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Unlike in the constitutions of other African countries such as Botswana and Lesotho, where the relationship between the High Court and courts martial is stipulated, the Ugandan Constitution 1995 (the Constitution) does not deal with this relationship. The Constitution is also silent on the question of whether courts martial have jurisdiction over civilians. The Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces Act (the UPDF Act) creates different types of courts martial with varying jurisdictions (section 197). The Act also provides (section 119) for the circumstance in which the General Court Martial has jurisdiction over civilians and appeals against the decisions of the General Court Martial lie to the Court Martial Appeal Court, which is the final appellate court except in cases where the offender is sentenced to death or life imprisonment. According to Regulation 20(2) of the UPDF (Court Martial Appeal Court) Regulations, in case an offender is sentenced to death or life imprisonment and his/her sentence is upheld by the Court Martial Appeal Court, he/she has a right to appeal to the Court of Appeal. Since 2003, Ugandan courts have grappled with the issues of whether courts martial are courts of judicature within the meaning of article 129(1) of the Constitution or organs of the UPDF and, therefore, part of the Executive under article 210 of the Constitution and whether courts martial have jurisdiction over civilians. Judges of the Supreme Court Constitutional Court and Court of Appeal have often disagreed on these issues. In this article the author relies on the drafting history of Articles 129 and 210 to argue that courts have erred by holding that courts martial are not courts of judicature under article 129(d) of the Constitution; and that courts martial are subordinate to the High Court. The author also relies on the drafting history of the Constitution and on international human rights law to argue that courts martial in Uganda should not have jurisdiction over civilians because they lack the necessary independence and impartiality and were established for the single purpose of enforcing military discipline.

В статье рассмотрены преступления вермахта, совершенные на территории временно оккупированной Адыгейской автономной области с 9 августа 1942 г. по 18 февраля 1943 года. Идеи высшего военно-политического руководства Германии, изложенные в плане «Ост», свидетельствовали о проведении целенаправленной политики, направленной на уничтожение мирного населения СССР, с последующим заселением освобождаемых территорий немецкими колонистами. Методы и средства реализации этой политики попадают под статью II Конвенции о предупреждении преступления геноцида и наказании за него, принятой Организацией Объединенных Наций 9 декабря 1948 г. Архивные документы, представленные в фондах Краснодарского краевого и Национального архива Республики Адыгеи, свидетельствуют, что вермахт был активным участником военных преступлений, совершенных на территории Адыгеи. В отношении жителей области немецкие офицеры и солдаты систематически проводили акции устрашения, в том числе массовые расстрелы детей, женщин и стариков., The article examines the crimes of the Wehrmacht committed on the territory of the temporarily occupied Adygea Autonomous Region from August 9, 1942 to February 18, 1943. The ideas of the highest military and political leadership of Germany, set out in the "Ost" plan, testified to a purposeful policy of destroying the civilian population of the USSR with the subsequent settlement of the liberated territories by German colonists. The methods and means of implementing this policy fall under article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted by the United Nations on December 9, 1948. Archival documents presented in the funds of the Krasnodar Regional and National Archives of the Republic of Adygea indicate that the Wehrmacht was an active participant in war crimes committed on the territory of Adygea. German officers and soldiers carried out intimidation actions against the residents of the region, namely mass shootings of children, women and the elderly.

Objective: To examine the possibility of estimating the number of civilian casualties in modern armed conflicts.Methods: A systematic review was conducted following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines, using PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science search engines. The outcome was analyzed using a qualitative inductive thematic analysis. The scientific evidence of selected article was assessed, using the Health Evidence Quality Assessment Tool.Findings: The review of 66 included articles in this study indicates that with an increasing number of public health emergencies and the lack of vital elements of life such as water and food, emerging armed conflicts seem to be inevitable. In contrast to military-led cross-border traditional wars, modern armed conflicts affect internally on local communities and take civilian lives. Consequently, the measures and tools used in traditional military-led cross-border wars to adequately tally wounded and dead for many decades under the mandates of the International Humanitarian Law, is insufficient for modern warfare. While casualty counting during modern conflicts is deficient due to organizational, political or strategic reasons, the international organizations responsible for collecting such data (the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent and International Institute of Humanitarian Law) face difficulties to access the conflict scene, resulting in under-reported, unreliable or no-reported data.Conclusion: There are challenges in estimating and counting the number of civilian casualties in modern warfare. Although the global need for such data is evident, the risks and barriers to obtaining such data should be recognized, and the need for new international involvement in future armed conflicts should be emphasized.

The article is a review of the book by the famous Russian writer Zakhar Prilepin Some will not go to hell. Its plot is based on personal impressions that the author received during his stay in the ranks of the DPR militia for several years. The genre originality of the book is a combination of an obvious journalistic style of presentation of dramatic events and an original attempt to create a portrait of the leader of the Donetsk people’s Republic, Aleksandr Zakharchenko. Zakhar Prilepin was close to him, enjoyed his trust, often met with him and discussed not only the military situation around the Donbass region, but also the possible prospects for the region’s existence in the near future. The book contains many unexpected observations, exceptional details and information that turns it into a literary document of the time. In fact, the writer reveals a truly phantasmagoric picture of the semi-peaceful-semi-military existence of the inhabitants of the self-proclaimed Republic. Keywords: Zakhar Prilepin, Aleksandr Zakharchenko, Donbass, war, peace, civilians, militia

Background Moral injury (MI) describes emotional, spiritual, and social suffering that can arise following psychological trauma. Prior research in military pop ulations indicates the relevance of MI to adverse psychological outcomes, such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and suicidal behaviours, and shows evidence for MI as a unique construct. Minimal studies of MI have been implemented in civilians, usually restricted to small samples with a specific set of traumatic experiences, despite the conceptual relevance of MI to non-military trauma reactions more broadly (e.g. feelings of betrayal towards a perpetrator of sexual abuse). Objective To address this problem, we assessed MI in trauma-exposed civilians to examine ways in which this construct was related to and distinct from trauma and traumatic stress-related problems, including PTSD and depression. Method We adapted an existing MI scale, Moral Injury Events Scale (MIES) and administered this measure to 81 men and women along with measures of trauma exposure, PTSD and depression, and also asked participants about past suicide attempts. Results We observed that both greater exposure and distress related to potentially morally injurious events were associated with higher trauma exposure, particularly childhood maltreatment, as well as post-traumatic and depressive psychopathology. However, even after accounting for current PTSD and depression symptoms, MI exposure (F = 6.05, p = .017) was significantly higher among participants who had previously attempted suicide. Conclusions These pilot data reveal the ways in which MI is associated with trauma exposure, PTSD and depression and highlight the salience of MI in civilians. Similarly, these data demonstrate the unique relevance of MI to suicide behaviours, independent of post-traumatic psychopathology, indicating that this construct may be an understudied contributor to suicide risk in civilians., HIGHLIGHTS Moral injury (MI) describes emotional, spiritual, and social suffering emerging after psychological trauma.Despite conceptual relevance to civilian trauma, it has been largely assessed in military populations.We assessed MI in a sample of high trauma-exposed civilians, finding associations with interpersonal trauma, PTSD, and depression, as well as past suicide attempt.

This thesis explores the ethical permissibility of deceiving civilians during military operations, primarily military deception operations. It examines this issue using both consequential and non-consequential frameworks and explores how the potential ethics of deceiving civilians interacts with current just war theory, the doctrine of double effect, and non-combatant immunity. These common ethical frameworks are used to develop a method for evaluating the ethical considerations of deceiving civilians in war. This method is then applied to a case study involving deception of civilians in Syria. Weighing those considerations in a real-world scenario provides information on how these types of deceptions measure up morally both in theory and practice. Ultimately, a recommendation on the probable morality of any future deception of civilians is determined. Major, United States Army Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

At the end of the nineteenth century, the actions of belligerents were constrained by the Hague Convention of 1899 and the Geneva Convention of 1864. The Hague Convention differentiated between combatants and non-combatants, but both the British implementation of a scorched earth policy and the Boer execution of blacks violated this convention. The Geneva Convention centred on medical immunity, which presupposes medical neutrality. The British opposed the voluntarism fundamental to the Red Cross movement and all British medical personnel in the field were subservient to the military establishment. Imperial patriotism, the shortcomings of the army and the insistent claims of military necessity subverted best medical practice, producing dilemmas that doctors had to negotiate. On the Boer side too, there was the moral complexity of doctors who were not only medical professionals but also social agents with personal commitments. This article considers the dilemmas that confronted doctors involved in the South African War in the Free State and concludes that trends in dealing with ethical challenges in this war became normative in subsequent conflicts. Teen die einde van die neëntiende eeu is die gedrag van oorlogvoerendes in bedwang gehou deur die Haagse Konvensie van 1899 en die Geneefse Konvensie van 1864. Die Haagse Konvensie het tussen vegtendes en nie-vegtendes onderskei, maar beide die Britse toepassing van 'n verskroeide aardebeleid en die Boere se teregstelling van swartes was skendings van dié konvensie. Die Geneefse Konvensie het gesentreer op mediese immuniteit, wat neutraliteit veronderstel. Die Britse owerhede was gekant teen die volutarisme wat grondliggend aan die Rooikruisbeweging was en al hul mediese personeel te velde was ondergeskik aan die militêre gesag. Imperiale patriotisme, die tekortkominge van die leër en die volgehoue aandrang op militêre noodsaaklikheid het optimale mediese sorg belemmer. Ook aan Boerekant was daar die morele kompleksiteit dat dokters nie net professionele praktisyns was nie maar ook sosiale betrokkenes met persoonlike verbintenisse. In hierdie artikel word die dilemmas in oënskou geneem waardeur dokters betrokke in die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog in die Vrystaat gekonfronteer is en word daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat tendense waarneembaar in hierdie oorlog waardeur morele uitdagings die hoof gebied is in latere konflikte normatief geword het.

Armed conflicts degrade established healthcare systems, which typically manifests as a resurgence of preventable infectious diseases. While 70% of deaths globally are now from non-communicable disease; in low-income countries, respiratory infections, diarrheal illness, malaria, tuberculosis, and HIV/AIDs are all in the top 10 causes of death. The burden of these infectious diseases is exacerbated by armed conflict, translating into even more dramatic long-term consequences. This rapid evidence review searched electronic databases in PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science. Of 381 identified publications, 73 were included in this review. Several authors indicate that the impact of infectious diseases increases in wars and armed conflicts due to disruption to surveillance and response systems that were often poorly developed to begin with. Although the true impact of conflict on infectious disease spread is not known and requires further research, the link between them is indisputable. Current decision-making management systems are insufficient and only pass the baton to the next unwary generation.

There is conflicting evidence as to whether military populations (i.e., veteran and active-duty military service members) demonstrate a poorer response to psychotherapy for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to civilians. Existing research may be complicated by the fact that treatment outcomes differences could be due to the type of trauma exposure (e.g., combat) or population differences (e.g., military culture). This meta-analysis evaluated PTSD treatment outcomes as a function of trauma type (combat v. assault v. mixed) and population (military v. civilian). Unlike previous meta-analyses, we focused exclusively on manualized, first-line psychotherapies for PTSD as defined by expert treatment guidelines. Treatment outcomes were large across trauma types and population; yet differences were observed between trauma and population subgroups. Military populations demonstrated poorer treatment outcomes compared to civilians. The combat and assault trauma subgroups had worse treatment outcomes compared to the mixed trauma subgroup, but differences were not observed between assault and combat subgroups. Higher attrition rates predicted poorer treatment outcomes, but did not vary between military populations and civilians. Overall, manualized, first-line psychotherapies for PTSD should continue to be used for civilians and military populations with various trauma types. However, greater emphasis should be placed on enhancing PTSD psychotherapies for military populations and on treatment retention across populations based on findings from this meta-analysis.

Introduction Little is known about the geographical distribution of cigarette use among military service members and veterans. In this study, we estimated statespecific rates of current cigarette use for service members and veterans and compared these to the current cigarette use rates of civilians. Methods We used data from the 2017 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System to generate survey-weighted percentages with 95% confidence intervals of current cigarette use among service members and veterans (SMVs) and civilians. Respondents (n=450016) were classified as an SMV if they answered in the affirmative to the following question: ‘Have you ever served on active duty in the United States Armed Forces, either in the regular military or in a National Guard or military reserve unit?’. Current cigarette users were persons who reported having smoked 100 cigarettes in their lifetime and smoked ‘some days’ or ‘every day’ at the administration of the survey. Results Nationally, 17.3% (95% CI: 16.6–18.0) of SMVs reported current cigarette use, while 16.2% (95% CI: 16.0–16.5) of civilians reported current cigarette use. By state, current cigarette use rates ranged from 10.0% in Utah (95% CI: 7.5–12.5) to 23.7% in Indiana (95% CI: 20.9–26.5) among service members and veterans, and from 8.8% in Utah (95% CI: 8.0–9.6) to 27.0% in West Virginia (95% CI: 25.3–28.6) among civilians. Conclusions Resources and interventions directed at cigarette smoking cessation should consider military status and geography when recruiting participants.

This longitudinal study explores the place of the civilian populations in the wars of what is now South Sudan. Using a broad range of empirical evidence, we trace the evolution of conflict practices and norms from the 1800s to today. Two main insights stand out: First, since the initial colonial incursions, local residents have been strategic assets to be managed and exploited, and thus populations are not just legitimate targets in conflicts but also key resources to capture and control. Second, violent governance structures and practices have been created and reformed through these generations of coercive rule and civil wars. These two issues have undermined, and redefined, the distinction between military and civilian actors. This analysis does not excuse the massive and systematic violence against the general population of these countries. However, without due consideration of these deeply engraved historical systems and logics of violent governance, today’s brutal conflicts become incomprehensible, and there is a significant risk that international approaches to mitigating this violence – such as Protection of Civilians camps – become incorporated into these systems rather than challenging them.

In our world today, afflicted by wars between States, by conflict between groups within States, and by the scourge of terrorism, civilians constitute the ‘vast majority of casualties in situations of armed conflict’ (UN Security Council, Resolution 1894, 2009). Civilian victims of documented and un-documented armed conflicts and their destructive consequences run in the millions. An overwhelming majority of the dead, injured, disabled are civilians and damages caused by armed conflicts primarily affect the civilian infrastructure and the basic resources of subsistence of entire populations. Civilians today are in the line of fire not only as a side effect of war. Increasingly, they are becoming the prime and intentional targets of combatants and armed elements. ‘Political and military designs supersede basic respect for the dignity and rights of persons and communities’ (Migliore 2009) and civilians are becoming deliberate targets and means for achieving political or military gains. They are even being used as a human shield for armed advancement. The menace of civilian deaths in the line of fire is of utmost concern for all humanity, for all religions, and for Christianity. Among the foundational teachings on which the Catholic perspective to this important issue of placing civilians in the line of fire is based, we can identify three core beliefs: a) all human beings are equal in dignity and their life is sacred; b) the right and duty to defend the life and common good from unjust aggressors; c) the permanent validity of the moral law forbidding murder even in the context of armed conflicts. After considering these the paper studies some of the ways in which the Catholic Church responds to the situation of civilians caught in the line of fire.

In addition to general protection afforded to all civilians, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) provides additional safeguards to some categories of civilians due to their vulnerability or exposure to risk in armed conflicts. This additional protection is enjoyed by children, women and journalists. IHL proclaims the principle of special protection of children in armed conflicts, and envisages an array of individual rules that provide for the implementation of this principle. Under the IHL framework, women enjoy dual protection in armed conflicts. First of all, they are protected from the effects of hostilities; second, they are protected from all forms of abuse and prohibited practices they may be exposed to when in the power of a adversary party in armed conflicts. As far as journalists are concerned, IHL makes a clear distinction between war correspondents and journalist engaged in dangerous professional missions. War correspondents fall into the category of noncombatants; in case of falling into the power of the enemy, they have the status of prisoners of war. On the other hand, journalist engaged in dangerous professional missions in armed conflict areas are considered to be civilians.

Major depressive disorder is a highly prevalent mental disorder that limits participation in society and lowers quality of life.1 A growing body of research has examined the extent to which MDD affects military personnel, particularly those who have experienced combat or other occupational stressors or traumatic events.2–6 A recent meta-analysis of epidemiologic studies of MDD in US military samples estimated a past-year prevalence of 12% to 13% for deployed personnel and 5.7% for never-deployed personnel.2 Data on the epidemiology and clinical characteristics of MDD (for example, episode length, impairment, and comorbidity) in Canadian military personnel are lacking, as are comparisons to the general population. A sizable body of literature on the clinical characteristics of MDD indicates that symptomatology can be diverse, with different groups endorsing particular symptoms more often than others. Men and women differ significantly in terms of MDD symptom presentation, with women being more likely than men to report increased appetite and weight gain,7–10 sleep disturbances,11,12 fatigue,13,14 and psychomotor retardation.11,13–15 As such, it is reasonable to assert that men and women are distinct groups regarding MDD presentation. However, there may be additional differences in MDD symptomatology within particular subpopulations of men and women. Specifically, there is a noticeable lack of published research comparing how male and female military personnel differ from the general population in terms of the types of depressive symptoms endorsed. Information on MDD symptom profile differences in military personnel, compared with civilians, would be beneficial for clinicians to guide assessment and educational efforts and ultimately increase MDD recognition. Further, variability in symptom profiles may help shed light on differences in MDD prevalence between military personnel and the general population. Clinical Implications Clinicians should be aware that when diagnosing MDD, military personnel may be at lower risk for endorsing several symptoms of MDD, such as hopelessness and inability to cope. Male military personnel with MDD may have a more restrained symptom presentation relative to men with MDD in the general population. Thorough assessment of MDD symptoms and comorbidity in military personnel is imperative. Despite female military personnel with MDD being at lower odds of thinking about their own death, ongoing assessment of suicidal ideation is still a critical component of diagnostic and treatment procedures. Limitations The cross-sectional nature of the CCHS 1.2 and CCHS-CFS does not permit causal conclusions or any temporal relations. The CCHS 1.2 did not assess posttraumatic stress disorder or general anxiety disorder, which prohibited the inclusion of these mental disorders as a covariate. The CCHS 1.2 and the CCHS-CFS provide a unique opportunity to conduct a sex-specific comparison of MDD symptoms in the military, compared with those in the general population (that is, military women compared with general population women, and military men compared with general population men). The CCHS 1.2 and the CCHS-CFS were conducted at similar time points, employed the same validated diagnostic instruments, and are representative of the general population and Canadian Forces personnel, respectively. As such, these surveys are ideal to compare MDD symptomatology among male and female military personnel and civilians.

La contribution s’efforce de montrer, à travers l’analyse de textes de guerre de Cendrars, Barbusse, Genevoix, Dorgelès et Jünger, que les conflits meurtriers visibles entre nations cachent d’autres conflits : ceux entre simples poilus et officiers, entre soldats et civils. L’entente cordiale entre soldats au-delà des fronts est un fait. On peut parler d’une interdiction de représenter la mort. À la haine de la machine de guerre correspond un nouveau type de récit, par exemple le style télégraphique. Si les textes représentant les beautés du spectacle de la guerre existent, la réalité cruelle de la guerre sort victorieuse des textes de la guerre. Thomas l’imposteur de Cocteau en est un exemple. Der Beitrag möchte mittels einer Analyse der Kriegstexte von Cendrars, Barbusse, Genevoix, Dorgelès und Jünger zeigen, wie sich hinter den sichtbaren mörderischen Konfikten zwischen Nationen andere Konflikte verbergen: derjenige zwischen einfachen Soldaten und Offizieren, derjenige zwischen Soldaten und Zivilisten. Verbrüderungen über die Fronten hinweg sind eine verbürgte Tatsache. Dem Hass auf die Kriegsmaschinerie entspricht eine neue Erzählweise, etwa im telegraphischen Stil. Mögen die Texte auch Schönheiten des Kriegsspektakel abbilden, so geht doch letztlich die grausame Realität des Krieges siegreich aus den Texten hervor. Thomas l’imposteur von Cocteau ist hierfür ein Beispiel. Through the analysis of war texts by Cendrars, Barbusse, Genevoix, Dorgelès and Jünger, this article attempts to show that the visible murderous conflicts between nations hide other conflicts: those between the simple foot soldiers (the “poilus”) and the officers, or between soldiers and civilians. The entente cordiale between soldiers on each side of the front is a fact. As a response to the hatred of the war machinery, there emerges a new type of narration. One may say that the representation of death is forbidden. If there are texts that represent the beauty of the spectacle of the war, its cruel reality emerges victoriously from the war texts, such as Thomas l’imposteur by Cocteau.

Human adenovirus type 4 (HAdV-4) is most commonly isolated in military settings. We conducted detailed molecular characterization on 36 HAdV-4 isolates recovered from civilian adults with acute respiratory disease (ARD) in the northeastern United States during 2011-2015. Specimens came from college students, residents of long-term care facilities or nursing homes, a cancer patient, and young adults without co-morbidities. HAdV-4 genome types 4a1 and 4a2, the variants most frequently detected among US military recruits in basic training before the restoration of vaccination protocols, were isolated in most cases. Two novel a-like variants were recovered from students enrolled at a college in Tompkins County, New York, USA, and a prototype-like variant distinguishable from the vaccine strain was isolated from an 18-year-old woman visiting a physician's office in Ulster County, New York, USA, with symptoms of influenza-like illness. Our data suggest that HAdV-4 might be an underestimated causative agent of ARD among civilian adults.

Avoiding attacks on civilian targets during cyberwarfare is more difficult than it seems. We discuss ways in which an ostensibly military cyberattack could accidentally hit a civilian target. Civilian targets are easier to attack than military targets, and an adversary may be tempted to be careless in targeting. Dual-use targets are common in cyberspace since militaries frequently exploit civilian cyber infrastructure such as networks and common software, and hitting that infrastructure necessarily hurts civilians. Civilians can be necessary intermediate objectives to get to an adversary’s military, since direct Internet connections between militaries can be easily blocked. Cyberwarfare methods are unreliable, so cyberattacks tend to use many different methods simultaneously, increasing the risk of civilian spillover. Military cyberattacks are often seen by civilian authorities, then quickly analyzed and reported to the public; this enables criminals to quickly exploit the attack methods to harm civilians. Many attacks use automatic propagation methods which have difficulty distinguishing civilians. Finally, many cyberattacks spoof civilians, encouraging counterattacks on civilians; that is close to perfidy, which is outlawed by the laws of armed conflict. We discuss several additional problems, including the public’s underestimated dependence on digital technology, their unpreparedness for cyberwarfare, and the indirect lethal effects of cyberattacks. We conclude with proposed principles for ethical conduct of cyberwarfare to minimize unnecessary harm to civilians, and suggest designating cyberspace “safe havens”, enforcing reparations, and emphasizing cyber coercion rather than cyberwarfare.

Though the duties of care owed toward innocents in war and in civil life are at the bottom univocally determined by the same ethical principles, Bazargan-Forward argues that those very principles will yield in these two contexts different “in-practice” duties. Furthermore, the duty of care we owe toward our own innocents is less stringent than the duty of care we owe toward foreign innocents in war. This is because risks associated with civil life but not war (a) often increase the expected welfare of the individuals upon whom the risk is imposed, (b) are often imposed with consent, and (c) are often imposed reciprocally. The conclusion—that we have a pro tanto reason for adopting a more stringent standard of risk imposition toward foreign innocents in war—has implications for not only what standards of risk we should adopt in war, but also how we should weigh domestic versus foreign civilian lives.

We tested the hypothesis that, either through training or selection, military personnel is more resilient to stress than civilians, as indicated by several subjective and physiological measures. In addition, we examined the effect of stress on the perceived trustworthiness of faces in these two groups. Stress was induced in 45 civilian participants and 45 army participants through the Sing-a-Song Stress Test (SSST). In this paradigm seven neutral sentences are presented, each followed by a 60-s interval. An eighth sentence asks participants to sing a song aloud after the next (eighth or stress) interval. Participants rated the trustworthiness of five neutral faces, both before and after the SSST. Pupil size, heart rate, and skin conductance were adopted as physiological stress correlates. Stress response was calculated as the difference between the mean values over the last neutral interval and the stress interval. Subjective stress ratings were obtained before and after the SSST. The baseline levels of all physiological and subjective measures were the same in the army and civilian groups, while all measures showed a significant increase following the stressor. However, compared with the civilian group, army participants reported significantly less stress and showed significantly attenuated heart rate and skin conductance responses to the SSST. These results indicate higher stress resilience in the army compared with the civilian group. In addition, we found that perceived facial trustworthiness decreased after presentation of the stressor, suggesting that the effect of a stressor can influence in principle unrelated social judgments based on facial information. © The Author(s) 2017.

The management of 131 civilians with war injuries, treated at the Department of Surgery, Pozega County Hospital, during the 1991-1995 period is presented. The majority of 55 (42%) of patients were injured at the front line. There were 75 (57.3%) of patients with explosive injuries 67 (51.2%) involved the extremities, while 29 (22.1%) involved the head. Seven (5.3%) patients died. Amputation of part of an extremity was required in five (3.8%) patients. Language: en

Much has been written on the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902. Different themes, ranging from battles to more personal experiences, have been documented. Furthermore there are many statistics regarding the war. The aim of this study is to obtain, through the existing sources, the total number of civilian deaths during the Anglo- Boer war. To compile a genealogical database regarding the civilian deaths is not an easy task. Almost all sources have conflicting figures regarding the number of civilians who actually died. Deaths were not restricted to the concentration camps. There were also those of people on their way to the camps, or those fleeing from captivity. The aim of this study is to give an account of the process used to compile the genealogical database. By putting certain criteria in place the database should be stripped of any duplication. The reasons for [him concentration camps being created, and the number of camps that came into existence, including the total of deaths with unique abstracts from the database, are described in detail. There is confusion about the terms "refugee" and concentration camps. This is clarified. A brief explanation is given of how, where and when the camps came into being. The number of camps, and their period of existence, as well as the total numbers of civilian deaths in the camps, were compiled in an effort to secure greater accuracy. With the relevant support of information from the electronic database, it was possible to compile a comprehensive picture of the numbers of deaths that occurred. There are furthermore, some observations on the spelling of surnames. It is important because the use of Afrikaans, Dutch and English has led to different forms of spelling. The core objective of this study was to find the exact number of civilian deaths during the Anglo-Boer War. The penultimate chapter is a detailed explanation of related deaths. A list containing the main causes of deaths, mainly disease, is included. The number of deaths is tabulated in terms of their causes. It is possible to see the profound impact of what really happened. Information of unique deaths, deaths in certain families, as well as statistics regarding the overall age and gender of victims is included. Another aim of the study was to compile a complete list of all the civilians who died during the Anglo Boer War, more complete and with more detail than that of P.L.A. Goldman. This was indeed an overwhelming exercise. P.L.A. Goldman had a total of 27 927 names and the database total account for 33 978 individual deaths. Included are the 759 names of black names as compiled by S.V. Kessler. Hopefully the database will succeed in bringing us closer to the civilian deaths during 1899-1902. It should be useful to genealogical researchers. Thesis (M.A. (History))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2007.

Thesis (M.A. (History))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2007. Much has been written on the Anglo-Boer War 1899-1902. Different themes, ranging from battles to more personal experiences, have been documented. Furthermore there are many statistics regarding the war. The aim of this study is to obtain, through the existing sources, the total number of civilian deaths during the Anglo- Boer war. To compile a genealogical database regarding the civilian deaths is not an easy task. Almost all sources have conflicting figures regarding the number of civilians who actually died. Deaths were not restricted to the concentration camps. There were also those of people on their way to the camps, or those fleeing from captivity. The aim of this study is to give an account of the process used to compile the genealogical database. By putting certain criteria in place the database should be stripped of any duplication. The reasons for [him concentration camps being created, and the number of camps that came into existence, including the total of deaths with unique abstracts from the database, are described in detail. There is confusion about the terms "refugee" and concentration camps. This is clarified. A brief explanation is given of how, where and when the camps came into being. The number of camps, and their period of existence, as well as the total numbers of civilian deaths in the camps, were compiled in an effort to secure greater accuracy. With the relevant support of information from the electronic database, it was possible to compile a comprehensive picture of the numbers of deaths that occurred. There are furthermore, some observations on the spelling of surnames. It is important because the use of Afrikaans, Dutch and English has led to different forms of spelling. The core objective of this study was to find the exact number of civilian deaths during the Anglo-Boer War. The penultimate chapter is a detailed explanation of related deaths. A list containing the main causes of deaths, mainly disease, is included. The number of deaths is tabulated in terms of their causes. It is possible to see the profound impact of what really happened. Information of unique deaths, deaths in certain families, as well as statistics regarding the overall age and gender of victims is included. Another aim of the study was to compile a complete list of all the civilians who died during the Anglo Boer War, more complete and with more detail than that of P.L.A. Goldman. This was indeed an overwhelming exercise. P.L.A. Goldman had a total of 27 927 names and the database total account for 33 978 individual deaths. Included are the 759 names of black names as compiled by S.V. Kessler. Hopefully the database will succeed in bringing us closer to the civilian deaths during 1899-1902. It should be useful to genealogical researchers.

This article studies the application of a well-known notion of international humanitarian law, civilian direct participation in hostilities, to cyber warfare.According to the principle of distinction, civilians and combatants must be distinguished in times of armed conflict. The shift of hostilities from the real world into cyberspace affects neither the definition of combatants nor the negative definition of civilians. However, beyond the classical approach of the principle of distinction, the changing character of warfare also concerns cyber warfare. Indeed, the distinction between battlefields and civilian areas is increasingly less clear and a rising number of non-combatants directly participate in hostilities in various ways. Cyber means, and the development of cyber warfare, offer numerous new possibilities for non-combatants who want to take part in hostilities. It has never been this easy for civilians to get involved in hostilities and most civilians are ignorant of the consequences of their actions.Recently, two groups of experts have released documents partly related to this topic with divergent conclusions: the first one is the Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities under International Humanitarian Law adopted by the ICRC in 2009. The second one is the Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare written at the behest of NATO’s Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence. As these documents differ in their approach to reading of the topic, part of this article will analyze their divergences., Este artículo estudia la aplicación de un concepto muy conocido en el campo del derecho internacional humanitario, la participación directa de la población civil en las hostilidades, en la guerra cibernética.De acuerdo con el principio de distinción, en periodos de conflicto armado hay que distinguir entre población civil y combatientes. La transición de las hostilidades del mundo real al ciberespacio no afecta a la definición de combatientes ni tampoco la definición negativa de población civil. Sin embargo, más allá del enfoque clásico del principio de distinción, el carácter cambiante de la guerra también es aplicable a la guerra cibernética. De hecho, la distinción entre campos de batalla y zonas civiles es cada vez menos clara y un número creciente de no combatientes participan directamente en las hostilidades de forma diversa. Los medios cibernéticos y el desarrollo de la guerra cibernética ofrecen numerosas nuevas posibilidades a los no combatientes que quieren participar en las hostilidades. Para la población civil nunca ha sido tan fácil participar, pero la mayoría de civiles desconocen las consecuencias de sus acciones.No hace mucho, dos grupos de expertos han publicado sendos documentos, parcialmente relacionados con este tema, que llegan a conclusiones divergentes: por un lado, Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities under International Humanitarian Law, elaborado por el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja (ICRC) en 2009, y, por el otro, Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare, redactado a petición del Centro de Excelencia de Cooperación en Ciberdefensa de la OTAN. Dado que estos documentos difieren en cuanto a la interpretación del tema, parte de este artículo analizará las divergencias., Aquest article estudia l’aplicació d’un concepte ben conegut en el camp del dret internacional humanitari, la participació directa de la població civil en les hostilitats, a la guerra cibernètica.D’acord amb el principi de distinció, en períodes de conflicte armat cal distingir entre població civil i combatents. La transició de les hostilitats del món real al ciberespai no afecta la definició de combatents ni tampoc la definició negativa de població civil. Tanmateix, més enllà de l’enfocament clàssic del principi de distinció, el caràcter canviant de la guerra també és aplicable a la guerra cibernètica. De fet, la distinció entre camps de batalla i zones civils és cada cop menys clara i un nombre creixent de no combatents participen directament en les hostilitats de manera diversa. Els mitjans cibernètics i el desenvolupament de la guerra cibernètica ofereixen nombroses noves possibilitats als no combatents que volen participar en les hostilitats. Per a la població civil mai no ha estat tan fàcil participar-hi, però la majoria de civils desconeixen les conseqüències de les seves accions.No fa gaire, dos grups d’experts han publicat sengles documents, parcialment relacionats amb aquest tema, que arriben a conclusions divergents: d’una banda, Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities under International Humanitarian Law, elaborat pel Comitè Internacional de la Creu Roja (ICRC) el 2009, i, de l’altra, Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare, redactat a petició del Centre d’Excel·lència de Cooperació en Ciberdefensa de l’OTAN. Atès que aquests documents difereixen pel que fa a la interpretació del tema, part d’aquest article n’analitzarà les divergències.