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States have been increasingly engaging in a practice of ex gratia payments during armed conflict as a way to win ‘hearts and minds’ or mitigate local animosity from combat operations that cause civilian loss or damage. These represent voluntary payments for damages which are not the result of a violation of the laws of war. This practice provides a contrast to reparations, which are the result of a legal obligation to remedy breaches of law. This article critically assesses how these two concepts interact with each other. Analysing the current practice, this work argues that ex gratia payments can represent another barrier for victims seeking redress. Crucial here is that these payments are seen as both an explicit and implicit waiver of any future claims. This ignores the potential for synergy between the two concepts on both moral and operational grounds. To better facilitate this potential synergy, this article takes inspiration from some of the human rights jurisprudence surrounding reparations programs and considers ex gratia payments in light of their standards instead of accepting them as a blanket waiver. This would align these payments better with both the operational and moral imperatives underlying these payments.

This article discusses legal problems in the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI). In its development, AI has built human existence in various fields including the military. There is a problem when an Autonomous Weapon System (AWS) uses AI instead of a non-human operator. It was found that, AWS was unable to fulfill the principle of distinction and principle of proportionality set forth in article 51 paragraphs (1-3) and paragraph (5) of Additional Protocol I 1977. These principles are two solid matters, as they relate to the technical requirements expected on performance. field that can only be carried out by humans. Although AWS uses sensors as a distinguishing tool, it provides an estimate that this weapon system can apply the principle of discrimination. A discriminatory attack will also violate the law if it is not adjusted to the principle of proportionality. This is where the important role of humans in preventing unnecessary losses. In addition, the use of AI on AWS has also led to the disconnection of supervisory responsibilities that require superiors and subordinates. This is clearly what AWS does and a commander who gives the order to carry out the attack. For this reason, special arrangements are needed to regulate AWS in the form of a new convention or the addition of a protocol to The United Nations Convention on Certain Weapons 1980 with the aim of limiting the use of AI so that human presence remains in every use of weapons., Artikel ini membahas problematika hukum dalam pemanfaatan Artifficial Intelligence (AI). Dalam perkembangannya, AI telah menggantikan keberadaan manusia dalam berbagai bidang termasuk militer. Terdapat sebuah permasalahan ketika sebuah sistem senjata otonom atau Autonomous Weapon Systems (AWS) menggunakan AI sebagai pengganti operator selain manusia. AWS tidak dapat memenuhi prinsip pembedaan dan prinsip proporisionalitas yang diatur dalam pasal 51 ayat (1-3) dan ayat (5) Protokol Tambahan I 1977. Prinsip ini merupakan dua hal yang solid, karena berkaitan dengan kriteria kinerja teknis yang bergantung pada kinerja lapangan yang hanya bisa dilaksanakan oleh manusia. Meskipun AWS menggunakan sensor sebagai alat pembeda, namun hal tersebut tidaklah memberikan lagitimasi bahwa sistem senjata ini dapat menerapkan prinsip pembedaan. Sebuah serangan diskriminatif juga akan melanggar hukum jika tidak disesuaikan dengan prinsip proporsionalitas. Inilah letak penting peran manusia dalam mencegah adanya kerugian yang tidak diperlukan. Selain itu, penggunaan AI pada AWS juga telah membuat putusnya rantai tanggungjawab komando yang mensyaratkan adanya unsur atasan dan bawahan. Hal inilah yang tak dimiliki secara jelas antara AWS dan seorang komandan yang memberikan perintah untuk melakukan penyerangan. Untuk itu, diperlukan pengaturan yang secara khusus mengatur tentang AWS dalam bentuk konvensi baru atau penambahan protokol pada The United Nations Convention on Certain Weapon 1980 dengan tujuan untuk membatasi penggunaan AI supaya keberadaan manusia tetap ada dalam setiap penggunaan senjata.

In face of the present migratory pressures from the poorer towards the richer countries, and the present framework of international humanitarian law, the costs and dangers of unauthorized migrations appear to act as a rationing device restricting actual migrations to a small fraction of their very large potential. However ethically abhorrent this appears to be, in practice it is the only effective limiting factor to mass immigrations that is allowed by international law. Perhaps something is wrong with international law.

The urgency of the research is conditioned by the actual status of the governmental and legal reality of Ukraine which is in conditions of the armed conflict seventh year in a row resulting in the need to ensure both state sovereignty and guarantee and protection of human rights. In this regard, the article is aimed at studying the interaction of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as their implementation in the legislation of Ukraine in conditions of an armed conflict. Scientific methods of research of the declared problems are the system method by means of which the international human rights law and the international humanitarian law are considered as two systems of more difficult complex – the international law. Using the structural-functional method, the structure and mechanisms of functional interaction of these systems on the legal regulation in the field of human rights in specific conditions are studied. The article analyzes the legal basis of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as their possible simultaneous application in the context of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine. Emphasis is placed on the need to ensure compliance with the principles of international humanitarian law and to bring to justice those guilty of violating the rules of the IHRL and IHL. The research results can be used in the educational process and further research.

La participación de las fuerzas armadas colombianas en operaciones de mantenimiento de paz es un instrumento de la política exterior del país que requiere de la coordinación entre las medidas de defensa y estrategia militar. De allí que sea necesario estructurar objetivos, fines y medios por parte de las fuerzas armadas y sus altos mandos civiles y políticos, para que pueda llevar a cabo acciones fuera de las fronteras soberanas. Lo anterior exige la coordinación de los ministerios responsables de la política de defensa y relaciones exteriores y medios de ejecución y conocimiento sobre los dispositivos institucionales para la logística de misiones, en particular, en dos aspectos: organización castrense y diplomacia. La finalidad del artículo es determinar las oportunidades para las fuerzas militares de Colombia de participar en operaciones de mantenimiento de paz de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para plantear líneas de acción, después de firmado el acuerdo de paz en 2016. The participation of the Armed Forces of Colombia in peacekeeping operations is an instrument of the country’s foreign policy that requires coordination between defense policies and military strategy. It is necessary to structure the objectives, goals, and means of the Armed Forces and its civilian and political high command, so that it can carry out actions outside the sovereign borders. The above requires a coordination between the ministries responsible for defense policy and foreign relations, coherent with high levels of technological development, means of execution, and knowledge of institutional mechanisms for mission logistics, particularly in two aspects: military organization and diplomacy. This article aims to determine opportunities for the Colombian Armed Forces and to propose lines of action that would allow their participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations in the future, after the signature of the Peace Agreement in 2016.

The article describes the process of formation of the International Movement of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, and defines the limits of authority of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and the Red Cross Society of Ukraine. On the basis of the study of international and Ukrainian normative legal acts, the main forms of cooperation of our state with the specified international movement in the conditions of the military conflict in the east of Ukraine are determined. Particular attention is paid to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which provides financial, material, psychological and educational assistance to both the population and the bodies of state executive power and local self-government bodies of Ukraine.The importance of the need to provide assistance to the wounded was realized already at the early stages of the development of human civilization. The article examines the history of the emergence and development of international humanitarian law («laws and customs of war»). However, the author notes that decisive steps were taken here precisely in the 19th century, as the rapid progress in the development of weapons and military art led to a sharp increase in the number of victims of hostilities. In this connection, considerable attention is paid to the figure of Swiss businessman and public figure Henri Dunant. The article notes that it was the activity of the latter that became the basis for the adoption of the famous Geneva Convention (1864) «On the Improvement of the Fate of Wounded and Sick Soldiers in Land War».Based on the conceptual achievements of modern historiography and using a wide range of diverse sources, the author has analyzed historical background of the Ukrainian Red Cross movement, its ideological principles of operation and main directions of development., У статті характеризується процес становлення Міжнародного руху Червоного Хреста і Червоного Півмісяця та визначаються межі повноважень Міжнародного Комітету Червоного Хреста, Міжнародної Федерації Товариств Червоного Хреста і Червоного Півмісяця та Товариства Червоного Хреста України. На основі дослідження міжнародних та українських нормативно-правових актів визначені основні форми співпраці нашої держави з вказаним Міжнародним рухом в умовах воєнного конфлікту на сході України. Особливу увагу приділено Міжнародному Комітету Червоного Хреста, який надає фінансову, матеріальну, психологічну та навчально-методичну допомогу як населенню, так і органам державної виконавчої влади та органам місцевого самоуправління України.Значимість необхідності надання допомоги пораненим усвідомлювалася вже на ранніх етапах розвитку людської цивілізації. Розглянута історія виникнення та становлення міжнародного гуманітарного права («законів та звичаїв війни»). Автор відзначає, що рішучі кроки тут були зроблені саме у ХІХ ст., оскільки стрімкий прогресс у розвитку озброєнь та військового мистецтва призвів до різкого збільшення чисельності жертв бойових дій. У цьому зв’язку значна увага приділяється постаті швейцарського бізнесмена та громадського діяча Анрі Дюнана. У статті зазначається, що саме діяльність останнього стала основою для прийняття знаменитої Женевської Конвенції (1864 р) «Про поліпшення долі поранених і хворих воїнів під час сухопутної війни».Базуючись на концептуальних здобутках новітньої історіографії та використовуючи широке коло різнопланових джерел, автор проаналізував історичні передумови виникнення українського червонохресного руху, його ідейні засади функціонування та основні напрямки розвитку.

Our study considers public attitudes to human rights and humanitarian law in the UK. We build on previous analysis that examined public attitudes to prosecuting soldiers for committing human rights violations abroad, which found that the national identity of the soldier mattered and had a causal effect on public support for prosecuting soldiers for the abuse of civilians. In this study, we consider the types of statements and messages that can overcome this national bias in public support for prosecuting perpetrators of abuses, and persuade the public to prosecute soldiers for similar offenses irrespective of their nationality, in line with the idea of universal human rights. To test the causal effect of different types of statements on public support for prosecuting soldiers that abuse civilians, we will conduct a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample of the UK population. This pre-analysis plan provides details of the planned survey experiment. It is worth noting that we have previously pre-registered this survey experiment to be conducted in the UK (February 2023). We are extending the study to include the US, and hence this pre-registration is for the US survey experiment. It is worth noting that we have sought to keep the design of the UK and USA survey experiments the same, and hence this pre-registration largely repeats the information provided in the previous pre-registration.

Our study considers public attitudes to human rights and humanitarian law in the UK. We build on previous analysis that examined public attitudes to prosecuting soldiers for committing human rights violations abroad, which found that the national identity of the soldier mattered and had a causal effect on public support for prosecuting soldiers for the abuse of civilians. In this study, we consider the types of statements and messages that can overcome this national bias in public support for prosecuting perpetrators of abuses, and persuade the public to prosecute soldiers for similar offenses irrespective of their nationality, in line with the idea of universal human rights. To test the causal effect of different types of statements on public support for prosecuting soldiers that abuse civilians, we will conduct a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample of the UK population. This pre-analysis plan provides details of the planned survey experiment.

Total rejection of the aggression and territory occupation in the international law leads to their hybrid and concealed forms using gangs and mercenaries, proclaiming new “states” etc. These activities constitute serious threat to international security, can cause and already cause the fragmentation of states, anarchy, criminalization of politics, new forms of expansionism and so on. The authors of the article generalize the forms of illegal control over the territory in international law and their application considering the status of Donbas determination. International law for more than a century provides for the possibility of separate regulation of the sovereignty and legal rights of the state to the territory, on the one hand, and the implementation of the regime of illegal control over the territory – on the other. Authors argue that in the modern sense, primarily developed by doctrine and courts, illegal control over the territory can be considered as a legal regime, one of the forms of which is occupation, while others are defined as effective, overall, general, de facto control and related to undisclosed actions and informal means used by the aggressor states. This regime is characterized by the exercise of power over the territory by the will of a foreign state, and the forms of implementation of the regime differ depending on whether such a will is officially recognized or concealed. The transformation of international humanitarian law after the Second World War erased the boundaries between recognized and officially unrecognized occupation. But unlike occupation, the fact of which may be obvious, the fact of effective or other control over the territory requires the determination by judicial authorities. The qualification of illegal control by the Russian Federation of the Donbas in national and international law is ambiguous. The authors argue that the full recognition of the international armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia in Donbas, as well as Russia’s illegal control over latter should be expected in the process of consideration of a number of cases in the international judicial institutions. Całkowite odrzucenie agresji i okupacji terytoriów w prawie międzynarodowym prowadzi do ich hybrydowych i ukrytych form wykorzystujących gangi i najemników, proklamowania nowych „państw” itp. Działania te stanowią poważne zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, mogą powodować i już powodują m.in. fragmentację państw, anarchię, kryminalizację polityki oraz nowe formy ekspansjonizmu. Autorzy artykułu uogólniają formy nielegalnej kontroli terytorium w prawie międzynarodowym i ich stosowanie z uwzględnieniem stanu determinacji Donbasu. Prawo międzynarodowe od ponad wieku przewiduje możliwość odrębnego uregulowania suwerenności i praw państwa do terytorium z jednej strony, a wprowadzenie reżimu nielegalnej kontroli nad terytorium – z drugiej. Autorzy argumentują, że we współczesnym rozumieniu wypracowanym przede wszystkim przez doktrynę i sądy, nielegalną kontrolę nad terytorium można uznać za reżim prawny, którego jedną z form jest okupacja, podczas gdy inne określa się jako skuteczne, całościowe, ogólne, de facto kontroli i związane z nieujawnionymi działaniami i nieformalnymi środkami stosowanymi przez państwo agresora. Reżim ten charakteryzuje się sprawowaniem władzy nad terytorium z woli obcego państwa, a formy realizacji reżimu różnią się w zależności od tego, czy taka wola jest oficjalnie uznana, czy zatajona. Transformacja międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego po II wojnie światowej zatarła granice między uznaną i oficjalnie nieuznaną okupacją. Ale w przeciwieństwie do okupacji, której fakt może być oczywisty, fakt skutecznej lub innej kontroli nad terytorium wymaga ustalenia przez organy sądowe. Kwalifikacja nielegalnej kontroli Federacji Rosyjskiej nad Donbasem w prawie krajowym i międzynarodowym jest niejednoznaczna. Autorzy argumentują, że pełnego uznania międzynarodowego konfliktu zbrojnego między Ukrainą a Rosją w Donbasie, a także nielegalnej kontroli Rosji nad tym ostatnim, należy się spodziewać w procesie rozpatrywania szeregu spraw w międzynarodowych instytucjach sądowych.

The civil war in Syria, triggered by the pro-democracy demonstrations of the "Arab Spring", was a complicated combination of religious, cultural and ethnic-identity contradictions. The non-international conflict was turned into a "battlefield" for foreign powers, which led to the transformation of a civil war into a "war with multiple proxies". The United Nations' efforts to mediate the conflict, based on a six-point plan, remained in the draft phase. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have denounced flagrant violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by the al-Assad regime, which has widely used non-discriminatory weapons banned in violation of the Geneva Conventions, 1949. The Bashār al-Assad regime is accused by the international community of being guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity, but attempts to incriminate it have failed.

International humanitarian law provides for fundamental guarantees, the content of which is similar irrespective of the nature of the armed conflict, and which are applicable to individuals even if they do not fall into the categories of specifically protected persons under the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Those guarantees, all of which derive from the general requirement of human treatment, include prohibitions of specific types of conduct against persons, such as murder, cruel treatment, torture and sexual violence, or against property, such as pillaging. However, it is traditionally held that entitlement to those guarantees depends upon two requirements: the ‘status requirement’, which basically means that the concerned persons must not or must no longer take a direct part in hostilities, and the ‘control requirement’, which basically means that the concerned persons or properties must be under the control of a party to the armed conflict. This study argues in favour of breaking with these two requirements, in light of the existing ICC case law. The study is divided into two parts, with each part devoted to one requirement and made the object of a specific paper. The two papers follow the same structure. They start with general observations on the requirement concerned, examine the relevant ICC case law and put forward several arguments in favour of an extensive approach to the personal scope of the fundamental guarantees. The first paper, which is published in this issue, deals with the status requirement. It especially delves into the ICC decisions in the Ntaganda case with respect to the issue of protection against intra-party violence. It advocates for the applicability of the fundamental guarantees in such a context by rejecting the requirement of a legal status, on the basis of several arguments. Those arguments rely on IHL provisions protecting specific persons, on the potential for humanizing IHL on the matter and on the approach making the status requirement relevant only when the fundamental guarantees apply in the conduct of hostilities. The second paper, which will be published in a coming issue, deals with the control requirement. It examines several ICC cases in detail, including the Katanga and Ntaganda cases, in relation to the issue of the applicability of the fundamental guarantees in the conduct of hostilities. It is argued that the entitlement to those guarantees is not dependent upon any general control requirement, and that, as a result, some of these guarantees (mainly those whose application or constitutive elements do not imply any physical control over the concerned persons or properties) may apply in the conduct of hostilities.

Back to ResultsNext search resultTaking Care Against the ComputerPrecautions Against Military Operations on Digital InfrastructureIn: Journal of International Humanitarian Legal StudiesAuthors: Simon McKenzie1 and Eve Massingham2View MoreOnline Publication Date: 26 Oct 2021Full AccessDownload PDFDownload CitationGet PermissionsAbstractFull TextMetadataAbstractThe obligations of international humanitarian law are not limited to the attacker; the defender is also required to take steps to protect civilians from harm. The requirement to take precautions against the effects of attack requires the defender to minimize the risk that civilians and civilian objects will be harmed by enemy military operations. At its most basic, it obliges defenders to locate military installations away from civilians. Furthermore, where appropriate, the status of objects should be clearly marked. It is – somewhat counterintuitively – about making it easier for the attacker to select lawful targets by making visible the distinction between civilian objects and military objectives.The increasing importance of digital infrastructure to modern life may make complying with these precautionary obligations more complicated. Maintaining separation between military and civilian networks is challenging as both operate using at least some of the same infrastructure, relying on the same cables, systems, and electromagnetic spectrum. In addition, the speed at which operations against digital infrastructure can occur increases the difficulty of complying with the obligation – particularly if such operations involve a degree of automation or the use of artificial intelligence (ai).This paper sets out the source and extent of the obligation to take precautions against hostile military operations and considers how they might apply to digital infrastructure. As well as clarifying the extent of the obligation, it applies the obligation to take precautions against hostile military operations to digital infrastructure, giving examples of where systems designers are taking these obligations into account, and other examples of where they must.

The main aim of the article is to test how states implement international humanitarian law (IHL) with regard to the families of missing persons. The article shows relevant IHL shortcomings and compares them with rules applicable in cases of enforced disappearance. The national legislation collected in the section titled ‘The Missing and Their Families’ of the National Implementation Database of the International Committee of the Red Cross is then examined. The analysis addresses three core questions that are particularly relevant for families of missing persons: (1) Who is considered a missing person under each law? Approaching this question allows the testing of whether states follow the understanding of ‘missing persons’ under IHL treaty law. The second and third questions address two issues that are crucial for families of missing persons that are not addressed in IHL: (2) How is the legal status of the missing person regulated? (3) Are family members provided with measures of reparation and/or assistance? This approach reveals that states rarely apply the IHL understanding of ‘missing persons’ and predominantly exceed IHL by addressing some of the identified shortcomings. It further shows that states provide families of missing persons either with reparation measures – in cases of human rights violations – or, less often, with measures of assistance in post-conflict situations.

Armed conflict in a war is recognized as one way to resolve disputes between countries. However, armed conflict has negative impacts on humanity and the environment. This study discusses the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia which resulted in the deaths of 150 civilians and 5000 soldiers died and had a negative impact on the environment. Azerbaijan was accused that in this war it used White Phosphorus or fireworks with white smoke which carries a very dangerous chemical, it can cause disability or the extinction of wildlife forever. Meanwhile, the Armenians exploited the natural resources of the occupied territories without considering the superiority of population interests and changes in regional cultural heritage. The results showed that in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict 2020 (Azerbaijan vs. Armenia) there were violations of international agreements in international environmental law and international humanitarian law that occurred as a result of the conflict which could be held accountable internationally. Then in relation to accountability due to armed conflict, Armenia and its affiliates in the occupied territory of Azerbaijan are responsible for acts of international violations, Konflik bersenjata dalam sebuah perang diakui menjadi salah satu cara untuk menyelesaikan sengketa antar negara. Namun, konflik bersenjata menimbulkan dampak negatif terhadap kemanusiaan dan lingkungan. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai konflik antara Azerbaijan dan Armenia yang mengakibatkan adanya korban jiwa 150 warga sipil tewas dan 5000 tentara tewas dan memiliki dampak buruk terhadap lingkungan. Azerbaijan mendapat tuduhan bahwa dalam perang ini pihaknya menggunakan White Phosphorus atau kembang api dengan asap putih yang membawa bahan kimia yang sangat berbahaya, dapat mengakibatkan cacat tubuh maupun kepunahan margasatwa selamanya. Sedangkan pihak Armenia melakukan eksploitasi sumber daya alam wilayah pendudukan tanpa mempertimbangkan keunggulan kepentingan populasi dan perubahan cagar budaya daerah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pada konflik Nagorno-Karabakh 2020 (Azerbaijan vs Armenia) terlihat adanya pelanggaran perjanjian internasional dalam hukum lingkungan internasional dan hukum humaniter internasional yang terjadi akibat konflik tersebut yang dapat dimintakan pertanggung jawaban secara internasional. Kemudian dalam kaitannya dengan pertanggungjawaban akibat konflik bersenjata, Armenia dan afiliasinya di wilayah pendudukan Azerbaijan bertanggung jawab atas tindakan pelanggaran internasional.

Non-international armed conflict between States and organised armed groups is a reality of warfare. Since the emergence of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, this form of conflict has been regulated by international humanitarian law. However, a subset of this category known as ‘transnational armed conflict’ has seen aggressive proliferation over recent decades as groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have taken advantage of the internet and other technologies to expand their reach beyond national frontiers and strike States around the world. This phenomenon has left the geographical extent of international humanitarian law – which has historically relied on State boundaries to determine its ambit – unclear. This article examines the main options for delimiting the geographical reach of the regime in transnational armed conflict. It considers approaches based on international boundaries; ‘hot battlefields’; ‘global application’ and ‘territorial control’ before ultimately concluding that a method based on ‘military presence’ would be the most suitable standard.

INTRODUCTION. This research paper presents the authors view on the essence of the problems of modern international law regulation of lethal autonomous weapons systems (LAWS) and international arms circulation. The authors dwell upon various aspects of new technologies in the field of creating LAWS, outline the prospects for the solution of the current challenges, as well as give a legal assessment of the legality of new types of weapons, methods and means of warfare from the perspective of contemporary international law. The system and mechanisms of international law regulation of the military purpose products circulation are also analyzed in this scientific work.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The subject of this study comprises international treaties, international customs, general principles of international law and national legislation of states. The study also includes the analysis of international acts of different nature, reports and other documents of international organizations, national authorities, scientific and educationalliterature. The methodological basis of this study is a wide range of research methods, namely: formal-legal, formal-logical, comparative-legal and historical-legal. In addition, the researchers apply system, structural and functional methods, as well as methods of analysis and generalization.RESEARCH RESULTS. The result of the study is the conclusion about the perspectives of developing auniversal definition of LAWS, as well as a common approach to understanding their characteristics and parameters of human control, and also about the advantages of LAWS in the course of military operations and solving national security problems of states, primarily in terms of compliance with IHL rules, which all military personnel are required to strictly observe. It is also necessary to take into account the crucial role of the issues of secrecy and national security, while Article 36 of Additional Protocol I does not contain criteria for distinguishing new types of weapons from other types of weapons, for example, from those that have undergone multi-stage modernization. It can be stated that at present there are only separate and insuffi ently effective mechanisms of international law regulation due to their voluntary basis. Therefore, national export control mechanisms are of paramount importance for the process of regulating the circulation of military purpose products, which is an essential element of national sovereignty.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The authors come to the following conclusions: the existing provisions of IHL are fully applicable to LAWS; responsibility for the use of LAWS should be borne by the person who manages the robotic complex or «programs» and gives the order to use LAWS, but the specific forms and methods of human control should remain at the discretion of states; Article 36 of Additional Protocol I provides extremely limited opportunities to prevent the creation of new weapons systems, does not require any reporting and control format; research and development of new types ofweapons are secret, and the acquisition or adoption of obviously or presumably indiscriminate weapons systems are not a violation, but rather a preparation for a violation or an activity of a controversial nature; further improvement of the international law regulation of arms circulation should be developed by creating mandatory universal mechanisms of international law regulation that would prevent the uncontrolled circulation and illegal distribution of weapons, including their sale to terrorists.

INTRODUCTION.InDecember2019,anoutbreakofcoronavirusinfection(SARS-CoV-2)transmittedbyairbornedropletswasrecordedinWuhan,China.Inmid-January,theviruswasdetectedinThailand andJapan;inMarch,thecenterofthepandemicmovedtoEurope;inearlyApril,theUnitedStatescameoutontopintermsofthenumberofinfections.Tocombatthevirus,manystateshaveintroducedemergencymeasures,includinglockdowns,socialdistancerequirements,masstesting,etc.Thepandemichasaffectedallspheresofpubliclife,includinginternationalrelationsandinternationallaw.MATERIALSANDMETHODS.Thearticleanalyzestheresponsetothepandemiconthepartofstates,organizationsandthedoctrineofinternationallaw;examinestheinternationallegalaspectsofthepandemic:applicationoftheInternationalHealthRegulations2005,possibleresponsibilityofChinaandotherstates,impactofthepandemiconhumanrights.Theproblemsoflegalregulationinconnectionwiththepandemicaredefinedandthewaysoftheirsolutionaredetermined.Thesubjectofanalysisisthematerialsofforeignlegalpress,firstofall,postsandarticlesontheInternet.Inadditiontothedataofinternationallaw,scientificcategoriesofphilosophy,economicsandpoliticalscienceareused.RESEARCHRESULTS.MajorUNbodieshavereactedtothepandemicwithgeneralstatements.WHOpositioneditselfasaninternationalcenterforthefightagainstthevirusandmaderecommendationsthat,however, werenotimplementedbystateswhichadoptedmorerestrictivemeasures.ThemaindocumentthatguidedWHOistheInternationalHealthRegulations2005(IHR).SomestatesandthemediaaccusedChinaofa belated reaction and withholding information. As a result, the doctrine has discussed the issue of bringing a claim against China to the International Court of Justice. The legal basis for this claim could be the provisions of the IHR, the WHO Constitution and a number of duediligence obligations. The jurisdictional basis for applying to the ICJ could be Art. 75 of the WHO Constitution, and to an arbitration Art. 56 IHR. In response to the pandemic, many states have limited human rights; references have been made to the possibility of a temporary derogation from human rights obligations in an emergency and the possibility of limiting human rights in the interests of national security, health and the protection of the rights of others.DISCUSSIONANDCONCLUSIONS.Theforeigndoctrinenotesan nsufficient response frominternational organizations and makes proposals aimed at expandingthepowersoftheUNSecurityCouncilincombatingthepandemicandatreformingtheWHO.Inaddition,thereareshortcomingsoftheIHRthathindertheireffectiveuse.ThepossibilityofholdingChinaaccountableisquestioned:thereisnsufficient evidenceoftheviolation; the threshold for breach of duediligence obligationsisveryhigh;Chinaisunlikelytoagreetoparticipateinthelawsuitagainstit. Nevertheless, several lessons canbelearnedforthelawofresponsibility(thepossibilityofdeviatingfromtheprincipleoffullcompensation,etc.).Theprocedureforderogatingfromhumanrightsobligationsduringa pandemic also needs clarification. In general, the international legal doctrine coped with the task of understanding of the pandemic phenomenon: it systematized and qualified the facts, discovered and formulated legal problems, both private and public, and suggested means to solve them. Few questioned the advisability of such a harsh global reaction and formulated a radical criticism; instead, the shortcomings of individual measures were noted and proposals were made to improve their effectiveness.

This paper reviews a body of recent literature that interrogates the development and deployment of the contemporary regime of political violence. This literature includes Samuel Moyn's account of t...

Hablar de la guerra de Afganistán es de gran importancia, por cuanto ha sido la más larga de la historia de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, con una duración de aproximadamente veinte años, que parece “ir llegando a su fin” con el anuncio por parte del actual presidente de los Estados Unidos Joe Biden, de retirar a 3500 efectivos militares que aún permanecen en tierras afganas hasta el 31 de agosto del año en curso; justamente luego de veinte años del ataque terrorista perpetrado a los Estados Unidos donde aproximadamente 3000 personas perdieron sus vidas, y que detonó el inicio de la guerra en Afganistán. Por la prolongada duración de esta guerra, se la clasifica en cinco fases, de las cuales el presente estudio basa su análisis en parte de los acontecimientos acaecidos durante la segunda fase, establecida desde 2002 hasta 2008, y específicamente se enfoca en la emblemática operación Anaconda, que tuvo lugar entre el 2 y 16 de marzo de 2002. El objetivo del presente estudio es, por consiguiente, analizar de manera histórica, documentada y fundamentada en la doctrina militar vigente tanto de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador y de las Fuerzas Armadas de los Estados Unidos (por ser las protagonistas de la guerra) la conducción militar terrestre de la operación Anaconda. El alcance es analizar la serie de derechos humanos que fueron vulnerados durante la guerra, a pesar de existir convenios del derecho internacional humanitario que protegen a las personas y los bienes afectados. Las conclusiones que se desprenden de ésta investigación, entre otros aspectos, resaltan la trascendencia de un liderazgo efectivo para lograr el éxito de las operaciones basado en una conducción militar fundamentada en aspectos doctrinarios como son las características del enemigo y del campo de batalla, la forma de maniobra y la acción decisiva para alcanzar la conquista del objetivo final.

Can armed groups socialize combatants to norms of restraint – in essence, train soldiers to adopt norms of international humanitarian law on the battlefield? How can social scientists accurately measure such socialization? Despite being the central focus of organizational and ideational theories of conflict, studies to date have not engaged in systematic, survey-based examination of this central socialization mechanism theorized to influence military conduct.This study advances scholarly understanding by providing the first comparative, survey-based examination of combatant socialization to norms of restraint, using surveys and interviews with US Army cadets at the US Military Academy (USMA), Army Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC), and active duty Army combatants. Additionally, to better understand ‘restraint’ from combatants’ perspective, this study introduces the concept of the ‘combatant’s trilemma’ under which combatants conceptualize civilian protection as part of a costly trade-off with the values of military advantage and force protection.Survey results hold both positive and negative implications for socialization to law of war norms: military socialization can shift combatants’ preferences for battlefield conduct. However, intensive norm socialization may be required to shift combatants’ preferences from force protection to civilian protection norms. Study findings hold significant implications for understanding violence against civilians in conflict and for policies to disseminate civilian protection norms in armed groups worldwide.

Afghanistan remained an arena for international powers for the last two centuries. The climax period of the militant activities in this soil was from September 2001 to August 2021. Millions of human entities took part in this escalation and a large number of human fabric became captive by the detaining powers during this period. At the end of the armed climax, the emerging political & military coalition on this soil declared its stance about the method of governance after 15 August 2021 which would be based upon Islamic resources. In the perspective of this armed conflict, the question of prisoner’s immunity and termination of captivity in war attracted the attention of global powers. What options be available to prisoners of war about termination of war captivity under Islamic International Humanitarian Law (IIHL) and Conventional International Humanitarian Law (CIHL), is the mainstay of this paper. To answer the question, Islamic jurisprudence provides five methods to dissolve the detention and captivity in war. These methods are respectively freedom gratis, ransom, exchange of prisoners of war, execution, and enslavement. According to Islamic military guidance, freedom gratis remains the general practice in entire Islamic military history. Contrary to it, Ransom and exchange of prisoners of war were occasionally utilized and not the general practice in the entire military history of Islam. The execution and enslavement were pre-Islamic methods and practices. A set of Islamic injunctions were revealed to reform them (Execution & Enslavement) and hence they have been invoked as the source of reference in Islamic prudential literature. Along with, principles of conventional international humanitarian law are also associated with this discourse. Under these facts, this paper is a strenuous effort to embark on the solution of the matter which would be acceptable to all stakeholders regarding Afghanistan.

En el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano han surgido múltiples víctimas por las manifestaciones de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos y las serias infracciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, concretadas estas, en crímenes de trascendencia internacional. Por ello, entre otros factores, surgieron los Acuerdos de Paz con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC, en La Habana (Cuba). Producto de dicho acuerdo se creó la institución de la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) y de ella se desprendieron criterios de priorización que intentan corresponder a una adecuada investigación y juzgamiento de todas las conductas beligerantes. Estos elementos serán el punto de partida de este estudio, para abordar lo relativo a las víctimas del conflicto armado y los avances de la JEP en dos casos priorizados. El método de estudio es documental y se basa tanto en jurisprudencia como en doctrina, relativa a los crímenes internacionales, para entender la priorización desarrollada, acorde a los estándares internacionales para la protección de los derechos humanos en los procesos de justicia transicional.

This article focuses on theMH17Trial that is currently underway in the Netherlands, dealing with the shooting down of a civilian aircraft over Eastern Ukraine and the resulting deaths of all 298 persons on board. Two legal questions arising from the prosecutorial strategy to charge the four accused with ‘ordinary’ crimes under the Dutch Criminal Code—instead of with war crimes—are studied here. First, the jurisdictional basis on which the District Court of The Hague is tryingMH17, and its effect on the applicable laws, is examined. It is argued that, contrary to what the Prosecution has submitted, jurisdiction over the killing of the 93 non-Dutch nationals on board of flight MH17 can only be established on the basis of the less known title of delegated (representative) jurisdiction: a conclusion that also brings certain legal requirements. Second, this paper analyzes the way theMH17Prosecutor defined the notion of ‘combatant’s privilege’ under international humanitarian law and his arguments for rejecting a combatant status for the separatist armed forces that shot down flight MH17 over Eastern Ukraine. All this analysis is then used to explain why it was indeed more sensible for the Prosecution to charge the four accused with murder and intentionally causing an aircraft to crash under Dutch criminal law, than with war crimes under international law.

حاولنا في البحث دراسة أهم الجوانب المتعلقة بحماية اللاجئين والمهجرين بموجب أحکام القانون الدولي الإنساني من خلال البحث في المواد القانونية التي تضمنتها اتفاقيات جنيف الأربعة لعام 1949 والبروتوکولين الإضافيين الملحقين بهما لعام 1977 التي تشکل حجر أساس للقانون الدولي الإنساني وکذلک قواعد القانون الدولي الإنساني، العرفي والاتفاقيات الدولية والمبادئ التوجيهية المتعلقة بالتشرد الداخلي (الصادرة عن الجمعية العامة للأمم المتحدة) من حيث تحديد المفهوم الخاص باللاجئ والمهجر وتحديد الآليات الخاصة بحمايتهم أثناء النزاعات المسلحة الدولية وغير الدولية. Abstract: The project study tries to study the most important aspects protecting displaced and refugees under the provisions of international humanitarian law by searching in the legal articles which is included in the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols thereto of 1977, which constitute the cornerstone of international humanitarian law, as well as the rules of customary international humanitarian law and international conventions. interims of specifying the concept of refugees and displaced by determining the specific way of protecting during international and non-international armed conflicts.

La actitud del Capitán de Navío Miguel Grau Seminario, durante la campaña naval que lideró en el conflicto internacional de 1879 reúne características que se enmarcan dentro del Derecho Internacional Humanitario, rama del Derecho Internacional que tuvo como bases -entre otros- el Convenio de Ginebra de 1864. En ese sentido, y a partir del Convenio de La Haya de 1899 que trató de la adaptación a la guerra marítima de los principios de la Convención de Ginebra, el Perú recién se adhirió a aquella en el año de 1903.De este modo, el presente trabajo buscará argumentar desde el derecho y la historia los aspectos que convertirían al Caballero de los Mares en un Precursor del Derecho Internacional Humanitario de la guerra en el mar, toda vez que actuó sin un marco jurídico establecido -ni nacional ni internacional- relacionado al aspecto humanitario vigente de la guerra en la mar, y sin recibir instrucciones por escrito -ni generales ni específicas- sobre la materia, más allá de la costumbre que era considerada Derecho vigente. De los dos casos expuestos, puede deducirse que habría actuado teniendo como base su razón y/o el derecho consuetudinario.De hecho, las acciones humanitarias de Grau que se presentarán en este trabajo, no fueron las primeras llevadas a cabo en la historia marítima mundial, pero sí, podría ser considerada como pionera en este lado del Pacífico sudamericano. Sin embargo, más allá de la posibilidad de que haya sido la inicial, nada resta el hecho de que sus acciones humanitarias reflejaron el sentir y apreciación de la forma de cómo llevar la guerra; una manera que no buscaba ocasionar daños innecesarios.

The institute of international criminal liability of individuals has undergone a long and complicated process of elaboration. Initially the efforts in this sphere were concentrated only in scientific works of international law scholars who found that war was an acceptable way of solving international disputes. The most important question in the doctrine of international criminal liability was the issue of personal liability of individuals who committed war crimes. In the article the author points out the tendencies and provides an indepth analysis of the history of elaboration of the institute of international criminal liability on the basis of numerous works of major scholars in this field starting with Hugo Grocius. Primarily the author focuses on the period of the XIX century and states that neither international legal acts nor international law doctrine of the period could not rise up to the fact of necessity of abolishing international war crimes and first of all of abolishing aggressive war. But without these efforts the active elaboration of the norms of international humanitarian law in the period between the world wars would not have been possible.

The scientific article is devoted to a comprehensive understanding of international legal, procedural, and organizational problems of investigation of war crimes committed during the military conflict in the south and east of Ukraine. It develops the author's concept of investigation of war crimes committed during the armed conflict, scientifically substantiated theoretical provisions and specific patterns that are manifested in the field of legal support, organization of investigation, collection of evidence, methods of investigation of crimes of this type. It is concluded that there is a need to specify the components of war crimes in national legislation. Recommendations for further improvement of criminal and criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine in order to fulfill the state's international obligations in the field of international humanitarian law are given.

El presente documento se enfoca en evidenciar cómo las categorí­as "estado de excepción", "autoritarismo neoliberal" y "biopolí­tica" permiten develar fenómenos sociales concretos causados por el tratamiento de la pandemia COVID-19 por parte del gobierno colombiano durante el perí­odo de confinamiento comprendido entre marzo y septiembre de 2020. Este objetivo es desarrollado a partir de una revisión sistemática de literatura, estadí­sticas oficiales e informes de entidades defensoras de derechos humanos, aplicando el método de revisión documental. Los resultados muestran que durante la pandemia se ha intensificado la violencia en Colombia, lo que se grafica en las violaciones al derecho internacional humanitario, la estigmatización y criminalización de la movilización social y la acción colectiva, las violaciones de los derechos humanos por parte de la fuerza pública, las masacres, el asesinato de lí­deres sociales, minorí­as étnicas, desmovilizados de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC-EP). De igual modo, se ha incrementado la violencia estructural asociada a la pobreza, las medidas sanitarias y el acceso de los colombianos más vulnerables a los servicios de salud y a la vacunación.

تشكّل النزاعات المسلحة التي ليس لها طابع دولي، وتنخرط فيها جماعات مسلحة مختلفة؛ السمة الغالبة للنزاعات المسلحة المعاصرة. وأمام ما تتسم به هذه الجماعات من تحالفات مُتشعبة ومُتغيرة، وتطاول الأعمال العدائية لبعضها عبر الحدود؛ تبرز إشكالية تحديد متى تعتبر جماعة مسلحة ما طرفًا في نزاع مسلح غير دولي؟ وفقًا لمفهوم القانون الدولي الإنساني. في هذا السياق، يتمتع مفهوم "الجماعات المسلحة المنظمة" بأهمية جوهرية؛ حيث يتوقف عليه تحديد انطباق هذا القانون على حالة عنف معينة. يهدف هذا البحث إلى تحديد المعايير التي يجب الاستناد إليها: لتقييم تحقق "عنصر التنظيم" في أيِّ جماعة مسلحة، لاعتبارها طرفًا في نزاع مسلح ليس له طابع دولي. كما يقدم البحث تحليلًا للصلة التي يجب أن توجد بين الجماعات المسلحة المتحالفة؛ من أجل اعتبارها طرفًا واحدًا في مثل هذا النزاع. Non-International armed conflicts in which different armed groups are involved is the dominant feature of contemporary armed conflicts. Considering the complex and changing alliances of these groups and the extension of their hostilities across borders, the problem that arises is whether an armed group is considered a party to a non-international armed conflict as defined under international humanitarian law. In this context, the concept of "organized armed groups" is of a fundamental importance, upon which depends the applicability of the international humanitarian law to a specific situation of violence. The research aims to determine the criteria for assessing the fulfilment of the "organization element" in any armed group to be considered a party to a non-international armed conflict. The research also provides an analysis of the link that must exist between the allied armed groups to be considered as a single party to such conflict.

The Geneva Convention III provides that the Defense State is responsible for the treatment granted to its detainees. The prisoner is a prisoner of the enemy State that is a person - a person who is a combatant from an enemy State. Combatants The enemy nation has a legal protection and still gets its rights, but the protection has not been done well because there is still a lot of violence going on with them. This paper describes the legal protection of prisoners of war in terms of Genewa Convention III and Declaration of Human Rigths.

Thousands of European citizens who traveled to Iraq and Syria to join the Islamic State (IS) now seek repatriation and reintegration into their home communities. This project seeks to understand the conditions under which Europeans will accept the return of compatriot Islamic State collaborators into their communities. How does variation in the social identity of an Islamic State collaborator (e.g. gender, age) or the type of collaboration (e.g. combat, marriage to a fighter, or employment in a civilian job) affect prospects for reintegration? Can state-imposed punishments or rehabilitative measures contribute to reconciliation? Or should these transgressions result in the loss of citizenship for these Europeans, as some policymakers are promoting? Moreover, once the state decides to impose a punishment, how do injustice gaps between what a person perceives as appropriate and what the state decides affect desires for retribution and state legitimacy? And how does this vary across subpopulations within European societies? This project develops a theoretical framework integrating political theories of state legitimacy with psychological theories of (in)justice, retribution, and forgiveness. To test this framework, we will run surveys advertised on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and LinkedIn in Sweden with embedded conjoint experiments. The study includes a sample of Swedish-speaking and Arabic-speaking inhabitants of Sweden in order to allow for examination of variations across older versus newer residents of Europe and those with closer or further ties to the region where IS is based. In this age of international terrorism, this project provides policymakers with information needed to create safe, secure, and inclusive societies, with broader implications for others accused of criminal behaviors.

“There is no greater sorrow in the world than the loss of your native land”. This phrase attributed to the Greek philosopher Euripides, reflects the drama that has suffered in our history those who had to leave their land as a result of persecution and conflict. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the refugee problem addressed the interest of the international community, which began to assume the task of protecting and assisting refugees through agreements and conventions. The Refuge as a humanitarian institution emerged primarily aimed at providing protection and attention to the victims of historical events in the world, which even with the evolution of societies remain solid. The present reflection article analyzes the state of art of the subject. Part of the question of the true meaning, use and whether there is a simple terminological confusion. The case of Cuba as a part of the International Community. The Cuban state, despite not being a signatory to the international conventions about refuges, has rights and responsibilities that are inherent to its interaction; as well as the procedure of the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Key Word: Asylum, UNHCR, Human rights, International right Refugee Law, International Humanitarian Law, Refugee.

Artikel ini bertujuan meninjau pelanggaran hukum internasional terkait tindakan kejahatan perang dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dalam konflik Yaman tahun 2015-2019 dan akibatnya terhadap situasi krisis kemanusiaan. Peninjauan dilakukan dengan merujuk pada situasi konflik bersenjata non-internasional dan acuan Hukum Humaniter Internasional, Statuta Roma, serta Hukum HAM Internasional. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber data primer yang berasal dari wawancara dan data sekunder yang berasal dari studi literatur melalui buku, jurnal, dan website resmi terkait. Hasil yang didapatkan menunjukkan banyaknya insiden kejahatan perang dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan yang dilakukan oleh para pihak yang terlibat dalam konflik, di antaranya penyerangan terhadap penduduk sipil dan blokade pasokan bantuan kemanusiaan. Berbagai insiden ini merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hukum internasional dan memunculkan krisis kemanusiaan di Yaman.

The use of cyber-technologies in times of armed conflict poses serious interpretive challenges, such as what type of cyber operations amount to an ‘attack’ for the purposes of Article 49 of Additional Protocol I. The notion of attack is the cornerstone of the law of targeting, a set of rules that includes the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution, aimed at limiting the amount of violence that belligerents can lawfully employ on the battlefield. The rationale of these rules is that of increasing the protection of the dignity of the civilian population, which constitutes the main objective of modern international humanitarian law (IHL). In light of these considerations, my article argues that the prevailing interpretation of the notion of attack in the cyber context is too restrictive and cannot adequately protect the civilian population from cyber operations taking place in armed conflict. Consequently, it argues for a human-dignity based interpretation of the notion of ‘violence’ that underlies the notion of attack in the cyber context, going beyond the mere causation of physical violence to include serious psychological violence and serious economic violence as necessary prerequisites to qualify a cyber operation as an ‘attack’. L’utilisation des cybertechnologies en période de conflit armé soulève d’importantes questions d’interprétation, notamment sur le type de cyberopération qui peut être considérée comme une ‘attaque’ au sens de l’article 49 du protocole additionnel I. La notion d’attaque est la pierre angulaire du droit du ciblage, un ensemble de règles comprenant les principes de distinction, de proportionnalité et de précaution, visant à limiter le degré de violence que des belligérants peuvent légalement utiliser sur le champ de bataille. La raison d’être de ces règles est de renforcer la protection de la dignité de la population civile, qui constitue l’objectif principal du DIH moderne. À la lumière de ces considérations, l’article avance que l’interprétation dominante de la notion d’attaque dans le contexte cybernétique est trop restrictive et ne peut pas protéger efficacement la population civile des cyberopérations lors de conflits armés. Par conséquent, l’article plaide pour une interprétation de la notion de ‘violence’, sous-jacente à la notion d’attaque dans le contexte cybernétique, basée sur la dignité humaine, allant au-delà de la seule violence physique pour inclure la violence psychologique grave et la violence économique grave dans les conditions pour qu’une cyberopération puisse être qualifiée d’ ‘attaque’. Het gebruik van cybertechnologieën in tijden van gewapend conflict stelt ons voor serieuze interpretatieve uitdagingen, zoals de vraag welk type cyberoperaties neerkomen op een 'aanval' in de zin van Art. 49 van het Aanvullend Protocol I. Het begrip aanval is de hoeksteen van het recht van doelbestrijding, een geheel van regels dat de beginselen van onderscheid, evenredigheid en voorzorg omvat, en dat tot doel heeft de hoeveelheid geweld te beperken die oorlogvoerende partijen rechtmatig op het slagveld kunnen aanwenden. De grondgedachte achter deze regels is de bescherming van de waardigheid van de burgerbevolking te vergroten, hetgeen de voornaamste doelstelling van het moderne IHR is. In het licht van deze overwegingen betoogt mijn artikel dat de gangbare interpretatie van het begrip aanval in de cybercontext te restrictief is en de burgerbevolking niet adequaat kan beschermen tegen cyberoperaties die plaatsvinden in een gewapend conflict. Bijgevolg wordt gepleit voor een op menselijke waardigheid gebaseerde interpretatie van het begrip ‘geweld’ dat ten grondslag ligt aan het begrip aanval in de cybercontext, waarbij verder wordt gegaan dan het louter veroorzaken van fysiek geweld en ook ernstig psychologisch geweld en ernstig economisch geweld worden beschouwd als noodzakelijke voorwaarden om een cyberoperatie als een ‘aanval’ te kunnen aanduiden. El uso de tecnologías cibernéticas en tiempos de conflicto armado plantea serios desafíos interpretativos, tales como qué tipo de operaciones cibernéticas equivalen a un ‘ataque’ a los efectos del art. 49 del Protocolo Adicional I. El concepto de ataque es la piedra angular de la ley de selección de objetivos, un conjunto de reglas que incluye los principios de distinción, proporcionalidad y precaución, destinados a limitar la medida de violencia que los beligerantes pueden emplear legalmente en el campo de batalla. La razón fundamental de estas normas es aumentar la protección de la dignidad de la población civil, que constituye el principal objetivo del DIH moderno. A la luz de estas consideraciones, este artículo sostiene que la interpretación predominante del concepto de ataque en el contexto cibernético es demasiado restrictiva y no puede proteger adecuadamente a la población civil frente a las operaciones cibernéticas que tienen lugar en un conflicto armado. En consecuencia, aboga por una interpretación centrada en la dignidad humana del concepto de ‘violencia’ que subyace a la noción de ataque en el contexto cibernético, yendo más allá de la mera causalidad de la violencia física para incluir la violencia psicológica grave y la violencia económica grave como requisitos previos necesarios para calificar una operación cibernética como un ‘ataque’. L'uso di tecnologie informatiche in tempi di conflitto armato pone gravi sfide interpretative, come ad esempio quale tipo di operazioni informatiche equivalgono ad un attacco ai fini dell'Art. 49 del Protocollo Addizionale I. La nozione di attacco è la base della legge di targeting, un insieme di regole che include i principi di distinzione, proporzionalità e precauzione, volte a limitare la quantità di violenza che i belligeranti possono legittimamente impiegare sul campo di battaglia. La logica di queste regole è quella di aumentare la protezione della dignità della popolazione civile, che costituisce l'obiettivo principale del moderno IHL. Alla luce di queste considerazioni, l'articolo sostiene che l'interpretazione prevalente della nozione di attacco nel contesto informatico sia troppo restrittiva e non possa proteggere adeguatamente la popolazione civile dalle operazioni informatiche che si svolgono in conflitti armati. Di conseguenza, sostiene un'interpretazione basata sulla dignità umana della nozione di violenza che sta alla base della nozione di attacco nel contesto informatico, andando oltre l’essere la mera causa di violenza fisica per includere la violenza psicologica grave e la violenza economica grave come prerequisiti necessari per qualificare un'operazione cibernetica come un ‘attacco’. Die Verwendung von Cybertechnologien in Zeiten eines bewaffneten Konflikts stellt uns vor schwere interpretative Herausforderungen, wie die Frage, welche Art von Cyberoperationen einen ‘Angriff’ im Sinne von Art. 49 des Zusatzprotokolls I darstellen. Der Begriff ‘Angriff’ ist der Eckstein der Zielgesetze, einer Sammlung von Regeln, die die Grundsätze der Unterscheidung, Verhältnismäßigkeit und Vorsorge umfassen, welche zum Ziel haben, das Maß von Gewalt, das Krieg führende Staaten rechtmäßig auf dem Schlachtfeld verwenden können, zu beschränken. Der Grundgedanke dieser Regeln besteht darin, den Schutz der Würde der Zivilbevölkerung, der das Hauptziel des modernen internationalen humanitären Rechts ausmacht, zu erhöhen. Angesichts dieser Betrachtungen, argumentiert mein Artikel, dass die gängige Interpretation des Begriffs ‘Angriff’ im Cyber-Kontext zu restriktiv ist und die Zivilbevölkerung nicht adäquat vor der Durchführung von Cyberangriffen in bewaffneten Konflikten schützen kann. Folglich befürwortet der Artikel eine auf Menschenwürde basierte Interpretation des dem Begriff ‘Angriff’ im Cyber-Kontext zugrunde liegenden Begriffs ‘Gewalt’, die über die reine Verursachung physischer Gewalt hinausgeht und auch schwere psychische und wirtschaftliche Gewalt als notwendige Bedingungen umfasst, um eine Cyberoperation als einen ‘Angriff’ zu bezeichnen.

Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios.

Численні публікації розкривають окремі аспекти створення та діяльності приватних військових компаній, користування їх послугами різними державами та міжнародними організаціями. Також відмічається, що останнім часом кількість, чисельність та оснащеність цих компаній значно зросла, роль у воєнних конфліктах у різних регіонах світу набуває подекуди вирішального характеру. Ретроспективний аналіз діяльності приватних військових компаній, їх класифікація і роль у сучасних воєнних конфліктах є актуальним завданням з точки зору забезпечення воєнної безпеки України. В умовах подальшої глобалізації світової економіки роль приватних військових організацій в майбутніх війнах і збройних конфліктах буде зростати. 2. На відміну від традиційних інститутів армії і поліції, дії яких регламентуються як міжнародним, так і національним законодавством, законодавчих рамок діяльності ПВК на міжнародному та національному (за винятком США і ПАР) рівні в даний час не існує. Женевські конвенції не є перешкодою для західних ПВК навіть при використанні цими організаціями своїх контрактантів у відкритих боях. До тих пір, поки співробітники ПВК не є частиною збройних сил сторін конфлікту і не беруть безпосередню участь у військових діях, вони повинні розглядатися як цивільні особи і користуватися захистом Міжнародного гуманітарного права (МГП). У разі безпосередньої участі в збройному конфлікті Контрактанти втрачають право на захист і можуть бути піддані нападу, а при попаданні в полон їм не належить статус військовополонених, але надається весь комплекс захисту відповідно до Четвертої Женевської конвенції. Залучення приватних комерційних структур до забезпечення і, нерідко, ведення бойових дій, а також виникнення власних армій у великих міжнародних корпораціях, тісне переплетення в зоні конфлікту інтересів державних та недержавних суб’єктів істотно змінює образ сучасної війни, що необхідно враховувати військово-політичному керівництву в військовому будівництві.

In an armed dispute, the protected persons include combatants and the civilian population. Combatants who have horse de combat status must be protected and respected in all circumstances. Combatants who fell into enemy hands gained the status of prisoners of war. Protection and rights as prisoners of war are regulated in Geneva Convention III of 1949. Meanwhile, civilians are entitled to protection as regulated in Geneva Convention IV of 1949. The legal protection given to children is more focused on the consequences of armed disputes that will affect or affect children. As part of the civilian population, children who do not participate in hostilities receive general protection without any adverse distinction based on ethnicity, nationality, religion, or political opinion, and are intended to alleviate the suffering caused by war

Peacekeepers deployed as part of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (minusma) are operating in an increasingly hostile environment, requiring them to use force regularly in order to defend civilians, themselves and, more generally, minusma’s mandate. Over the last few years, minusma’s mandate has been expanded to enable the Mission to address the growing threat posed by hostile armed groups, including terrorist armed groups, and to provide support to counter-terrorist forces. The frequent hostilities, coupled with the Mission’s enhanced “robust” mandate and the rising number of demands made on minusma by non-UN forces for operational and logistical support, have raised questions concerning the status and legal protection of minusma’s peacekeepers under international humanitarian law, and more broadly the adequacy of the legal framework applicable to modern UN peacekeeping operations deployed in a “no peace to keep” environment. This article argues that a clarification of the application of the legal framework is required in order to afford better protection to Mission personnel and to more accurately capture the situation on the ground.

espanolActualmente, uno de los debates juridicos se centra en las nuevas tecnologias empleadas para direccionar ataques de origen cibernetico, que podrian revolucionar la dinamica llevada en conflictos armados. A primera vista, varias de estas no cumplirian con principios rectores del derecho internacional humanitario (DIH), asi como el principio de distincion, principio de proporcionalidad y de precaucion. Por tanto, este trabajo busca concretar ?que desafios enfrentan los principios del Derecho Internacional Humanitario en las operaciones llevadas a cabo con herramientas ciberespaciales? EnglishNowadays, one of the most relevant debates in international law, is about the appearence of new technologies employed in directing cyber attacks. This is essential because it could redirection the dynamic in an armed conflict. First hand, it would appear that these attacks could not comply with the traditional principles stated in international humanitarian law (IHL), such as the distinction, proportionality and precaution principles. Therefore, this essay seeks to determine what are the challenges that International Humanitarian law face when dealing with cyber tools.

International criminal justice mechanisms are guided by their mandates to hold individuals accountable for grave breaches of international humanitarian law. Within this body of law, a host of crime...

إن فظاعة ووحشية جرائم الحرب في النزاعات المسلحة الغير دولية وعدم حماية الأفراد في حالات الاضطرابات والتوترات الداخلية التي لم تستثن حتى الفئات الضعيفة والأعيان اللازمة لحياتهم کما حدث في ليبيا واليمن والسودان وسوريا، فضلا عن مون المبادئ الإنسانية أصبحت مهددة بالزوال في ظل هذه النزاعات نتيجة لإزدياد تعلق أطراف النزاع بمفهوم النصر ولو على حساب هذه المبادئ، لطالما اعتبرت الاضطرابات والتوترات أوضاعا داخلية تنطبق عليها القوانين الداخلية، مما يعني أنه لا يمکن تطبيق أحکام القانون الدولي الإنساني على المتضررين من الانتهاکات التي تقع عليهم لذلک سعت الکثير من المنظمات المهتمة بحقوق الإنسان إلى تغيير هذا التوجه في مختلف المؤتمرات الدولية التي نظمتها، وذلک من منطلق أن حماية شخص الإنسان وسلامته وکرامته وحياته ضرورة آمرة في کل الأوقات والظروف، ولذلک فإن قضاء هذه الأوضاع من مجال حماية القانون الدولي الإنساني لا يعني غياب القانون عنها، وإنما توجه الحماية نحو قواعد أکثر شمولا: موضوعيا، زمنيا، مکانيا، وشخصيا، والمقصود هنا هي قواعد القانون الدولي لحقوق الإنسان. The atrocity and brutality of war crimes in non-international armed conflicts and the failure to protect individuals in situations of internal disturbances and tensions that did not exclude even the vulnerable groups and objects necessary for their lives, as happened in Libya, Yemen, Sudan and Syria, as well as the moon, humanitarian principles have become threatened with extinction in light of these conflicts as a result of the increasing attachment of The parties to the conflict in the concept of victory, even at the expense of these principles, have always considered disturbances and tensions as internal conditions to which internal laws apply, which means that the provisions of international humanitarian law cannot be applied to those affected by the violations that occur to them. Therefore, many human rights organizations have sought to change this approach. In the various international conferences that I organized, on the premise that the protection of the human person, his integrity, dignity and life is a peremptory necessity at all times and circumstances. Therefore, excluding these situations from the field of protection of international humanitarian law does not mean the absence of law from it, but rather directs protection towards more comprehensive rules: Objectively, temporally, spatially and personally, what is meant here are the rules of international human rights law. The study aims to lay down a system or rules to regulate these internal tensions and disturbances, whether international or non-international armed conflicts, in order to reduce the occurrence of violations and alleviate suffering in international humanitarian law. The problem of the study revolves around two main issues: First: Since internal disturbances and tensions are not covered by international humanitarian law, then what is the best way to find legal rules in order to protect the individual from the arbitrariness and excesses of authority, and how can the humanitarian activities aimed at helping victims of violence be protected? Second: Did international law provide the necessary protection that guarantees at least the minimum rights for civilians and civilian objects during internal tensions and disturbances, and if this is the case, were these rules actually applied during them? The study reached many results, including in terms of application, as the current non-international armed conflicts demonstrated the ineffectiveness of applying international humanitarian law to them and the difference in legal systems applied to the two types of international armed conflicts and non-international armed conflicts, so that the former has growing legal rules in order to protect its victims. While we find that the second type has only some insufficient rules

International Humanitarian Law (HHI) has regulated provisions regarding the protection of medical personnel in a conflict, whether an international, non-international armed conflict or an internationalized armed conflict. These categories of various types of armed conflict are also part of the legality of the emergence of humanitarian intervention by medical personnel in an armed conflict. A form of medical care for parties who are either directly or indirectly involved in an armed conflict. In the Indonesian context, the provisions regulating separately the protection of medical personnel in armed conflict have not been regulated separately. However, considering that Indonesia has ratified the 1949 Geneva Convention, the convention can be considered as the official Indonesian national regulation on the protection of medical personnel in armed conflict. In this article, it is demonstrated that there were still many violations, especially against the purpose of war, which made medical officers and medical buildings in an armed conflict a military target, such as in the Syrian conflict, as well as domestic Indonesia such as Aceh and Papua. Several factors have led to the fall of medical personnel in various armed conflicts (both horizontal and vertical) in Indonesia, among others are: (a) The parties to an armed conflict are not aware of the provisions of the principles of international humanitarian law. (b) The parties are suspicious of the neutrality of the medical personnel, as well as (c) Not having a good communication system between the conflicting parties and medical personnel.

The purpose of the article is to analyse problems arising from applying the rules of International Humanitarian Law in cyberspace, particularly the problems of ratione materiae and ratione temporis of this branch of Public International Law in cyberspace. The rapid development of cyber technologies that can be used within an armed conflict affirm the applicability of this research. The existence of “The Tallinn Manual 2.0” on International Law Applicable to Cyber Operations also confirms the impact of this topic on the modern world. The fact that parties in armed conflicts use new technologies in cyberspace does not affect the applicability of IHL rules to such military actions. In the context of this issue, a key question which instigates scientific discussion is that of which cyber operations are subject to the regulation of the law of cyber armed conflicts. The urgent need to study this problem stems from the fact that cyberspace is not an ordinary theatre of war, with the means and methods of warfare used in it being in no way related to the traditional use of armed force; given this quality of cyber operations, it is essential to understand which areas may be subject to IHL. The article analyses two main doctrinal points of view in relation to this problem; as this doctrine (in the context of this issue) also addresses the legal qualification of cyber-attacks, the article also raises this topical issue. Based on the results of this analysis, the author concludes that, despite all the evidence of theoretical conclusions regarding the problems under analysis, they still do not seem comprehensive due to the lack of relevant state practice, which needs to be developed.

The emergence of new technologies might challenge our assumptions about biomedical research: medical progress may not only cure but enhance human capacities. In particular, the emergence of brain-machine interfaces will admittedly allow disabled people to move or communicate again, but also has various military applications, such as remote control of drones and avatars. Although there is no express legal framework pertaining to the experimental phase of human enhancement techniques, they are actually constrained by international law. According to international humanitarian law, civilians and prisoners of war may be subjected to experiments only when required by their state of health or for medical treatment. According to international human rights law, experimentations are permissible when they meet two conditions: (i) free consent, and (ii) proportionality (that is, the adequacy of risk and benefit). In light of these conditions, this article assesses the situations in which experimentation involving brain-computer interfaces would be lawful. It also gives specific attention to those experimentations carried out on members of the armed forces. In fact, owing to the military hierarchy and the unique nature of its mission (to protect national security at the risk of their own lives), it is necessary to determine how the military may comply with this legal framework.

Environment has been widely recognized as international interest and all states shall avoid any activities that may damage the environment. The adoption of Stockholm Declaration 1972, World Charter for Nature 1982, and Rio Declaration 1992 denotes that protection of the environment reflects customary international law. War or armed conflict was one of the principal contributors to the environmental damages. As in the Vietnam War, the United States attempted to create artificial rain by seeding the cloud which led to the establishment of the 1976 Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques (ENMOD Convention) and the Additional Protocol I 1977. However, the Gulf War 1990-1991 gave rise to the questions whether those two instruments were sufficient to encompass the environmental damages caused by the Iraqi methods of warfare by burning oil wells and spilling oil to the sea. This issue was raised by the author since these two instruments set a high threshold and unclear terms on a degree of environmental damages to be considered as a violation. Accordingly, this paper discusses whether the environmental damages caused by the Persian Gulf War meets the threshold set by the Additional Protocol I and the ENMOD Convention, and further discusses the international responsibility that arose from the damages caused by the War. The result of this research shows that environmental damages caused by Iraqi burning oil wells and oil spill apparently did not satisfy the threshold set by the Additional Protocol I and the ENMOD Convention. Keywords: Armed Conflict, Environment, Gulf War, International Humanitarian Law, Responsibility Abstrak Lingkungan sudah diakui sebagai permasalahan internasional dan semua negara wajib untuk menghindari kegiatan yang berakibat kerusakan terhadap lingkungan. Pembentukan Deklarasi Stockholm 1972, Piagam Dunia Untuk Lingkungan 1982 dan Deklarasi Rio 1992 menunjukkan bahwa perlindungan terhadap lingkungan telah merefleksikan hukum kebiasaan internasional. Perang atau konflik bersenjata merupakan salah satu penyebab utama kerusakan lingkungan. Seperti percobaan untuk membuat hujan buatan yang dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat dalam Perang Vietnam yang berujung dibentuknya Convention on the Prohibition of Military or Any Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques 1976 (Konvensi ENMOD) dan Protokol Tambahan I 1977. Namun, Perang Teluk 1990-1991 menimbulkan pertanyaan apakah kedua instrumen tersebut dapat mencakup kerusakan lingkungan yang diakibatkan oleh metode berperang Irak dengan membakar dan menumpahkan minyak. Permasalahan tersebut diangkat oleh penulis karena kedua instrumen tersebut menetapkan kriteria kerusakan lingkungan yang kurang jelas dan standar yang terlalu tinggi untuk dinyatakan sebagai pelanggaran. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini akan membahas apakah kerusakan lingkungan yang diakibatkan oleh Perang Teluk memenuhi syarat yang ditetapkan oleh Protokol Tambahan I dan Konvensi ENMOD, dan juga membahas tanggung jawab internasional yang timbul sebagai akibat dari kerusakan lingkungan yang diakibatkan oleh perang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kerusakan lingkungan yang diakibatkan oleh Irak dengan membakar dan menumpahkan minyak ternyata tidak memenuhi standar yang ditetapkan oleh Protokol Tambahan I dan Konvensi ENMOD. Kata kunci: Hukum Humaniter Internasional, Konflik Bersenjata, Lingkungan, Perang Teluk, Pertanggungjawaban

Conflict in Gaza Strip involving Israel and Palestine has continuously attracted international concerns. Under the strict authority of Israel, humanitarian issues materialize in the strip as Gaza’s inhabitants undergo crises including energy and subsistence while Israel fails to fulfill the basic needs of the people. In 2007, Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed with his associates sought legal remedy to the Supreme Court of Israel to clarify their rights inhabiting the Gaza Strip. The purpose of this article is to explain whether international humanitarian law could be implemented to the occupying power of Israel in Gaza Strip and elucidate the limitation of the occupying power regarded by the law. Achieving this explanation requires a qualitative legal approach. It emphasizes on documents scrutiny using the perspectives of primary, secondary, and tertiary laws. The research result shows that under the regime of international humanitarian law, “alien occupation” is the key to regulate the Gaza Strip against the regime of the occupying power by Israel. The one-year rule in the Case of Gaza Strip indicates that Israel held the occupying power of the territory as not only did Israel act as a controller but also it participated in the physical activities to regulate the lives of Gaza residents in addition to the limitation of the functions of Palestinian Authority posed by Israel. Keywords: Gaza Strip, International Humanitarian Law, Occupying Power Abstrak Konflik di Jalur Gaza yang melibatkan Israel dan Palestina terus menarik perhatian internasional. Di bawah kekuasaan Israel, isu humaniter mencuat di jalur tersebut karena penduduk Gaza mengalami krisis energi dan mata pencaharian, sementara Israel tidak memenuhi kebutuhan dasar hidup penduduk tersebut. Pada tahun 2007, Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed bersama rekan-rekannya mengajukan tinjauan hukum kepada Pengadilan Tinggi Israel untuk mengklarifikasi hak-hak mereka sebagai penduduk di Jalur Gaza. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan apakah hukum humaniter internasional dapat diterapkan dalam kasus penguasa pendudukan di Jalur Gaza oleh Israel dan menjelaskan batasan kekuasaan pendudukan tersebut. Pendekatan kualitatif hukum berbasis studi dokumen dengan perspektif hukum primer, sekunder dan tersier digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Hasil penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa di bawah hukum humaniter internasional, “pendudukan asing” menjadi kunci regulasi yang dapat diterapkan di Jalur Gaza di bawah resim penguasa pendudukan yakni Israel. Aturan “Satu Tahun” di jalur tersebut menunjukan bahwa Israel memegang kendali wilayah tersebut karena Israel tidak hanya bertindak sebagai pengontrol melainkan juga melakukan kegiatan fisik untuk mengatur kehidupan masyarakat Gaza juga membatasi fungsi-fungsi autoritas Palestina. Kata Kunci: Hukum Humaniter Internasional, Jalur Gaza, Penguasa Pendudukan

A pesar de la tecnología avanzada necesaria para su funcionamiento, los drones representanotra etapa en la tradición humana de desarrollar medios para hacer la guerra a distancia. Así, nose distinguen de otros avances y están sujetos a los mismos estándares internacionales y debencumplir con los mismos principios que otras plataformas de armas. Este artículo se centra endar una respuesta sobre la legalidad del uso de drones en relación con el Derecho InternacionalHumanitario. Para ello, aborda brevemente el tema del uso de drones en el escenario máscomún, ataques contra grupos armados no estatales en territorio extranjero, y luego se concentraen el cumplimiento de los principios del derecho internacional humanitario, para concluir quesus características no sólo les permiten cumplir, sino que incluso pueden ser consideradas comouna mejora en la búsqueda constante de cumplir con el Derecho Internacional Humanitario.