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The article is devoted to study history of formation mechanisms of foreign policy of the European Communities in the period before creation of the European Union (40s – 80s of the XXth century). The dynamics formation of the foreign and security component of European integration from the first postwar projects of political association of the leading states of Western Europe (France and Great Britain) to creation in the early 1970s of a mechanism of European political cooperation (EPC) and its further activity are traced. The article analyzes political and legal status, evolution of the organizational structure, main activities, international achievements and miscalculations in the work of the EPC. Positions of Member States of the European Communities on development of their foreign policy and security components have been taken into account. The conclusions stated that the processes of European integration in the post-war period began precisely from the political sphere. However, due to differences in the strategic views of the states of Western Europe, their unwillingness to surrender state sovereignty in favor of European political institutions, as well as the position of the United States, it very quickly moved into the formation of a purely economic regional association. At the same time, the scale of economic integration and international policy tendencies have led to the formation of the system of political cooperation, which has become commonplace in the work of the Community institutions and the interaction of the Member States. On the whole, the EPC remained a weak and declarative practice of regular inter-state meetings at various levels, because it was outside the system of institutions and the regulatory framework of the European Communities. National ambitions of the Member States, each of which often favored the established priorities of its own foreign policy over the common interests of the union. Achieved level of political unification positions and actions of the Member States of the European Communities did not significantly increase the influence of integration in the international space until the formation of the European Union.

В статье рассматривается структура рынка международных воздушных перевозок на пространстве ЕАЭС. Рассмотрены перевозки воздушным транспортом в системе согласованной транспортной политики ЕАЭС. Представлена статистика авиационного грузо- и пассажирооборота в разбивке по странам ЕАЭС. Выделены три основных тенденции в сфере авиагрузоперевозок., The article examines the structure of the international air transportation market in the EAEU space. Air transportation in the system of the coordinated transport policy of the EAEU is considered. The statistics of aviation cargo and passenger turnover by the EAEU countries are presented. Three main trends in the field of air cargo transportation are highlighted.

Résumé : Le processus de négociation de l’Espagne pour son intégration dans les Communautés économiques européennes était très complexe. L’un des problèmes qui conditionnaient le plus l’adhésion était celui de l’agriculture et de la pêche, qui se posait avec la France en raison d’une éventuelle concurrence pour les produits méditerranéens et d’un conflit d’intérêts dans le golfe de Gascogne. L’objectif principal de cet article est de souligner l’importance des débats franco-espagnols sur l’agriculture dans le processus d’intégration espagnole dans la CEE. Resumen en español: El proceso de negociación de España para su integración en las Comunidades Económicas Europeas fue muy complejo. Uno de los temas que más condicionó la adhesión fue el problema agrario y pesquero surgido con Francia debido a una posible competencia en productos mediterráneos y a un conflicto de intereses en el Golfo de Vizcaya. Abstract in English: Spain’s negotiation process for its integration into the European Economic Community was very complex. Among the issues that most conditioned membership were agriculture and fishing, for which Spain represented potential competition with France over Mediterranean products and conflicts of interest in the Bay of Biscay. This article seeks to emphasize the importance of the Franco-Spanish debates over agriculture in the process of Spanish integration into the EEC.

A thermodynamic the influence of temperature on the logarithm of the considered quantity is expressed by bifunctional functional terms (1/T, lnT). For this purpose, the Apelblat & Manzurola (A&M) equation was used for extended model dissolution analysis of 12 aromatic hydrocarbons in tetralin and decalin vs. temperature for saturated solutions. The A&M equation was found to be thermodynamically compensatory in the sense of Enthalpy-Entropy-Compensation (EEC) while limiting melting temperature Tm=∆mH∆mS. The coefficients for the functional terms A1 vs. A2 are a linear relationship, with a slope called the compensation temperature Tc, as ratio of average enthalpy to average entropy. From this dependence, it has been shown that the approximation of ∆cp=∆mS¯ is justified, also assuming the average entropy. Regarding the term representing the activity coefficients, modifications to the A&M equation were proposed by replacing the intercept and it was shown that the new form correctly determines ∆mH. However, the condition is that the molar fraction of the solute exceeds x > 0.5 moles. It has been shown that the simplest equation referred to van ’t Hoff’s isobar also allows the simultaneous determination of enthalpy and entropy, but these quantities do not always come down to melting temperature.

Some anti-allergy drugs (antihistamines) can cause fatigue. In the treatment of hay fever this fatigue is undesirable, because it can increase the risk of car accidents. But in the treatment of, for example, sleep disorders this fatigue may actually be desirable. This dissertation studied which mechanisms in the body make certain anti-allergy drugs cause fatigue. The research shows that genetic individual differences between people play a role in the degree of fatigue. The message of this dissertation is that these individual differences should be taken into account in medication treatments to guarantee the safety of treatments with among others antihistamines.

Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo has been the last of the engineers who became president of the Spanish Government. He is, to a great extent, an example of the persons who played an important role in the period of transition to democracy. A civil engineer, a prestigious professional, an entrepreneur, who held important posts in the private sector and who played a key role in the social and political life of the country. His singular trajectory exemplifies a new aspect of the social role of engineers, which has been studied for other countries and that may also be identified in Spain: engineers who do not make a career in engineering, but in management positions in private companies that demand them for the social prestige granted by engineering education. Thus, we analyse the trajectory of a civil engineer who developed all his professional career in the private sector —in companies linked to the Urquijo Bank— and who entered public life in moments of uncertainty in Spanish politics. The study of his political career focuses on a key moment: his role as the first Spanish negotiator for accession to the EEC. In this role, he could show some of his knowledge and engineering know-how and since this position he would become, shortly thereafter, the president of the Government. Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo ha sido el último de los ingenieros que llegaron a la presidencia del Gobierno de España. Es, en buena medida, un ejemplo de las personalidades que protagonizaron el período de la Transición. Un ingeniero de caminos, profesional de prestigio, empresario, que ocupó puestos de responsabilidad en el sector privado y que, progresivamente, fue situándose en puestos visibles de la vida social y política del país. Su particular trayectoria, entre la empresa y el Estado, muestra una nueva fase en el papel social de los ingenieros, que se había estudiado en otros países y tiene también su reflejo en España: el de aquellos ingenieros que no desarrollan su labor profesional en la ingeniería, sino en empresas privadas que los demandan entre sus filas por el prestigio social que otorgaba pertenecer a este colectivo.Así pues, un ingeniero de caminos que desarrolló toda su trayectoria profesional en el sector privado —en empresas vinculadas al Banco Urquijo— y que dio el salto a la vida pública en unos momentos de incertidumbre en la política española. El estudio de su etapa política se centra en un momento clave: su papel como primer negociador español para la adhesión en la CEE. Ahí quedaron reflejados sus conocimientos y saber hacer como ingeniero y desde ahí, poco tiempo después, dio el salto a la presidencia del Gobierno.

The aim of this study is to specify the determinants of the outward Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows from Turkey. For this purpose, the ARDL Bounds Test is used in order to observe the possible relation between these flows and define potential factors that might have an effect on them. The evidences of the empirical analysis reveal that the destination countries' market size, the home country's development level, trade openness and wage rate are positively related to outward FDI while the home country's interest rate shows a negative relationship. Turkey's outward FDI is significantly determined by the opportunities of the foreign markets as well as the outstanding home country factors.

Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo ha sido el último de los ingenieros que llegaron a la presidencia del Gobierno de España. Es, en buena medida, un ejemplo de las personalidades que protagonizaron el período de la Transición. Un ingeniero de caminos, profesional de prestigio, empresario, que ocupó puestos de responsabilidad en el sector privado y que, progresivamente, fue situándose en puestos visibles de la vida social y política del país. Su particular trayectoria, entre la empresa y el Estado, muestra una nueva fase en el papel social de los ingenieros, que se había estudiado en otros países y tiene también su reflejo en España: el de aquellos ingenieros que no desarrollan su labor profesional en la ingeniería, sino en empresas privadas que los demandan entre sus filas por el prestigio social que otorgaba pertenecer a este colectivo.Así pues, un ingeniero de caminos que desarrolló toda su trayectoria profesional en el sector privado —en empresas vinculadas al Banco Urquijo— y que dio el salto a la vida pública en unos momentos de incertidumbre en la política española. El estudio de su etapa política se centra en un momento clave: su papel como primer negociador español para la adhesión en la CEE. Ahí quedaron reflejados sus conocimientos y saber hacer como ingeniero y desde ahí, poco tiempo después, dio el salto a la presidencia del Gobierno. Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo has been the last of the engineers who became president of the Spanish Government. He is, to a great extent, an example of the persons who played an important role in the period of transition to democracy. A civil engineer, a prestigious professional, an entrepreneur, who held important posts in the private sector and who played a key role in the social and political life of the country. His singular trajectory exemplifies a new aspect of the social role of engineers, which has been studied for other countries and that may also be identified in Spain: engineers who do not make a career in engineering, but in management positions in private companies that demand them for the social prestige granted by engineering education. Thus, we analyse the trajectory of a civil engineer who developed all his professional career in the private sector —in companies linked to the Urquijo Bank— and who entered public life in moments of uncertainty in Spanish politics. The study of his political career focuses on a key moment: his role as the first Spanish negotiator for accession to the EEC. In this role, he could show some of his knowledge and engineering know-how and since this position he would become, shortly thereafter, the president of the Government.

Survey of the buildings in the Lesnoy city, Sverdlovsk region, on the indoor radon were performed. Measurements of radon volume activity were carried out by integral method using radon track exposimeters REI-4. Exposimeters were installed for measurements at 2–4 months in the heating and warm periods of the year in the same premises. 17 kindergartens, 7 schools, 20 dwelling houses, 22 medical institutions and 3 other institutions were surveyed. The values of the equivalent equilibrium concentration of radon and indoor radon doses are obtained. The results of determining the radon equivalent equilibrium concentration in the premises on different floors of buildings belonging to different groups in the heating and warm period of the year, as well as the estimated average annual values of equivalent equilibrium concentration are presented. Average annual values of equivalent equilibrium concentration for kindergartens, schools, dwellings houses and medical institutions are in the range of 34–51 Bq/m3, and only for other institutions reach 79 Bq/m3. Average values of equivalent equilibrium concentration for all premises of the city Lesnoy were: for the heating period - 46 Bq/m3, for warm – 38 Bq/m3, average annual - 42 Bq/m3. It is shown that both for separate periods and for the annual the ratio of average equivalent equilibrium concentration values in the rooms on the second floors in relation to the first floors of different groups buildings is 0.6–0.8. For higher floors of dwellings houses the radon equivalent equilibrium concentration values does not depend on the floor. This can be explained by both the small statistics of measurements in the rooms on the upper floors and the relatively low values of equivalent equilibrium concentration, that is typical for most buildings of the city. The estimates showed that the average radon concentration in brick houses is less than in slag-block houses: the values of radon equivalent equilibrium concentration – 6 – 188 and 10 – 235 Bq/m3, the average annual values – 41 and 54 Bq/ m3, respectively. Conservative estimates of annual doses of radon in all the surveyed premises do not exceed 10 mSv/year, and the average annual doses for most groups of buildings (kindergartens, schools, dwelling houses, medical institutions) are in the range of 2 – 3 mSv/year, and only for the group «Other institutions» - up to 4 mSv/year.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of different earthing designs’ performances, with particular interest on the use of earthing enhancing compound (EEC) for a selected earthing design of 500 kV transmission towers in a rocky soil, using the SESCAD tool of the Current distribution, electromagnetic field grounding and soil structure analysis (CDEGS) software. The simulation included the interpretation of soil profile and comparison between designs A, B and C, which are currently used for the 500 kV tower footing resistance (TFR) improvement. Results showed each design had reduced the TFR by 66%, 54.7% and 63.2% for the towers T42, T48 and T50, respectively. In some cases, further improvement of TFR is required, especially in the rocky area where the soil resistivity (SR) value is of more than 500 Ω⋅m. In this case, EEC was used in Design C, encasing both the vertical and horizontal electrodes, and it reduced the TFR further by 16% to 20%. The characteristics of the soil and earthing arrangement design play an important role in achieving a low TFR value, which is directly proportional to the backflashover occurrence and thus to the transmission line performance.

Desde la década de 1970, la Internacional Socialista (IS) jugó un rol central en el acercamiento entre Europa y Latinoamérica. Felipe González y el PSOE, de hecho, promovieron los principios de la IS, tanto en sus políticas nacionales como internacionales, constituyéndose en una pieza central en las relaciones de Europa Occidental y Latinoamérica. En este contexto, el presente trabajo trata de ofrecer una reflexión acerca de la trayectoria de la política exterior del PSOE respecto a Latinoamérica. Con tal objetivo, se identifican tres momentos en el intervalo de tiempo que va desde la década de los setenta a la de los noventa: el primero, cuando se verificó un claro acercamiento, se adquirieron conocimientos y se afianzaron vínculos a través de la IS; el segundo, cuando se materializaron los enunciados “políticos” adquiridos previamente; el tercero, con el redimensionamiento de lo “económico” en materia exterior, como resultado del impacto que tuvo en la política española la adhesión a la CEE. Since the nineteen seventies, the Socialist International (SI) played a key role in the rapprochement between Europe and Latin-America. Indeed, Felipe González and the PSOE promoted the SI principles at both national and international levels, being at the root of the relationships between Western Europe and Latin America. Within this context, this paper aims at examining the trajectory of the PSOE foreign policy towards Latin America. With this purpose, this paper identifies three crucial moments between the nineteen seventies and the nineteen nineties. The first one coincides with a clear approach between the PSOE and Latin America involving increased mutual knowledge and the strengthening of their links through the SI. The second one took place when previous “political” statements were brought to life. The third and last moment is identified with the re-sizing of “economic” activity in foreign matters after Spain became a member of the EEC.

La presente investigación se centra en el referéndum celebrado en Reino Unido el 5 de junio de 1975 sobre la continuidad del país anglosajón en el proyecto de construcción europea al que se había adherido dos años antes. Este acercamiento se lleva a cabo desde las páginas de la prensa española de la época, con el doble objetivo de analizar la cobertura mediática de cada uno de los cinco diarios seleccionados (ABC, Arriba, La Vanguardia Española, Pueblo y Ya), durante la semana previa y la posterior al día de la consulta, y comprobar si, en las postrimerías del régimen franquista, todos ellos se decantaron categóricamente por la victoria del sí, esto es, por la permanencia de los británicos en el Mercado Común. Como resultado, se observa que, si bien los cinco coinciden en relacionar la integración con la sensatez, su cobertura difiere a nivel tanto cuantitativo como cualitativo, ofreciendo un discurso periodístico heterogéneo. This research is focused on the referendum held in Britain on 5 June 1975 to decide whether or not to remain in the European project, to which this country had joined two years before. This issue is approached through the pages of the Spanish press of the time with a double purpose. Firstly, to analyze the coverage of each of the five newspapers selected (ABC, Arriba, La Vanguardia Española, Pueblo and Ya), from one week before to one week after the day of the plebiscite. And, secondly, to check if, during the final stages of the Franco regime, all of them firmly supported the victory of the yes’ vote, this is, the remaining of Britain in the Common Market. As a result, it is observed that, even if the five publications associate integration with wisdom, its coverage vary both in quantitative and qualitative terms, providing an heterogeneous media discourse.

Since the seventies there has been an intensification of the links between the Socialist International (SI) and similar organizations in Latin America. The wave of dictatorships that evoked memories of fascism awakened solidarity with and interest in what was happening on the other side of the Atlantic. Those were also the years in which the Socialist International produced a series of formulations regarding international matters, which were put into practice by the government of Felipe González in Spain. Under his leadership, Spain defined a new foreign policy towards Latin America. However, his original economic postulates had to vary because of the accession to the European Economic Community (EEC). This barely researched chapter of history is very important because it constitutes the foundation on which the entire framework that currently governs Euro-Latin American relations was built. Desde los setenta se asistió a una intensificación de los vínculos de la Internacional Socialista (IS) con organizaciones afines de América Latina. La ola dictatorial, que evocaba los recuerdos del fascismo, despertó la solidaridad y el interés por lo que ocurría al otro lado del Atlántico. Igualmente, esos fueron años en los que la IS creó una serie de enunciados en materia internacional, los cuales fueron puestos en práctica por el Gobierno de Felipe González. Bajo su mandato, España definió una nueva política exterior frente América Latina, pero cuyos postulados económicos iniciales tuvieron que variar por la adhesión a la Comunidad Económica Europea (CEE). Esta historia, poco estudiada, resulta muy importante porque constituye uno de los principales fundamentos sobre los cuales se ha construido el andamiaje que gobierna las relaciones europeo-latinoamericanas hasta el presente.

During the 1970s, the relationship between the European Economic Community (EEC) and Yugoslavia was characterised by a paradox: the development of bilateral relations did not lead to the progressive integration between the parties, but to Yugoslavia’s definitive separation from the EEC. Drawing on a wide range of Community, French, British, German, Italian and Yugoslav archival sources, this article addresses the political factors which constrained this relationship and obliged the EEC and Yugoslavia to keep a "forced distance".

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 is the cornerstone of stability in Northern Ireland. It is, however, vulnerable to changes in British-Irish relations and priorities. This article argues that this is at the root of recent crises and political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It argues that future shocks – not least the threat of British exit from the EU – are likely to increase instability in Northern Ireland and in North-South relations.

Desde la década de 1970, la Internacional Socialista (IS) jugó un rol central en el acercamiento entre Europa y Latinoamérica. Felipe González y el PSOE, de hecho, promovieron los principios de la IS, tanto en sus políticas nacionales como internacionales, constituyéndose en una pieza central en las relaciones de Europa Occidental y Latinoamérica. En este contexto, el presente trabajo trata de ofrecer una reflexión acerca de la trayectoria de la política exterior del PSOE respecto a Latinoamérica. Con tal objetivo, se identifican tres momentos en el intervalo de tiempo que va desde la década de los setenta a la de los noventa: el primero, cuando se verificó un claro acercamiento, se adquirieron conocimientos y se afianzaron vínculos a través de la IS; el segundo, cuando se materializaron los enunciados “políticos” adquiridos previamente; el tercero, con el redimensionamiento de lo “económico” en materia exterior, como resultado del impacto que tuvo en la política española la adhesión a la CEE. Since the nineteen seventies, the Socialist International (SI) played a key role in the rapprochement between Europe and Latin-America. Indeed, Felipe González and the PSOE promoted the SI principles at both national and international levels, being at the root of the relationships between Western Europe and Latin America. Within this context, this paper aims at examining the trajectory of the PSOE foreign policy towards Latin America. With this purpose, this paper identifies three crucial moments between the nineteen seventies and the nineteen nineties. The first one coincides with a clear approach between the PSOE and Latin America involving increased mutual knowledge and the strengthening of their links through the SI. The second one took place when previous “political” statements were brought to life. The third and last moment is identified with the re-sizing of “economic” activity in foreign matters after Spain became a member of the EEC.

Preclinical and clinical studies have shown bidirectional interactions within the brain-gut-microbiome axis. Gut microbes communicate to the central nervous system through at least 3 parallel and interacting channels involving nervous, endocrine, and immune signaling mechanisms. The brain can affect the community structure and function of the gut microbiota through the autonomic nervous system, by modulating regional gut motility, intestinal transit and secretion, and gut permeability, and potentially through the luminal secretion of hormones that directly modulate microbial gene expression. A systems biological model is proposed that posits circular communication loops amid the brain, gut, and gut microbiome, and in which perturbation at any level can propagate dysregulation throughout the circuit. A series of largely preclinical observations implicates alterations in brain-gut-microbiome communication in the pathogenesis and pathophysiology of irritable bowel syndrome, obesity, and several psychiatric and neurologic disorders. Continued research holds the promise of identifying novel therapeutic targets and developing treatment strategies to address some of the most debilitating, costly, and poorly understood diseases.

Basado en la teoría constructivista de análisis de relaciones internacionales e identificando los factores que operan sobre el comportamiento de los Estados, este artículo compara los momentos cruciales en la evolución del estatus internacional de España en el período de la posguerra. Nos referimos a la entrada española en el régimen internacional de intercambio comercial representado por el Acuerdo General de Tarifas y Comercio (GATT) en 1963, la inclusión de España en el Consejo de Europa en 1977, la participación del país en la OTAN desde 1982 y, por último, la entrada de España en la Comunidad Económica Europea (CEE) en 1986. Argumentamos que este último hito en la trayectoria internacional española dejó poco margen a Madrid, no quedándole más remedio que establecer relaciones diplomáticas con el Estado de Israel. Esto demuestra que la presión del sistema internacional, derivada del nuevo status de España en la CEE, fue crucial para la formalización de relaciones bilaterales entre ambos países. Based on the Constructivist theoretical approach for analyzing international relations by identifying the forces which influence states behavior, this article compares major junctions in Spain’s international status and the way systemic changes influenced the course of Spanish-Israeli relations. The article looks at Madrid’s entry into the international trade regime represented by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1963, Spain’s joining the Council of Europe in 1977, Madrid’s inclusion in NATO in 1982, and its entry into the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. We argue that this last milestone left Madrid with little option but to establish relations with Israel. This proved that systemic pressure, derived from Spain’s new status in the EEC, was crucial for the establishment of bilateral diplomatic ties.

La sociedad española todavía recuerda los incidentes de los camiones frutícolas en la frontera de los Pirineos de los años 60-70. Sin embargo, la ausencia de estudios sobre estos acontecimientos ha impedido hasta el momento conocer cuál fue el origen del conflicto, los métodos de protesta y las consecuencias. Existen incluso dificultades para situarlos cronológicamente. El objetivo de este trabajo es ofrecer unas primeras conclusiones que ayuden a comprender las reacciones violentas de los agricultores franceses en dos momentos específicos, 1971 y 1976. Al mismo tiempo, se intenta mostrar cómo y cuándo se generó el discurso en contra de la adhesión española a la CEE basado en la excesiva competencia agrícola. The fruit trucks incidents in the Pyrenees border are still remembered in Spain. However, lack of research on these events has thus far prevented us from ascertaining their origin, the forms of protest, and the aftermath of the conflict; in fact, even the dates remain unclear. This work is aimed at presenting some initial findings in order to better understand French farmers’ violent reactions in 1971 and 1976. Likewise, it tries to show how and when discourses against Spain’s entering the EEC emerged from fierce agricultural competition. Trabajo realizado en el marco del proyecto: “Ciudadanía social y construcción del Estado del bienestar en la España rural. Castilla-La Mancha, 1963-1986” financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad y referencia HAR2017-83744-C3-1-P.

This article sheds light on what drove Greece’s European policy in the aftermath of the dictatorship in 1974. Despite evident geostrategic and economic motivations, the article stresses the centrality of the political and democratic dimension. Greece’s transition to democracy saw the emergence of a strong link between the European option and the democratization process, especially in the mind of the country’s political elite. Constantinos Karamanlis, the Greek prime minister, capitalized greatly on the prospect of EEC membership as part of his transition strategy to safeguard democracy. Cet article montre les ressorts de la politique européenne de la Grèce au lendemain de la dictature en 1974. Au-delà des évidentes motivations géostratégiques et économiques, l’article souligne la centralité de la dimension politique et démocratique. La transition démocratique de la Grèce a vu l’émergence d’un lien fort entre l’option européenne et le processus de démocratisation, particulièrement auprès de l’élite politique du pays. Le premier ministre grec Constantinos Karamanlis a largement bénéficié de la perspective de l’entrée de la Grèce dans la Communauté économique européenne dans sa stratégie de transition pour sauvegarder la démocratie.

We compute the transverse energy-energy correlation (EEC) and its asymmetry (AEEC) at next-to-leading order (NLO) in $\alpha_s$ in $pp$ collisions at the LHC for the nominal center-of-mass energies of 7, 8 and 13 TeV. We show thatthe transverse EEC and the AEEC distributions have small sensitivity to the QCD factorisation and renormalisationscales and are almost insensitive to the structure functions of the proton. Hence, they can be used to precisely testQCD in hadron colliders and determine the strong coupling $\alpha_s$.

BackgroundOral clefts, that is, clefts of the lip and/or cleft palate (CL/P), are the most common craniofacial birth defects with an approximate incidence of ~1/700. To date, physicians stratify patients with oral clefts into either syndromic CL/P (syCL/P) or non-syndromic CL/P (nsCL/P) depending on whether the CL/P is associated with another anomaly or not. In general, patients with syCL/P follow Mendelian inheritance, while those with nsCL/P have a complex aetiology and, as such, do not adhere to Mendelian inheritance. Genome-wide association studies have identified approximately 30 risk loci for nsCL/P, which could explain a small fraction of heritability.MethodsTo identify variants causing nsCL/P, we conducted whole exome sequencing on 84 individuals with nsCL/P, drawn from multiplex families (n=46).ResultsWe identified rare damaging variants in four genes known to be mutated in syCL/P: TP63 (one family), TBX1 (one family), LRP6 (one family) and GRHL3 (two families), and clinical reassessment confirmed the isolated nature of their CL/P.ConclusionThese data demonstrate that patients with CL/P without cardinal signs of a syndrome may still carry a mutation in a gene linked to syCL/P. Rare coding and non-coding variants in syCL/P genes could in part explain the controversial question of ‘missing heritability’ for nsCL/P. Therefore, gene panels designed for diagnostic testing of syCL/P should be used for patients with nsCL/P, especially when there is at least third-degree family history. This would allow a more precise management, follow-up and genetic counselling. Moreover, stratified cohorts would allow hunting for genetic modifiers.

A fine piece of research and writing on a pivotal figure in British and European political history. Using previously untouched archives, this work on Roy Jenkins and his period as president of the European Commission is a valuable addition to the scholarship on Britain’s storied relationship with the European project.

2017 jährt sich die Unterzeichnung der Römischen Verträge zum 60. Mal. Dieses wichtige historische Ereignis ist nur jedem dritten Bürger ein Begriff. Noch am ehesten können die politisch interessierten Bevölkerungskreise und die ältere Generation etwas mit dem Stichwort "Römische Verträge" anfangen. Im Unterricht der jungen Generation haben dagegen die Römischen Verträge offenkundig kaum eine Rolle gespielt. So begrenzt die Kenntnis der Gründungsgeschichte der EU ist, hat die überwältigende Mehrheit jedoch keinen Zweifel, dass die Gründung der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft ein wichtiger Beitrag zur Sicherung des Friedens und für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Europas war. Interessanterweise macht die Bevölkerung zwischen diesen beiden Funktionen kaum einen Unterschied. Im Rückblick auf die letzten 60 Jahre zieht die überwältigende Mehrheit die Bilanz, dass sie eine europäische Erfolgsgeschichte sind.

2017 jährt sich die Unterzeichnung der Römischen Verträge zum 60. Mal. Dieses wichtige historische Ereignis ist nur jedem dritten Bürger ein Begriff. Noch am ehesten können die politisch interessierten Bevölkerungskreise und die ältere Generation etwas mit dem Stichwort "Römische Verträge" anfangen. Im Unterricht der jungen Generation haben dagegen die Römischen Verträge offenkundig kaum eine Rolle gespielt. So begrenzt die Kenntnis der Gründungsgeschichte der EU ist, hat die überwältigende Mehrheit jedoch keinen Zweifel, dass die Gründung der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft ein wichtiger Beitrag zur Sicherung des Friedens und für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Europas war. Interessanterweise macht die Bevölkerung zwischen diesen beiden Funktionen kaum einen Unterschied. Im Rückblick auf die letzten 60 Jahre zieht die überwältigende Mehrheit die Bilanz, dass sie eine europäische Erfolgsgeschichte sind.

The article examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy toward the European Economic Community (EEC) from the mid-1960s until the signing of the Cooperation Agreement in 1980. The signing of the Treaty of Rome and the Community's initial success in the 1960s had a profound impact on the direction of Yugoslav foreign trade. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first Communist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The article argues that these relations in the 1970s became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia.

What would be the implications of a major European power leaving the European Union (EU)? Political movements in two of the most influential member states, the United Kingdom and France, have courted an EU withdrawal for decades. In recent years, however, the potential for a withdrawal has increased drastically due to the rise of two populist political parties—Britain’s United Kingdom Independence Party and France’s National Front. A British or French withdrawal from the EU would have security, economic, and legal implications both domestically and internationally. With the change in the EU, other international organizations, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), might assume an increased role or be subject to erosion. This thesis explores the eurosceptic movement and the causes of such sentiment. It then examines the most influential eurosceptic groups in Britain and France, analyzing their histories and comparing their goals. This thesis concludes with an assessment of the potential effects on the EU and NATO if Britain and/or France were to withdraw from the EU. http://archive.org/details/euroscepticismin1094548491 Lieutenant, United States Navy Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

An emerging research programme on diffusion across regional international organisations (RIOs) proposes that decisions taken in one RIO affect decision-making in other RIOs. This work has provided a welcome corrective to endogenously-focused accounts of RIOs. Nevertheless, by focusing on the final design of policies and institutional arrangements, it has been conceptually overly narrow. This has led to a truncated understanding of diffusion’s impact and to an unjustified view of convergence as its primary outcome. Drawing on public policy and sociological research, we offer a conceptual framework that seeks to remedy these weaknesses by disaggregating the decision-making process on the ‘receiving’ side. We suggest that policies and institutional arrangements in RIOs result from three decision-making stages:problematisation(identification of something as a political problem),framing(categorisation of the problem and possible solutions), andscripting(design of final solutions). Diffusion can affectanycombination of these stages. Consequently, its effects are more varied and potentially extensive than is currently recognised, and convergence and persistent variation in scripting are both possible outcomes. We illustrate our framework by re-evaluating research on dispute settlement institutions in the EEC, NAFTA, and SADC. We conclude by discussing its theoretical implications and the conditions that likely promote diffusion.

The study of European integration has traditionally focused on organizational growth: the deepening and widening of the European Union (EU). By contrast, this article analyzes organizational differentiation, a process in which states refuse, or are being refused, full integration but find value in establishing in-between grades of membership. It describes how the EU’s system of graded membership has developed, and it explains the positioning of states in this system. The core countries of the EU set a standard of good governance. The closer European countries are to this standard, the closer their membership grade is to the core. Some countries fall short of this standard and are refused further integration by the core: their membership grade increases with better governance. Other countries refuse further integration because they outperform the standards of the core countries: their membership grade decreases as governance improves. These conjectures are corroborated in a panel analysis of European countries.

Eric Wyndham White, the first Executive Secretary of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) (1948–68), once likened his organization to Cinderella. 1 Although he did not draw out all the...

Turkey's relations with EU (EEC, EC) is analyzed, not from a perspective of chronological listing of events, but from the perspective of determining the changes over time in opinions of major groups and political parties about the full membership of Turkey into the EU. In Turkey, until 1980s, center-right groups and political parties were generally in favor of developing the Turkish-EEC relations, while center-left, as well as radical left and radical right were against it. In the 1990s and 2000s, center-left groups and political parties changed their perspective and also worked effectively for the development of Turkish-EU relations. During the earlier decades of associate membership, generally the EEC (except Greece) was more open to Turkey's full membership into the EEC. However, the full membership was seen to be dependent on time due to concerns about the relative economic backwardness of Turkey. But since 1990s and 2000s, as the EU both enlarged and also deepened, opposition in the EU to Turkey's full membership increased, mainly due to criticisms about the lack of human rights and democracy in Turkey besides economic problems. Over time, the center-right groups and political parties in the EU became skeptical about Turkey's full membership because they believe that Turkey, a Muslim country, has a different, non-European mentality (religion and culture) and hence, would not fit into the EU. The EU's center-left, as well as Greens and Liberals, however, think that as long as Turkey would meet the political and economic criteria of the EU she would be accepted as a full EU member, irrespective of her mentality. In Turkey, on the other hand, many intellectuals believe that the EU was and still is not fair and objective towards Turkey in the Cyprus issue, as well as in the PKK terror, and also in the 1915 Armenian problem. Thus, the willingness in Turkey to join the EU as a full member has decreased, as well, and as a result, Turkey slacked her efforts at reform and instead strengthened her economic and political ties with Muslim countries. Therefore, even though almost half a century has passed since the 1963 Ankara Agreement, which established Turkey's associate membership open to full membership into the EEC, Turkey's full membership into the EU looks more difficult than ever and pushed further into the far future, if not lost completely.

Relying on internal sources, Wilfried Loth analyses the birth and subsequent development of the European Union, from the launch of the Council of Europe and the Schuman Declaration until the Euro crisis and the contested European presidential election of Jean-Claude Juncker. This book shines a light on the crises of the European integration, such as the failure of the European Defence Community, De Gaulle's empty chair policy, or the rejection of the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands, but also highlights the indubitable successes that are the Franco-German reconciliation, the establishment of the European common market, and the establishment of an expanding common currency. What this study accomplishes, for the first time, is to illuminate the driving forces behind the European integration process and how it changed European politics and society.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu było zaprezentowanie stanowiska władz Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej wobec południowego rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Grecję w latach (1961–1981). W artykule przedstawiono m.in., korespondencję pomiędzy polskimi dyplomatami przebywającymi w Atenach a DEP. IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych PRL (Europa Zachodnia), w której przybliżono polskie oceny długiego i skomplikowanego procesu adaptacji Grecji do wymogów wspólnotowych. W artykule zaprezentowano także reakcje prasy polskiej (m.in.: „Trybuny Ludu”, „Życia Warszawy”, „Polityki”, „Prawa i Życia”) na kooperację kraju z EWG. The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Greece between 1961 and 1981. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Athen’ s and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. “Trybuna Ludu”, “Życie Warszawy”, “Polityka”) to the cooperation of Greece to EWG.

After 70 years, have democracy, prosperity, and unity finally reached Italy? Italians are still wondering since the European Union’s (EU’s) promises after World War II remain largely unfulfilled. This thesis analyzes parallels and continuities of Italian politics of disillusionment from the post-World War I period to today’s European crisis, highlighting Italy’s widespread discontent with the EU and its institutions. From the mutilated victory of the Treaty of Versailles to a destructive fascist regime to the promises of future prosperity and progress in the EU, today Italy is still waiting for its early aspirations to materialize. While other EU members and cofounders (notably France and Germany) arrange the EU to their advantage―frequently overlooking Italy’s interests and needs―Italy’s increasing disappointment with the EU has reached an all-time high. This thesis traces these developments through historical analysis of key turning points—the interwar period, fascism, and the postwar democratic transformation. It culminates in a discussion of the current European crisis and Italy’s frustration with the EU by exposing the reasons for the country’s serious consideration of abandoning participation in the EU project. http://archive.org/details/italyineuloveffa1094542702 Civilian, Department of the Navy Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This article analyzes Italy’s energy politics in the context of the 1973 “oil shock,” by focusing on the policies carried out by the Italian government and by the State-owned oil company Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi (National Hydrocarbon Agency, ENI) between the outbreak of the Six Day War in 1967 and the mid-1970s. It places Italy’s oil politics in the framework of post-World War II international relations, and argues that Italy responded to oil producers’ increased power much earlier than other consuming countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, ENI established an autonomous position in the international oil market, by offering oil producers wider control over their energy resources. Drawing on these policies, during and after the Six Day War and in the context of the 1973 “oil shock,” ENI was able to pursue bilateral relations with producers, such as Libya, Algeria, Saudi Arabia and the USSR, which revolved around the exchange of oil for technical and economic aid and training. At the same time, the Italian government, through Foreign Minister Aldo Moro, linked in new and original ways the changes taking place in the Mediterranean with the process of détente. He promoted a dialogue between the European Economic Community (EEC) and Arab countries, around issues relating to security, peace and economic cooperation. However, Italy’s policies increasingly clashed with US interpretations of the “oil shock.” During the Energy Conference, held in Washington DC in February 1974, Italy aligned itself with the US position, and became an active member of the International Energy Agency (IEA), while at the same time continuing to promote forms of economic cooperation between the two sides of the Mediterranean.

A reliable method for the clinically useful assessment of brain structures involved in language processing would be highly desirable. Ideally, the outcome of the diagnostic procedure would show negligible dependence on the current cognitive state of a patient. To approach this goal. we studied brain activational Patterns during language processing on a rather basic level, i.e. we examined secondary processing of lexical information when words were visually presented to the subject. This condition was compared to three other experimental conditions requiring the secondary processing of non-lexical and non-verbal information in visual stimuli. The primary task for subjects was target detection. Electric and magnetic brain activity differentiated the experimental conditions starting at about 150 ms after stimulus onset. Amplitudes of components of event-related potentials and fields, as well as the similarity of magnetic field distributions between experimental conditions (as evaluated by cross-correlation) differed significantly between mainly verbal and the non-verbal conditions. This reflects presumably that secondary processing of verbal and non-verbal information in visual stimuli involves different neuroanatomical structures. Attempts to reinforce this result with source analysis techniques failed to reveal systematic effects. Possible reasons might be the inadequacy of the applied distributed source analysis model as well as interindividual variability of neuroanatomical structures involved in the processing of information.

Acro-dermato-ungual-lacrimal-tooth (ADULT) syndrome is a rare condition belonging to the group of ectodermal dysplasias caused by TP63 mutations. Its clinical phenotype is similar to ectrodactyly-ectodermal dysplasia-cleft lip/palate (EEC) and limb-mammary syndrome (LMS), and differs from these disorders mainly by the absence of cleft lip and/or palate. We report on a 39-year-old patient who was found to be heterozygous for a c.401G > T (p.Gly134Val) de novo mutation of TP63. This patient had the ADULT phenotype associated with cleft palate. Our findings, rather than extend the clinical spectrum of ADULT syndrome, suggest that cleft palate can no longer be considered an element for differential diagnosis for ADULT, EEC, and LMS. Our data, added to other reports on overlapping phenotypes, support the combining of these three phenotypes into a unique entity that we propose to call "ELA syndrome," which is an acronym of ectrodactyly-ectodermal dysplasia-cleft lip and palate, limb-mammary, and ADULT syndromes.

1\. Introduction 5 2\. French-African Relations in the Framework of the French Union 7 3\. France, the Foundation of the EEC and the African Question 9 4\. Decolonization by Europeanization 10 4.1 Europeanization of Development Co- operation 10 4.2 Europeanization of Trade Structures 13 5\. Europeanization and the Reconfiguration of Regional Spaces 15 Literature 17, “Françafrique”, “Francophonie”, “l’état franco-africain” and “Mafiafrique” – all these terms are commonly used if one comes to talk about French-African relations after the severing of colonial ties in 1960. Even though they bear slightly different meanings, they share the notion of a very close, stable, and continuous if not to say colonially-styled relationship. According to the relevant literature, the European Economic Community (EEC) acted thereby as a stabilizing instrument. Against this backdrop, the paper tries to present new perspectives on the complex relationship between the EEC, France and its former African colonies associated to the community since 1958. The paper explores to what extent France’s belonging to the EEC triggered Europeanization processes that directly affected French-African relations and eventually acted in favor of decolonization of metropolitan France. I will argue that in the course of the 1960s, emulation of community procedures as well as supranational legal coercion to a certain extent transformed French development co-operation and trade relations with the Francophone African states and in the end fostered France’s regional reconfiguration towards Europe.

In February 1962, the government of Francoist Spain followed Britain and other European countries’ initiative by sending a request of negotiations to the EEC. For the first time, the EEC had to deal with a request coming from a dictatorial regime. The Spanish request opened subsequently a debate about the political terms of association to the EEC, which was to be developed in a somewhat discrete way as the Communities were facing at the time more pressing issues. The outcome of this was the Preferential Agreement signed with Spain in 1970, a sort of midway solution, but such a debate set up however a precedent in EEC’s relations with third countries. El presente trabajo propone una valoración de las consecuencias políticas que para la CEE se derivaron de la solicitud de negociaciones enviada por la España franquista en febrero de 1962. Se trataba de la primera vez que la CEE recibía una petición de este tipo proveniente de un estado europeo cuyo régimen era dictatorial. La solicitud española abrió, en consecuencia, un debate en el seno de la CEE en torno a los límites políticos de la asociación, conducido discretamente en un contexto en el que la agenda comunitaria se enfrentaba a cuestiones más acuciantes. Un debate que, si bien fue zanjado con una solución intermedia materializada en el Acuerdo Preferencial de 1970, estableció un precedente en la política exterior de las Comunidades.

The Range of ports located between Roseoff and Scheveningen (the Hague) constitutes the most important port concentration in the world, with an average of one port of over one million ton of goods every 30 Km. Their geographic situation entailed some privileged links with the Ireland, and the United-Kingdom, one of the most important trading nation in the world. The development of new maritime navigation techniques and the integration of British in the eec increased the volume of trade., La Rangée des ports situés entre Roseoff et Scheveningen (La Haye) constitue la plus forte concentration portuaire mondiale avec en moyenne un port d'une activité supérieure à 1 million de tonnes tous les 30 Km. Leur situation géographique a suscité la création de liens privilégiés avec le Royaume-Uni, l'un des pays les plus commerçants du monde, et l'Irlande. Le développement de nouvelles techniques de navigation maritime et l'entrée des britanniques dans la Communauté Economique Européenne a accéléré l'ampleur de ces échanges., Joan Jean-Marc. La pluralité du trafic transmanche. In: Hommes et Terres du Nord, 1992/1. Transports. pp. 21-25.

In the Reunion, french Department d'Outre-Mer (DOM), an important land planning is in process in the high lands of this tropical island. The planning is carried out according to french law and EEC regulations, but local conditions are specific : the state administered forests are very extensive ; partition and property are still marked by the colonial past. The young farmers ' production should contribute to diminish the farm-produce deficit of the DOM., Dans le Département d'Outre-Mer de La Réunion, un aménagement foncier important est un cours, dans les parties hautes de cette île tropicale. L'aménagement s'opère selon la loi française et les directives européennes de la CEE, mais les conditions locales sont particulières : le domaine forestier de l'Etat est très étendu ; le parcellaire et la propriété sont encore marqués par le passé colonial. La production des jeunes agriculteurs installés devrait contribuer à diminuer le déficit agro-alimentaire du DOM., Guellec Agnès. L'aménagement des Hauts à la Réunion . In: Annales de Géographie, t. 101, n°563, 1992. pp. 1-27.

'The virtues of counterfactual thinking in history lie in its potential to induce critical reflection on the past and to highlight historical alternatives, thereby enabling the reassessment of prevailing interpretation patterns. This article illustrates these points with reference to the European Defence Community (EDC) and its conflicting relationship with the 'civilian power'-character the EU claims to hold. Despite of its failure in 1954, EDC's sheer existence suffices for problematizing the inevitability of EU's civilian character as a pre-determined feature arising from integration history. Therefore a specific counterfactual scenario is not needed for criticizing this master narrative. EDC's short history challenges the assumption of deliberate choice in favour of 'civilianness' in European external relations, and underlines the general openness of historical processes on this background.' (author's abstract)

Every researcher as well as anyone interested in learning about the European course of Greece, turning to the sources preserved in Greek archives, shall be limited to the pertinent archival material kept in private collections since the corresponding materials are not yet accessible in public archives. Among the private archival collections, the archive of Konstantinos Karamanlis occupies a prime position, given that during his personal governance Greece’sAssociation (1961) with andAccession to the EEC (1979) took place. What were the circumstances that led to the taking of this specific decision that has been since then the main axis of Greek foreign policy?Were there concerns and dilemmas? How did the politicians of the country deal with these issues? What role was played by the representatives that handled these issues? How decisive was the international state of affairs? Which countries and political leaders rallied behind the Greek petitions? What were the European beliefs of Konstantinos Karamanlis? The scholar investigating the events of that specific period is called upon to give responses to these very questions. El archivo Konstantinos Karamanlis es una de las colecciones documentales privadas más importantes de Grecia, dado que durante su gobierno se produjo el Tratado de Asociación (1961) y el Tratado de Accesión (1979) a la Unión Europea. ¿Cuáles fueron las circunstancias que llevaron a tomar esta decisión, que ha sido el eje de la política exterior griega? ¿Qué intereses concurrieron? ¿Cómo reaccionaron los políticos del país ante estos acuerdos? ¿Qué países apoyaron las peticiones griegas? ¿Cuál fue el credo europeo de Konstantinos Karamanlis? La investigación académica de estos acontecimientos durante este período específico, esta llamada a dar respuesta a éstas muy variadas cuestiones.

Foot and mouth disease : dispositions promoted in france consecutively to stopping of immunization in the EEC states. Following the decision of the EEC to stop vaccination against foot and mouth disease within the twelwe countries from January the first, 1992, the authors recall the reasons leading to this decision and explain the new measures prepared in France to prevent any outbreak or spread of the disease. These measures organized in a low, an act and an ordinance are presented in three parts. The first deals with prevention, the second with suspicion and the third with confirmation of the outbreak., Suite à la décision du Conseil des Ministres de la CEE de suspendre au 1er janvier 1992 la vaccination antiaphteuse dans les états-membres, les auteurs, après en avoir évoqué les raisons, décrivent les nouvelles mesures prophylactiques envisagées en France pour éviter l’apparition et l’éventuelle extension de la maladie. Ces mesures, qui font l’objet d’une loi, d’un décret et d’un arrêté d’application, sont décomposées en trois chapitres, le premier concernant la prévention, le second, la suspicion et le troisième, la confirmation de la maladie., Gourreau Jean-Marie, Bédès Georges-François, Merlin Paul. Fièvre aphteuse : mesures envisagées en France à la suite de l'arrêt de la vaccination dans les pays de la CEE. In: Bulletin de l'Académie Vétérinaire de France tome 144 n°1, 1991. pp. 109-120.

The demand for feed grains in the EEC. Current situation and impact of a price cut. This paper analyses the effects of a 10 % price eut of European grains. The analysis is carried out through simulations based on an international model (MISS for "modèle international simplifié de simulation" ) focusing on EC and US agricultures. We show that grain demand for animal feed will increase in the EEC if animal productions, and especially pork and poultry, are not constrained neither by production quotas nor by price cuts. Nevertheless, in such a case, imports of grain substi tûtes and protein meals will not decrease substantially, A la suite d'une baisse du prix communautaire des céréales, un élargissement du débouché de l'alimentation animale est possible à condition que le secteur animal, en particulier les porcs et volailles, ne soit pas soumis à des contraintes quantitatives ou à des baisses de prix limitant son expansion. Cependant, les importations de produits de substitution de céréales et de produits riches en protéines ne fléchissent que très légèrement. L'analyse s'appuie sur les résultats de simulations effectuées à l'aide du modèle MISS (modèle international simplifié de simulation)., Dronne Yves, Guyomard Hervé, Mahé Louis-Pascal, Tavéra Christophe. Les céréales dans l'alimentation animale de la CEE. Place dans la consommation de matières premières et effets d'une baisse de prix. In: Cahiers d'Economie et sociologie rurales, N°18-19, 1er et 2e trimestres 1991. Marchés, revenus et politique céréalière. pp. 51-69.

About an EEC commission proposal for a council regulation concerning stimulating productivity factors. This draft was suggested by the DG VI (Agriculture). In addition to the classical files for registration of veterinary medicines, and feed additives, these animal health products will be submitted to impact assessments. This will end by a decision allowing the administration or application to animals. A critical examination of this proposal is undertaken. What is the usefulness of these impact assessments ? Most of the questions asked in this proposal are, in fact, treated in the classical files. The proposal seems objectionable, because it complicates the products authorization and increases the necessary time as to obtain an animal health product registration., La Commission des Communautés vient de proposer, par l’intermédiaire de la DG VI (Agriculture), un règlement du Conseil concernant les facteurs de productivité animale. En sus de formalités classiques (AMM de médicament, homologation d’additif), ces produits de santé animale seront soumis à des évaluations d’impact aboutissant à une autorisation d’administration qui vient s’ajouter à l’AMM - homologation. Une critique de ces dispositions nouvelles est émise. On s’interroge sur leur utilité, d’autant plus que la majorité des points évoqués sont déjà l’objet d’études détaillées dans les dossiers classiques. Cette proposition de la Commission paraît inacceptable car elle se contente de compliquer les formalités d’homologation des produits de santé animale et surtout d’augmenter les délais nécessaires pour les obtenir., Willemart Jean-Pierre, Egron Louis. Au sujet d’une proposition de règlement du Conseil de l’Europe concernant les stimulateurs de productivité. In: Bulletin de l'Académie Vétérinaire de France tome 144 n°2, 1991. pp. 147-152.