This is a multi-part study with two main research questions, and data collected over two time-points. One set of data were collected during lockdown restrictions in June 2020 (T1), and the second set of data collection is planned for June 2021 (T2). Note, this pre-registration focuses only on data from T1 (June 2020). A pre-registration regarding Covid-19 hypotheses and data collection at T2 will follow closer to T2. The study is split into two-parts, based on the two main research questions. The first research question investigates the relationship between sleep, affect, and emotional memory; the second, explores sleep, affect, and mental-health. These questions will be examined in data collected at T1 (June 2020, during Covid-19 lockdown) and compared to T2 (June 2021, hopefully after Covid-19 lockdown restrictions). This pre-registration focuses on part-one (sleep, affect and memory). All data were collected online, questionnaires were used to measure affect and memory, and emotional memory was tested using emotionally valenced (positive, negative or neutral) word-pairs. a. Sleep and memory Sleep has been shown to be important for learning and memory (Rasch & Born, 2013). However, most of the sleep literature focuses on the consolidation of memories during sleep. More recently, attention has been drawn towards the role of sleep in refreshing the brain for subsequent encoding (e.g., Antonenko et al., 2013; Mander et al., 2011; J. L. Ong et al., 2020). The synaptic homeostasis hypothesis, predicts that sleep functions to remove excess synaptic connections (via synaptic downscaling) (Tononi & Cirelli, 2014). Synaptic downscaling is thought to maintain homeostasis and desaturate the brain, thus, the synaptic homeostasis hypothesis predicts that sleep primes the brain for subsequent learning. The current study will add to the developing literature by investigating the effects of sleep prior to learning, testing the predictions made by the synaptic homeostasis hypothesis that longer sleep duration and higher sleep quality prior to learning will be associated with improvements in episodic memory. As the current study is conducted online, it is unable to investigate the neural correlates of this association. However, it will be novel in exploring how naturalistic sleep patterns are related to the restoration of encoding capacity. To our knowledge, no current research has investigated how long-term, naturally occurring sleep patterns may be associated with refreshing the brain for learning. Instead, most research focuses on single night’s or daytime naps, which does not represent the more realistic issues of partial sleep restriction (Cousins et al., 2018). However, one study has previously investigated multiple-nights of sleep restriction before encoding, and found that 15-18 year olds who were sleep restricted had poorer encoding capacity than those who were well-rested (Cousins et al., 2018). In another multi-night study, participants who were sleep restricted but allowed an afternoon nap (5 hours nocturnal sleep, plus a 1.5 hour nap) had better memory than participants only allowed nocturnal sleep (6.5 hours nocturnal sleep) (Cousins et al., 2019). The memory benefit for the nap group was seen for information learned in the afternoon, not the morning, which may have theoretical implications in that the nap functioned as an additional period for desaturation (e.g. synaptic homeostasis hypothesis). The current study does not experimentally manipulate sleep, and instead measures naturally occurring sleep via the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI), which includes multiple facets of sleep, including sleep duration and sleep quality, which may explain additional variance in the relationship between sleep and memory not explained by duration alone. b. Sleep and emotional memory The relationship between sleep and memory may also differ with emotionality. Previously, research has found that sleep deprived participants recall fewer neutral memories than well-rested participants, but their memory for negative stimuli remains intact (Tempesta et al., 2016; Vargas et al., 2019; Walker, 2009). Additionally, sleep deprived participants recall fewer positive stimuli than well-rested participants (Tempesta et al., 2016; Walker, 2009). All of these studies use total sleep deprivation paradigms, which does not capture the more common issue of sleep restriction. Further, only one of these studies (Tempesta et al., 2016) investigated how sleep before encoding may influence emotional memories, finding similar biases seen in consolidation research, in that sleep deprived participants recalled negative stimuli equally to well-rested participants, but had lower recall of neutral and positive stimuli. It has been suggested that sleep deprivation is associated with amygdala over-reactivity, via an uncalibrated noradrenergic system and reduced medial prefrontal cortex control (Goldstein & Walker, 2014). Whilst this theory may explain over-reactivity to emotional stimuli, resulting in greater negative than neutral memory when sleep deprived, it does not fully explain the finding that sleep-deprived participants have lower positive memory than well-rested participants, but equal negative memory (e.g. Tempesta et al., 2016), as an over-reactive amygdala would also predict increased reactivity to positive stimuli. Instead, the difference between positive memory for well-rested and sleep deprived participants may be explained by mood-congruent memory mechanisms. According to a systematic review and meta-analysis, short sleep duration is associated with lower positive affect and higher negative affect (Short et al., 2020). Changes in affect may have subsequent consequences for emotional memories. The associative network theory (Bower, 1981) posits that memories are more likely to be recalled if they are congruent with the mood of the participant. That is, participants high in positive affect will recall more positive memories relative to negative or neutral memories, and participants high in negative affect will recall more negative than positive or neutral memories. Here, we refer to affect as an umbrella term encompassing mood (longer-lasting feelings or affect) and emotions (more transient or fleeting forms of affect) (e.g. A. D. Ong et al., 2017). Vargas et al. (2019) found that sleep deprived participants had greater levels of negative affect than well-rested participants, and their memory for negative stimuli was greater than for neutral stimuli. They suggested that their results may be due to a mood-congruent mechanism, which requires further exploration. As they did not include positive affect, they were unable to fully examine the mood-congruent effects. Therefore, the current research will examine how sleep before encoding influences memory, based on predictions made by the synaptic homeostasis hypothesis. Two mechanisms will be examined in regards to how emotional valence predicts memory biases, (1) the interaction between sleep and valence, to test hypotheses made by Walker (2009) and Goldstein and Walker (2014) and (2) the interaction between affect and valence to test mood-congruent mechanisms predicted by associative network theory (Bower et al., 1981). Also, a three-way interaction including sleep, affect, and valence will be examined to account for sleep’s relationship with affect (Short et al., 2020). The study will address a gap in the literature by investigating naturally occurring sleep patterns, positive and negative affect separately, and sleep before the encoding of emotionally valenced stimuli.