubt, and that greater financialization of entire segments of the industry could happen instead as a result of the implementation of Solvency II.

This policy paper studies external economic differentiation – that is, the various forms of third-country access to the European Single Market. It analyses their accountability mechanisms and evaluates their effectiveness – defined as the capacity to foster long-term economic integration and cooperation – as well as their potential effects on the EU’s political unity. The paper identifies three key problems with existing external economic differentiation: overly static agreements, complex and fragmented institutional frameworks, and imbalances between rights and obligations in relation to the Single Market. Based on these findings, the policy paper highlights the importance of continuous market homogeneity for the effectiveness of external economic differentiation. Agreements that allow for the dynamic integration of the evolving EU acquis, that include mechanisms for its uniform interpretation and implementation and that are based on unified, simple and clear governance frameworks better achieve such homogeneity. In addition, agreements that are adaptable to evolving objectives and tailored to the size of individual third countries are more effective. The analysis of accountability mechanisms shows room for improvement in their deepening and extension to additional third countries. In terms of political unity, centrifugal forces can be contained through an adequate balance of rights and obligations in Single Market access.

This policy brief develops two possible scenarios (closer vs. looser cooperation) of a future EU–UK economic relationship. After analysing how they fit into the existing EU landscape of external differentiation, it assesses these two scenarios in terms of effectiveness – defined as the capacity to reduce economic disruption – and their potential effects on the EU’s political unity. The paper concludes that the scenario of closer cooperation is superior in its capacity to minimise economic harm both for the UK and for the EU, and to provide a climate for long-term economic cooperation. Regarding the impact on EU cohesiveness, we contend that the biggest threat to its unity would be an “unbalanced” agreement providing a level of advantages not matched with a corresponding set of obligations. This could spark desires for more differentiation among EU member states and trigger third-country demands to renegotiate existing EU regimes of external differentiation.

Tout processus de reconnaissance est marqué par une lutte de sens : il est, par définition, le lieu de confrontation entre des énoncés, des procédés définitionnels, que ce soit au moment des mobilisations, des demandes, de l’octroi ou de l’obtention d’une reconnaissance. Comment distinguer, au sein des pratiques de reconnaissance, celles qui produisent des effets émancipateurs pour les individus ou les groupes, de celles qui produisent au contraire des effets de concurrence, de minorisation ou de subordination ? Ces ambiguïtés se manifestent à plusieurs niveaux et elles sont analysées par les deux autrices à partir d’un terrain d’enquête conduit entre 2012 et 2017 où se joue particulièrement la reconnaissance d’identités minorisées : une enquête menée auprès des OSIM, Organisations de Solidarité Internationales issues des Migrations, et particulièrement auprès de leur plate-forme nationale, le FORIM, Forum des Organisations Issues des Migrations. Ce cas d’étude permet d’une part de considérer les formulations ambigües de demandes de reconnaissance des associations de migrants, qui sont envisagées par les autrices comme des luttes de visibilité ; d’autre part d’analyser l’ambiguïté des réponses institutionnelles et des modes d’accès à la reconnaissance dans l’espace public démocratique français. Soulignant la permanence d’un idéal républicain universaliste, l’analyse interroge la frontière entre formes « idéologiques » et formes émancipatrices de reconnaissance. Elle démontre qu’un processus de reconnaissance ambigüe, marqué par l’existence de catégorisations et de pratiques associatives essentialisantes, peut permettre des transformations de la représentation politique pertinentes pour le débat démocratique.

First published online: 26 May 2020 Panel data covering the French population before and after the outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic reveal that self-reported health and well-being have improved during the lockdown in comparison to previous years. We name this counterintuitive phenomenon the “eye of the hurricane” paradox: the large majority of individuals who are not infected by the virus may be seeing their current condition in a more positive light than they normally would. There are, however, divergences across social groups that reflect socioeconomic inequalities. In particular, blue-collar workers deviate from the prevailing trend as their level of self-reported health declines over the lockdown period, Parisian residents experience a sudden drop in their subjective well-being, and people working long hours at home exhibit higher levels of stress during the quarantine. The CoCo project is funded by the French Agence Nationale de la Recherche (Flash Covid-19 call for projects).

Accessible sur Cairn: https://www.cairn.info/dictionnaire-des-mouvements-sociaux--9782724623550-page-460.htm?contenu=resume; International audience; Il s'agit de l'entrée Politiques publiques du Dictionnaire des mouvements sociaux. Ce texte a autant pour objet de présenter les fondements de l'analyse des politiques publiques que d'identifier des questions de recherche proches, sinon communes, de celles développées par la sociologie des mobilisations. Cette mise en relation permettra ainsi de s'interroger sur l'évolution des formes de participation et de représentation politique dans les sociétés contemporaines. Ainsi, et malgré les divergences initiales et les évolutions propres à ces deux sous-disciplines, toutes deux interrogent, à partir de l’attention portée aux transformations des formes de l’action collective, l'évolution des relations entre l'État et la société civile.

First lines: Artificial intelligence (AI) is inducing a profound transformation of both the practice and structure of medicine. This implies changes in tasks, where certain processes may be taken over by AI applications, as well as novel ways of collaborating and integrating information. Consider a recent example where AI is used to avoid suicide attempts by using smartphones’ native sensors and signal processing techniques [1]. This new suicide prevention technique requires the psychiatrist to acquire new skills (handling and interpreting continuous patient data sent by a dedicated application) and interact with new actors (programmers, data managers, etc.). Further, the abundance of individual patient data may contribute to a shift in conceptualizing care—from the traditional identification of general risk factors towards more tailored prevention strategies in the sense of personalized medicine

This article examines hegemonic norms of political and moral economy in Ukraine today acting at the level of the workplace. My research is based on fieldwork I conducted in a large industrial city in the east of Ukraine from January to June 2019. Using the general Gramsci-inspired theoretical framework and the insights of Hillel Ticktin, Simon Clarke and Michael Burawoy regarding Soviet and post-Soviet factory regimes, I analyse differences between the life-worlds of workers, relating them to the structurally different context in which they find themselves. All enterprises feature path-dependent informal bargaining and underinvestment as cornerstones of their factory regimes. However, they differ in the ways in which these traits combine in practice. These configurations, in turn, elicit different strategies and attitudes from the workers, each of them more typical at one enterprise than at others: an archaic manufactory attitude at a new window factory, exit in mines torn between owners, voice at the foreign-owned metalworking factory, and loyalty at a ‘native’ oligarchic holding. The general trend is not towards eliminating informality as a ‘post-Soviet residue’ but rather towards renegotiating it with different outcomes., Studies of Transition States and Societies, Vol 12, No 1 (2020)

This article focuses on the migration policy crisis in France to illustrate how social movements contribute to the epistemic construction of ‘crises’ of European Integration. To tackle politicization, we compare the framing and mobilization choices by grassroots actors in solidarity with asylum-seekers and groups aiming to defend national borders from them. Using original Protest Event data and 21 face-to-face interviews, we find that the construction of the crisis as a policy failure crucially reshaped mobilization on both sides of the conflict. Specifically, direct social actions allowed the two camps to respond to a context perceived as critical, politicizing the crisis in light of the declining trust in representative institutions, while also responding to the growing demand for efficacy and concreteness. The findings offer novel empirical insight on movement–countermovement interactions and contribute to the scholarly debate on the relation between crises and the politicisation of contentious issues in Europe. This article focuses on the migration policy crisis in France to illustrate how social movements contribute to the epistemic construction of ‘crises’ of European Integration. To tackle politicization, we compare the framing and mobilization choices by grassroots actors in solidarity with asylum-seekers and groups aiming to defend national borders from them. Using original Protest Event data and 21 face-to-face interviews, we find that the construction of the crisis as a policy failure crucially reshaped mobilization on both sides of the conflict. Specifically, direct social actions allowed the two camps to respond to a context perceived as critical, politicizing the crisis in light of the declining trust in representative institutions, while also responding to the growing demand for efficacy and concreteness. The findings offer novel empirical insight on movement–countermovement interactions and contribute to the scholarly debate on the relation between crises and the politicisation of contentious issues in Europe.

In Europe, noneconomic political issues are seen as secondary but significant aspects of political competition. There is uncertainty, however, about the sources of the varying relationships between economic and cultural politics. This article explains the variance in the correlation of the economic and cultural dimensions in different party systems through the impact of historical religious conflict. Despite the rise of new cultural issues, historical religious divides strikingly predict the relative distinctiveness of the sociocultural dimension in today’s Europe. By demonstrating that economic conflicts did not always supersede religious divides, but were at times brought into standing religious cleavages, we deepen the understanding of cleavage formation and longevity, and dimensional structure of politics in Europe.

1st lines: Christopher Holmes’ book, in its title, promises a detailed assessment of a question that has recently been on everyone’s lips: to what extend can Karl Polanyi’s theory of political economy, as formulated notably in his magnum opus, The Great Transformation, explain the relationship between present-day socio-economy and the rise of populism? What he delivers is far more than an answer to this question. Having published on Polanyian approaches to political economy earlier, what the author presents in this monography is, first of all, a comprehensive and independent reading of Karl Polanyi’s life work. Second, based on this, he offers his own take on the history of Western economic thought. Third, he sketches a ‘post-Polanyian‘ approach to the analysis of economic thought and economic policy in the late 20th/early 21st century by offering some profound pages on three different policy areas: regulation of the transnational financial system; global environmental policy; and British social policy.

International audience; As a long tradition in urban studies made clear, the production of urban space is twofold: users continuously reshape what a contentious political process produces at first. The struggle around conflictual memories invests cities increasingly by marking spots or reshaping places to reconstruct or re-signify past events.The politics of memory deploy a combination of argumentative, emotional and ordinary arguments. The intent is neither preserving nor deleting but re-writing memories. However, places interfere with the political and argumentative strategies making room for ordinary uses that question the stability of meanings, although not providing political answers to the issues of power and domination.The paper introduces sense-making to suggest that places reinforce the social processes that build collective memories. The relationship between memory and place is not unidirectional. Briefly, a social process infuses place and this latter ‘hits back’. This statement leads to the apparent odd conclusion that, in the long term, place-making is as essential as the reframing of memory.A few initiatives involving institutions, human rights movements and bottom-up initiatives in Buenos Aires are investigated: a clandestine detention centre, a memorial garden, an ordinary urban square, aiming at developing an analytical framework that highlights the details of the sense-making mechanism linking memories and places.

Published online: 17 Apr 2017 The article analyses how the Europeans (meaning European states and the EC/EU) have progressively turned a discourse about the Israeli-Palestinian border into a foreign policy practice. While much of the literature highlights the existence of a ‘gap between discourse and practice’ when it comes to Europeans’ foreign policy stance towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, we argue that the gap is dynamic and has changed across time. In the absence of an internationally and locally recognised border between Israel and Palestine, the Europeans have aimed at constructing one on the 1949 armistice line, the so-called Green Line. They have done so in stages, by first formulating a discursive practice about the need for a border, then establishing economic practices in the late 1980s-early 1990s, and most recently practicing a legal frame of reference for relations with Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) based on the Green Line. The outcome is that, for what concerns European countries and EU legislation, the Green Line has been increasingly taken as the Israeli-Palestinian border. However, gaps never fully close and more contemporary events seem in fact to point to a re-opening of the gap, as the article explores.

Introduction de numéro spécial; International audience; À partir du cas spécifique que constitue le système politique européen, ce numéro spécial s’interroge sur la relation entre opinion publique et action publique, comme une contribution à l’analyse de la capacité politique de l’Union européenne (UE). Après avoir brièvement introduit les grands enjeux qui traversent l’analyse des relations entre opinion publique et action publique, nous expliquerons dans ce texte introductif en quoi l’Union européenne en constitue un terrain privilégié d’analyse et d’observation. Enfin, nous introduirons les questionnements qui traversent les différentes contributions à ce numéro spécial.

L’intensité des débats à propos de l’investissement social montre que celui-ci est un concept inabouti. L’un des enjeux cruciaux est de préciser ses fondements normatifs afin de dépasser une vision purement productiviste, qui le réduit à l’amélioration du capital humain et des compétences des travailleurs. Toutefois, si l’investissement social est mis en perspective avec la théorie des capabilités d’Amartya Sen, il peut redonner du sens aux notions de citoyenneté sociale et de progrès social, qui ont légitimé le développement de la protection sociale durant des décennies. L’approche par les capabilités donne les lignes directrices pour définir de nouvelles politiques ou des institutions capables de favoriser les ressources des individus et accroître leur liberté, mais aussi de hiérarchiser les priorités à donner aux politiques sociales et les évaluer.

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The concluding chapter emphasizes several central points and contributions of the book. It first provides a summary of the extent of the emerging infrastructure that the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) has developed. It shows the many possibilities provided by this infrastructure, as illustrated by the comparative chapters in the volume. The chapter goes to discuss the achievements in terms of data collection and comparability. Finally, the chapter explores possible future directions of research for the CAP and, beyond, the field of comparative public policy. In particular, it could positively contribute to the study of the consequence of differences in bureaucratic structures. Similarly, the inclusion of media data has opened up new possibilities that have only just started to be explored. Finally, the study of “responsiveness” and its consequences for political behavior could also benefit from crossing, say, survey data with CAP data.

A key component of democratic governance is that elected governments implement their promises. This chapter advances previous work on electoral pledges by systematically linking governments’ announcements in speeches to their actual legislative behavior. Results show that introducing a political topic during a government speech substantively increases the amount of legislation in this particular policy domain. The study utilizes two series of comparative policy agendas—government speeches and legislation—from eight countries—Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States—for the period between 1983 and 2004. In addition to the direct link from speeches to legislation, the chapter also examines a number of prevalent alternative mechanisms of law production such as institutional effects, economic context, or party ideology.

Starting from the idea of various regimes of attention means considering the variety of the dimensions of attention as a prerequisite to understand these processes. Too often, models are based on an essentialist vision of attention and not a pluralistic one, despite the works of cognitive science scholars (for instance, “priming” has been well defined). Too often and quite recently, “attention” obtains a status of principle, which manipulates all situations around itself, about the new value that is created through these economic processes (as Goldhaber (1997) mentioned in his pioneering papers following the traces of Simon). The chapter accounts for these economical views of attention and then for the philosophical one before getting back to a more detailed empirical analysis of these regimes of attention, from urban settings to digital platforms and videogames.

Le chapitre analyse l’effet paradoxal des médias dans la socialisation sociosexuelle de gays et lesbiennes nées à partir des années 1980. Il montre que, si les médias peuvent faciliter la construction de soi comme homosexuel.le, ils peuvent aussi renforcer l’homophobie ordinaire et les stéréotypes.

This article adapts and develops the idea of a cynical or ‘stealth’ understanding of politics to explore how citizens’ estrangement from formal politics is processed cognitively through a populist lens. Earlier work has shown the widespread presence of stealth attitudes in the United States and Finland. We show that stealth attitudes are also well established in Britain, demonstrate their populist character and reveal that age, newspaper readership and concerns about governing practices help predict their adoption by individuals. Yet our survey findings also reveal a larger body of positive attitudes towards the practice of democracy suggesting that there is scope for challenging populist cynicism. We explore these so-called ‘sunshine’ attitudes and connect them to the reform options favoured by British citizens. If we are to challenge populist negativity towards politics, we conclude that improving the operation of representative politics is more important than offering citizens new forms of more deliberative participation.

Previous scholarship has reported contradictory results regarding the impact of involvement by immigrant-origin individuals (IOIs) in ethnic organizations on political participation. In this article, we assess the effect of involvement in different types of organizations (ethnic, pan-immigrant and native) on participation in various types of political activities. We use cross-national micro-data from a population survey undertaken in 2004–2008 to IOIs in nine European cities. Our findings indicate that ethnic organizations perform an integrative function for IOIs in the political sphere, but they mainly affect participation linked to immigration-related issues concerning specific ethnic groups and IOIs. Moreover, most effects of involvement in ethnic organizations on the different types of political participation examined are similar in closed and in open political opportunity structures (POS). We only find evidence that involvement in ethnic organizations depresses conventional political action in open POS settings while it increases political action in closed POS settings.

We present the first wide area (19 deg$^2$), deep ($\approx120-150$ {\mu}Jy beam$^{-1}$), high resolution ($5.6 \times 7.4$ arcsec) LOFAR High Band Antenna image of the Bo\"otes field made at 130-169 MHz. This image is at least an order of magnitude deeper and 3-5 times higher in angular resolution than previously achieved for this field at low frequencies. The observations and data reduction, which includes full direction-dependent calibration, are described here. We present a radio source catalogue containing 6276 sources detected over an area of $19$\,deg$^2$, with a peak flux density threshold of $5\sigma$. As the first thorough test of the facet calibration strategy, introduced by van Weeren et al., we investigate the flux and positional accuracy of the catalogue. We present differential source counts that reach an order of magnitude deeper in flux density than previously achieved at these low frequencies, and show flattening at 150 MHz flux densities below 10 mJy associated with the rise of the low flux density star-forming galaxies and radio-quiet AGN., Comment: 29 pages, 27 figures, accepted for publication in MNRAS

This paper seeks to recover and establish the distinct (and distinctly) institutionalist social ontology that underpins social constructivism as an approach to political economic analysis. It views social constructivism as a profoundly normative mode of political inquiry which seeks to discern, interrogate and elucidate the contingency of social, political and economic change – restoring politics (broadly understood) to processes and practices typically seen to be inevitable, necessary and non-negotiable. More controversially, perhaps, it also sees social constructivism, after both Berger and Luckmann and Searle, as ontologically institutionalist. Social constructivism, it is argued, has its origins in the attempt to establish the ontological distinctiveness of institutions as ‘social’ (as distinct from natural or ‘brute’) facts. This leads it to a distinct understanding of the relationship between actors and the environment (both natural and social) in which they find themselves and to its characteristic emphasis on the ideational mediation of that relationship. That in turn leads it to a particular type of analytic purchase on political economic realities, reflected in its distinctive emphasis on interpretive ambiguity, the social construction of political and economic imperatives and on disequilibrium. The argument is illustrated and developed further through an elucidation of the implications of such a social constructivism for the analysis of the period of crisis through which we now acknowledge ourselves to be living.

First lines: In order to respond to the insightful and detailed discussion, I find it helpful to group the authors according to the most relevant issues they have identified. First, I will return to the notion of power in business-government relations, which Wilmarth and Barnes discuss at length and which Reinke finds problematic. Second, I will clarify the use of the game-theoretical framing, which has certain heuristic limitations. It does, however, address the governments’ strategy, contrary to the criticism of Reinke and Jensen. Third, I dive into the empirical study to address other factors that help to explain bailout arrangements. I show why I disagree firmly with Jensen, who believes that healthy banks alone are sufficient to analyze the six cases, suggesting that my argument is over-determined. I do concede, however, that additional elements help to provide a richer analysis, in particular the institutional and legal settings highlighted by Moutot and Thiemann.

This article maps the methodological debate on process tracing and discusses the diverse variants of process tracing in order to highlight the commonalities beyond diversity and disagreements. Today most authors agree that process tracing is aimed at unpacking causal and temporal mechanisms. The article distinguishes two main types of use for process tracing. Some are more inductive, aimed at theory building (i.e. at uncovering and specifying causal mechanisms) while others are more deductive, aimed at theory testing (and refining). The paper summarizes the main added value and drawbacks of process tracing. It ends by providing ten guidelines for when and how to apply process tracing.

In 2018, police data showed a 74 % rise of reported anti-Semitic acts. Should one then conclude that Anti-Semitism is back in France ? The annual survey conducted for the National Consultative Commission for Human Rights (NCCHR) offers a more complex answer. While anti-Semitic acts are on the rise, anti-Jews prejudice, like all other racist prejudices, is declining. And while, like other prejudices, it takes up new forms, the “ new” anti-Semitism based on the critique of Israel and Zionism appears peripheral. The anti-Jewish imaginary is still structured by old stereotypes associating Jews with money and power. These are the two paradoxes this article endeavours to comprehend., En 2018 les actes antisémites recensés par la police ont connu une hausse de 74 %. Faut-il en conclure à un retour de l’antisémitisme en France ? Le sondage annuel sur le racisme, l’antisémitisme et la xénophobie effectué pour la Commission nationale consultative des droits de l’homme (CNCDH) montre une réalité plus complexe. Si les actes antisémites augmentent, les préjugés envers les juifs reculent, comme les autres préjugés racistes. Et si, comme les autres préjugés, ils se renouvellent, le «nouvel » antisémitisme fondé sur la critique d’Israël et du sionisme reste périphérique. L’imaginaire antijuif reste structuré par des vieux stéréotypes associant les juifs à l’argent et au pouvoir. Cet article s’attache à expliquer ces deux paradoxes., En 2018, los datos de la policía mostraron un aumento del 74 % de los actos antisemitas. ¿ Debemos llegar a la conclusión de que el antisemitismo ha vuelto a Francia ? La encuesta anual realizada para la Comisión Nacional Consultiva de Derechos Humanos (CNCDH) aporta una respuesta más compleja. Mientras que los actos antisemitas van en aumento, los prejuicios antisemitas, al igual que todos los demás prejuicios racistas, están disminuyendo. Y aunque, como los otros prejuicios, toma nuevas formas, el “ nuevo” antisemitismo basado en la crítica a Israel y al sionismo parece periférico. El imaginario antijudío sigue estructurado por viejos estereotipos que asocian a los judíos con el dinero y el poder. Estas son las dos paradojas que este artículo intenta comprender., Mayer Nonna. Permanences et renouveau de l’antisémitisme en France. In: Communications, 107, 2020. Race et racisme. pp. 63-76.

This chapter explains the relationship between the four European worlds of welfare democracies (Nordic, continental, southern, and Anglo-Saxon) and multidimensional party competition. It systematically examines the variation of the relationship between party positions and salience on economic and cultural politics. The expectation is that southern political economies facilitate closer association between economic and cultural issues, whereas Nordic welfare states produce party systems where competition between mainstream parties is defined by economic politics. The continental political economies stand between the two extremes. The argument is tested with the most recent (2014) waves of data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the European Elections Studies. The analysis suggests different political opportunity structures, and consequently different behavior of radical challenger parties of western Europe. Here, the diverse political economies again correlate with the flavors of radicalism.

This chapter provides an analysis of the different contributions of French Universities (and other academic institutions, especially the “Instituts d’Études Politiques”) to the teaching of policy analysis, to the training of policy analysis specialists, to research in policy analysis, and to policy advice. It focuses on two closely related academic disciplines in France: political science and sociology. The chapter starts by questioning the extent to which and in which ways policy analysis as a sub-discipline is integrated into the teaching of political science and sociology. The focus then turns to the development of a specialized policy analysis master in political science and sociology, which can be related to broader evolutions, including transformations in the access to top administrative positions, the development of local public policies in France, and the professionalization of French Universities. The aim here is to shed light on the kind of knowledge and skills taught and on the positions students find after leaving universities and Sciences Po. By studying the involvement of political scientists and sociologists in public commissions and specific policy expertise structures outside the academic world, it also explores the relationships between policy research and policy advice.

This chapter discusses the persistent monopoly of the grands corps in the production and mobilisation of policy analysis in the French context. Top officials have historically built their legitimacy on detention of ‘generalist’ policy knowledge, transmitted within administrative grandes écoles, and mobilised at the central level. However, the diversification of policy experts within French administration and the rise of alternative legitimate knowledge has questioned this ‘generalist model’. Two significant evolutions are the increasing influence of ‘numbers’ compared to more traditional literary or legal skills and the shift of policy expertise downstream the policy process, as top civil servants’ work has been increasingly oriented toward policy evaluation and performance measure. Their ability to master these new types of policy knowledge certainly conditions the persistence of their power over rival actors both inside and outside government, to address the growing policy expertise of consultants, private-sector experts and members of interest groups.