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In the context of the restructuring of Turkish academia, the concept of internationalisation has been affected by amendments to the Higher Education Law. Interviews with 12 academics who are currently working in Turkish academia demonstrate in particular the loss of internationalisation. This article has found that the authoritarian government aims to build up and create a new academia and new academics. Amendments following the post-2016 coup d’état and the recent Covid-19 pandemic demonstrate that President Erdoğan’s ‘New Turkey’ tries to deconstruct academia and therefore restructure a ‘new academia’ similar to his political system, based on the order and command chain, and homogeneity. Building upon Marcuse’s theory, the article shows that Turkish academia can be labelled as one-dimensional. The article seeks to unravel how Turkish neoliberal authoritarianism takes advantage of Covid-19 in order to re-establish a new academia. The author elaborates on some of the current changes in Turkish higher education as a result of the recent amendments made by the Higher Education Law in 2020, as well as how the effects of the new law were further exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The history of human-subject experimentation has shown the need for safeguards to protect participants from abuse. Balancing participant protection with adequate representation of the adult intellectual disability population in research presents an important challenge. Our study aimed to analyze guidance on the appropriate inclusion of adults with intellectual disability who are or are not able to consent to biomedical research participation. Terminology, consent and type of ethically acceptable research provisions relevant to adult participants with intellectual disability were comprehensively reviewed in a selection of 17 international and national ethical research guidelines and statements. Most guidelines and statements recommend that adult participants with intellectual disability who are unable to consent be included when it is not possible to conduct the same research with adults capable of independent decision-making, or when there is therapeutic benefit and only minimal risk. Instead of naming specific requirements, the Australian statement stands out by asserting the "individual right" to participate. Assent requirements for incapacitated adults are not explicitly mentioned in most documents reviewed. There appears to be room for further description of the importance of careful capacity assessments and solid assent requirements in ethical research guidance documentation to promote meaningful participation of adults with intellectual disability. ispartof: ACCOUNTABILITY IN RESEARCH-ETHICS INTEGRITY AND POLICY ispartof: location:United States status: Published online

In their book Healthy Eating Policy and Political Philosophy: A Public Reason Approach, Matteo Bonotti and Anne Barnhill defend a conception of public reason centred on the notion of accessibility and advance an ethical toolkit public health policy makers can use to ensure they are reasoning publicly when designing healthy eating policies. Finally, they propose to institutionalise the process of public reasoning informed by their ethics framework by designing certain procedures of consultation and deliberation. This article focuses on their institutionalisation and raises some doubts and concerns by arguing that the procedures designed by Bonotti and Barnhill may be counterproductive to some of their aims, in particular with respect to citizens’ control, epistemic injustice, and the conception of citizens as free and equal.

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar y analizar las principales hipótesis de Hans-Georg Gadamer en su libro de 1931 Platos dialektische Ethik. Phänomenologische Interpretationen zum Philebos en relación a las nociones de pólis, aretḗ, tó agathṓn y Dasein. Luego, se intentará demostrar que en este trabajo temprano de Gadamer se formula la primera producción filosófico-política de relevancia del autor, expresada en forma de diálogo crítico con Martin Heidegger, a partir de las nuevas posibilidades interpretativas que la filología y fenomenología le abrieron para el estudio de Platón y su filosofía. Esta obra temprana, además, habría sentado las bases de los futuros desarrollos de la hermenéutica filosófica, en particular, en relación a la caracterización de la estructura dialógico-dialéctica de la comprensión y al vínculo entre éthos, práxis y lógos. The aim of this paper is to present and analyse the main hypotheses of Hans-Georg Gadamer in his 1931 book Platos dialektische Ethik. Phänomenologische Interpretationen zum Philebos regarding the notions of pólis, aretḗ, tó agathṓn y Dasein. Then, it will be attempted to show that in this early book of Gadamer is his first relevant philosophical-political work, expressed in the form of a critical dialogue with Martin Heidegger, departing from the new interpretative possibilities that philology and phenomenology opened to Gadamer’s studies on Plato’s philosophy. This early work, moreover, would have laid the foundations for the future developments of philosophical hermeneutics, in particular, regarding the characterization of the dialectical-dialogical structure of understanding and the relationship among éthos, práxis and lógos.

Hans-Georg Gadamer pronunció en 1934 en Marburgo la conferencia Plato und die Dichter, cuyo tema central era la relación entre poesía, filosofía y política en el pensamiento platónico. Allí desarrolló una original investigación fenomenológica de la filosofía ético-política de Platón y del lugar que el arte ocupaba en ella, en la que la dimensión del lenguaje y el significado de la utopía son estructurales para sus argumentaciones. El presente artículo se propone realizar una revisión crítica de las lecturas contemporáneas de esta conferencia, en particular su recepción por parte de Robert R. Sullivan, Donatella Di Cesare y Dennis Schmidt. Se busca prodigarle al texto gadameriano un marco teórico capaz de apreciar su originalidad y, así, no sólo restituirle su valor específico a su obra de juventud luego del enorme impacto de Wahrheit und Methode sino también rehabilitar una particular y nueva lectura de la filosofía política platónica. In 1934 Gadamer delivered the lecture Plato und die Dichter. Its central topic was the relationship between poetry, philosophy and politics in Plato’s thought. Gadamer developed an original phenomenological investigation on Plato’s ethical-political philosophy and the role that art played in it, in which the dimension of language and the meaning of utopia are structural for his arguments. This article aims, in the first place, to elucidate some political dimensions of Plato und die Dichter. In order to do this, I will carry out a critical review of Donatella Di Cesare’s and Dennis Schmidt’s contemporary readings of these aspects. In the conclusions, after briefly analysing in the third section the relationship between phrónēsis, aretḗ and andreía in the Platonic dialogues, I will try to demonstrate how these notions illuminate the question of the seduction of power (neglected by Schmidt in his reading of Gadamer’s Plato), as well as the inseparability of this problem with respect to the dialectical conception of utopia. It will be suggested that it is possible, from and beyond the Gadamerian reading of Plato, to rethink the idea of civil disobedience and the political value of the myth from standpoint of utopia. Fil: Bey, Facundo. Centro de Investigaciones Filosoficas. Instituto de Filosofia "ezequiel de Olaso". - Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas. Oficina de Coordinacion Administrativa Ciudad Universitaria. Instituto de Filosofia "ezequiel de Olaso".; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de San Martín; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Cs.sociales. Instituto de Invest."gino Germani". Epistemología y Est. Filosoficos de la Accion; Argentina

Even if political theorists rarely read him, Italian political thinker, Marsilius of Padua, presents one of the most radical theories of the multitude prior to Machiavelli and Spinoza. This article reconstructs Marsilius of Padua's political theory of the multitude in his Defender of Peace and pays special attention to two main sources from which Marsilius frames his theory: Aristotle and Ibn Rushd. Compared to Aristotle, Marsilius advances a more epistemic view of the multitude as a lawmaker. Marsilius’ ideas on the multitude also depend on Ibn Rushd's theory of collective knowledge and, to a certain extent, on his position on natural law.

ispartof: History of European Ideas vol:48 issue:6 pages:665-681 status: Published online

This work is composed of two main parts. Part I is composed of four chapters. Chapter 1 offers a critical overview of the interdisciplinary debate on what counts as forced migration and who is a refugee. It argues that scholars tend to attribute much of the normative salience of concepts such as those of forced migration and refugees to their implications for admission policies in closed borders scenarios. Chapter 2 considers what makes forced migration harmful and distinctively different from voluntary migration. Referring to empirical qualitative works and narratives of forced migrants? displacement experiences, it illustrates four kinds of harms related to forced displacement: namely, losses of control, the loss of what I call the ?Home environment?, losses in social status and material wealth, and a loss of mental wellbeing. Such harms apply also to forced migrants who do not experience restrictions to freedom of movement (e.g., in the case of internal displacement or when borders have been opened). Thus, forced migration remains normatively relevant even when admission is not an issue. Chapter 3 argues that what forced migrants need once displaced depends on the specific harms of displacement. The harms of displacement distinctively undermine the fundamental interests that all human beings share in having place and purpose, which provide the conditions for a dignified, minimally flourishing life. Thus, forced migrants have distinctive claim rights, analogous to human rights, to the fulfilment of the needs that derive from the harms of displacement. Chapter 4 moves to the issue of who is responsible for addressing the specific needs of forced migrants and how. I argue that not only states of origin but also external states and non-state actors often individually or jointly contribute to forced displacement. Agents whose actions caused displacement or contributed to processes and structures causing displacement bear reparative responsibility towards those who have been harmed by displacement. Therefore, meeting the needs of forced migrants is not just a matter of humanitarian obligations, but rather an issue of justice. Finally, I propose three principles that policies should respect to count as reparations for the harms of displacement: namely, the specificity, continuity, and expressivity principles. Based on this theoretical frame, part II explores three case studies. Chapter 5 is devoted to forced displacement in Colombia, which counts the largest number of internally displaced people worldwide. The chapter explores displacement underlying causes, shows how the specific harms suffered by Colombian forced migrants shape their needs and illustrates how current policy approaches fail to adequately recognise and repair those harms. Chapter 6 looks at a form of forced migration taking place across borders in a regional free-movement area, namely intra?European Union trafficking for labour exploitation. Finally, chapter 7 is devoted to forced migration from Syria. The chapter adopts a harms-based approach to responsibility and to needs assessment and it illustrates shortcomings even in the policy of a European state, namely Germany, which has been praised for its generosity and efficiency in providing admission and integration to Syrian forced migrants.

I am going to deal with the problem of the individual in terms of Hegel’s sexism. In paragraph § 166 in the Philosophy of Right (PR, pp. 144–145), it can be observed how Hegel discriminates between men and women. Such discrimination shows us what Hegel means by the concept of the individual. The only individual who can realize himself in his theory of freedom is man. The woman realizes herself and exists only in the family. Hegel states, “In the family the wife has her full substantive place, and in the feeling of family piety realizes her ethical disposition”. Hegel contradicts himself here. On the one hand, he claims that the true realization of the individual is possible only in ethical life within the state; because only in the state, through the right laws, can the individual actualize their freedom. He continues to claim that it is true that individuals cannot complete their existence without the unity of the objective and the subjective. Nevertheless, he limits the woman to just the family, which seems a contradiction of his political and philosophical project. Through the examination of Hegel’s view of women in society, I will demonstrate how Hegel failed to realize his political project for the existence of the individual in the Philosophy of Right and Phenomenology of Spirit: Is Hegel’s philosophy with or against women/other? The woman as the other is necessary for his philosophical project.

Human vulnerability and practical rationality. A MacIntyrean bioethical perspective. This article focuses on some essays by Alasdair MacIntyre published in the course of thirty years. They are the main sources for the reconstruction of a bioethical perspective based on virtue ethics. This perspective “centers” bioethics on medicine as a social practice and therefore on the relation between the patient and the doctor considered within the effective social network where both alienating and liberating forms of dependency can be found. Human flourishing dos not require an utopian emancipation from all kinds of dependency; on the contrary it requires the practice of ethical and dianoethical virtues which the biological and rational relations of dependency make possible. The exercise of independent practical rationality, which is a relevant factor for realizing the human good, is not meant as an absolute autonomy but as the ability to justify choices and acts from a narrative viewpoint. According to this bioethical perspective disability, considered as the manifestation of human dependence and vulnerability, becomes an opportunity for exercising the “virtues of giving and receiving”, which realize the individual good and the common good; disability therefore encourages to re-think both the human condition and the nature of the social bonds and of social justice.

The idea of a ‘true’ account of pluralism is ultimately contradictory. Liberal political philosophers often fell prey to a special version of this fallacy by presupposing that there might be only one correct argument for justifying the acceptance of pluralism as the core of a liberal democratic polity. Avoiding this trap, Rawls’s ‘political liberalism’ has offered a more sophisticated view of reasonable pluralism as linked with the ‘burdens of judgement’. His philosophical agenda, however, left some questions underexplored: What is the relation of pluralism to relativism? How can a conception of pluralism (epistemic, moral and political) avoid being either one view among others with no special claim to truth, or a foundationalist claim? If pluralism is a fact, in what sense can it bind us? These questions – crucial for grasping the distinctiveness of ‘political’ liberalism – are addressed by revisiting Plato’s simile of the cave, in order to make it accommodate the groundbreaking Rawlsian notion of the ‘reasonable’.

This paper focuses on one of the answers that have been given to the question: what type of change is to be pursued to limit human impact on the Earth while considering the needs of poor and disadvantaged communities? In particular it looks at a proposal that combines sustainable development approaches with market mechanisms and top- down technocratic responses: Payments for Ecosystem Services frameworks. They have been criticized by many points of view and this paper questions, in particular, their very reliance on the market, questioning their appropriateness for the regulation of conser- vation activities and their interaction with local communities.

Plusieurs raisons rendent opportune une analyse de la réception par Antonio Gramsci de l’œuvre de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Premièrement, le fait que « la littérature et la pratique politique françaises » constituent l’un des « moments culturels » décisifs pour « l’origine de la philosophie de la praxis » nous empêche de sous-estimer le poids de celui qui a représenté un point de référence indispensable pour la Révolution française. Deuxièmement, bien qu’il apparaisse rarement et le plus souvent...

Islandness is often considered to be a disadvantage. However, it has helped the residents of islands to delay, deter, and, in some cases, totally insulate themselves from COVID-19. While islanders have been quick to lock themselves down, this has had a tremendous impact on their connectivity and on tourism, which in many cases is their major economic sector. Yet, the association of islands with being safe, “COVID-19 free” zones has helped these spaces to be among the first destinations to restart the tourism economy once travel restrictions were lifted. After several weeks of lockdown, and with the COVID-19 threat still looming, social distancing remained the norm. Travellers were thus eager to immerse themselves in island environments while avoiding crowds and seeking small accommodation facilities in less densely populated rural areas to limit the risks of infection — a package offered by several islands in the central Mediterranean. With many travellers opting to travel close to home, islands benefited from domestic tourism — a key market segment for islands in this region. Islands have thus performed relatively well in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and in restarting their economies; but the pandemic has also exposed challenges including a dangerous overreliance on tourism.

Non-technical summaryThe sustainability concept seeks to balance how present and future generations of humans meet their needs. But because nature is viewed only as a resource, sustainability fails to recognize that humans and other living beings depend on each other for their well-being. We therefore argue that true sustainability can only be achieved if the interdependent needs of all species of current and future generations are met, and propose calling this ‘multispecies sustainability’. We explore the concept through visualizations and scenarios, then consider how it might be applied through case studies involving bees and healthy green spaces.Alternate abstract:Technical summaryThe sustainability concept in its current form suffers from reductionism. The common interpretation of ‘meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ fails to explicitly recognize their interdependence with needs of current and future non-human generations. Here, we argue that the focus of sustainability on human well-being – a purely utilitarian view of nature as a resource for humanity – limits its conceptual and analytical power, as well as real-world sustainability transformation efforts. We propose a broadened concept of ‘multispecies sustainability’ by acknowledging interdependent needs of multiple species’ current and future generations. We develop the concept in three steps: (1) discussing normative aspects, fundamental principles underlying the concept, and potential visual models, (2) showcasing radically diverging futures emerging from a scenario thought experiment based on the axes sustainable-unsustainable and multispecies-anthropocentric, and (3) exploring how multispecies sustainability can be applied to research and policy-making through two case studies (a multispecies stakeholder framework and the Healthy Urban Microbiome Initiative).Alternate abstract:Social media summaryA new multispecies definition of sustainability recognizes that living beings and their wellbeing are interdependent.

This chapter compares two opposing ways of conceiving the idea of the “Soul of Europe”. Both of them trace the origin of the idea to Greek philosophy and especially Plato. On the one hand, it is the Platonism adopted by the so-called 'Nazi philosophical anthropology' that interprets the Germany of the Third Reich, its Idea of Rassenseel, as the moment in which not only the debt of German culture to Greek culture is paid but in which Germany will finally be able to demonstrate that it is the only true heir of ancient Greece and that for this reason it must conquer the whole of Europe. On the other hand, as an example of an opposite vision, it is the work of Jan Patocka who is convinced that German philosophy can 'today' represent the soul of Europe, but for whom both the notion of soul and that of Europe are constitutively open and infinite, connected to the concept of a debt that can never be settled.

In the course of the Greek debt crisis, and in the relationships between Greece and Germany, the tragic dimension has often been evoked, by government representatives by the media, and common sense. The chapter analyses two different philosophical interpretations of tragedy with the fundamental Hegelian reading in the background. The chapter takes into account Heidegger’s thought to show how to turn to tragedy means to reveal the impossibility of action in favour of a manifestation of being. Then the chapter analyses how Castoriadis uses tragedy, on the contrary, to show the artificiality of human norms and therefore highlights the possibility of modifying them. The aim is to highlight that two different ways of understanding the tragedy can lead to two different readings of the debt concept and of the intertwining between political action, democracy and subjectivity.

Since the 2008 financial crisis, the attempts to use Karl Polanyi's framework to make sense of current developments have multiplied, producing a noticeable and lively debate. This debate centres on the notion of double movement put forward by the Hungarian thinker in his masterpiece – The Great Transformation. The paper is a contribution to this debate. The first part addresses a series of questions that make the interpretations of the double movement advanced so far not very compelling. To this end, a close reading of Polanyi's text, with the aim of dismantling and rearticulating its analytical structure, is carried out. The upshot is a dynamic and multistage picture of the double process as a recurrent and vortex-like attempt to progressively commodify natural and social resources against growing opposition. The second part employs this revised reading of the double movement to explain the collapse of the postwar consensus politics, the success of the neoliberal counterrevolution and the development of the knowledge economy. The claim put forward here is that, in addition to sustained efforts to deepen previous forms of commodification (land, labour and money), we are witnessing a fullblown attempt to turn knowledge into a new fictitious commodity. Building on the idea of digital Taylorism, the paper tries to show that information and computer technologies are being used to standardise and routinise a growing number of intellectual, professional and managerial activities which were able to escape previous attempts in this direction. Once again, at the forefront of this process there are powerful state actors, who are using New Public Management policies strategically to: support the enclosure of intangible cultural resources through the creation of intellectual property rights regimes, and undermine the counter-reaction of negatively affected societal actors by rising the collective action problems they face.

In this chapter we investigate the relationship between girls and feminism as a lens for interpreting gendered relations of power and authority that define political participation within social movements in Italy. Starting from our dual position as researchers and activists, we focus on semi-structured interviews with girls working in occupied and self-managed spaces, to understand which roads they follow to negotiate different forms of authority, and whether feminist reflections find space on those paths. By reconstructing the genealogy of the feminists’ thoughts-capable of challenging the modern conception of power, and therefore also that of authority-we aim at highlighting their echoes within the girls’ discourses and practices. In doing so, this chapter offers an understanding on how the girls’ gaze on the world can build new practices and new perceptions of the exercise of power and authority.

Science fiction was used by Margaret Cavendish to highlight the negative—both present and potential—aspects of her time. In particular, she uses fiction to call into question the relation between power and scientific knowledge and to show that science could be allied to female power only if radically rethought. I will analyse The Blazing World in relation to Cavendish’s scientific theories and explore the theme of sexual difference. Furthermore, The Blazing World shows that, rather than scientific knowledge being objective truth, it has a definite political agenda, and it is the expression of a particular point of view. In this sense, The Blazing World binds to Cavendish’s philosophical reflections, highlighting how her criticism of the mechanistic approach and the experimental scientific method has important political and epistemological consequences, even for the contemporary feminist debate on science and knowledge.

Questo articolo intende contribuire alla definizione di un "partito" o "scuola" costituito da Antonio Genovesi e dai suoi allievi nella Napoli del secondo settecento, attraverso un’analisi puntuale dei rimandi testuali alla Cina, alla sua costituzione politica e alla sua vita economica che si ritrovano nei lavori di Genovesi, di Nicola Fortunato, di Giuseppe Maria Galanti. Una tale analisi mette in evidenza come la Cina costituisse una vera e propria "eterotopia", il luogo cioe in cui sembravano trovare realizzazione le proposte di riforma degli illuministi napoletani: un sovrano assoluto circondato di funzionari illuminati dalla propria conoscenza dell’economia civile. Genovesi e i suoi allievi si candidavano quindi a divenire l’equivalente napoletano dei mandarini cinesi

In this paper I respond to Lois McNay’s article “The politics of exemplarity: Ferrara on the disclosure of new political worlds.” After contextualizing her appraisal of my views on exemplarity within the current debate about critical theory and postcolonialism, and after clarifying my interpretation of Kant’s notion of sensus communis, I defend the function that this concept plays within an immanent and experience-near approach to critical theory. Sensus communis is what makes of a subjective grievance a cogent critique. I then elucidate how the transcontextual communicability of human flourishing can be understood, along lines still compatible with Kant’s theory of judgment. In the final section of the paper, McNay’s suggestion to reconceptualize critique in experience-near terms is integrated as a genealogical reconstruction of sensus communis as nourished by encounters with experiences of injustice.

This article examines the surrogacy debate that has developed within contemporary feminist and LGBT movements in Italy, following the approval of the law on civil unions at the beginning of 2016. This debate has been marked by a deep fracture between those who see in surrogate motherhood a chance to imagine new forms of social bonds and those who consider that women’s wombs and newborn children can never be the object of an economic ‘exchange’. I will first analyse the most controversial positions held by some feminists who have participated in the debate, which revolve around the centrality of the maternal figure. Then I will outline a brief history of the social construction of pregnancy, linking it to changes in the marketplace and the birth of biopolitics. Finally, with the help of Angela Putino’s philosophical thought I will advance a potentially different feminist approach to the issue of surrogate motherhood.

This article deals with the transformations occurred in the government of refugees in the Mediterranean since 2013, when the military-humanitarian operation Mare Nostrum was launched by the European Union. The paper analyses how military and humanitarian practices are entangled in governing refugees and develops the notion of military-humanitarianism. The Mediterranean borderzone has undergone radical reconfigurations over the last few years. Particularly, new technologies of control for strengthening the role of the Mediterranean Sea as a pre-frontier of Europe have been put in place. The production and the declaration of a "refugee crisis" in Europe has contributed to producing important shifts within the field of humanitarianism: from a politics for alleviating suffering, humanitarianism has progressively been redefined as a politics of rescue. Simultaneously, military actors, such as the Navy, have gained center stage in performing humanitarian task (saving migrant lives at sea). Our paper interrogates the spatiality of these processes.

This essay aims to show the origins of the very process of the medicalisation and true pathologisation of passions and emotions that can be found at the "birth" of the discipline of "psychiatry" in...

This article proposes a “genealogical” rereading of the concept of “populism”. Following the idea of “genealogical” analysis that was suggested by Michel Foucault, the aim is to show the “political” logic of the reinvention of the concept of “populism”, which was carried out between the 1950s and 1960s by the social sciences in the United States. First, this contribution reconstructs the history of the concept, identifying five different phases: (1) Russian populism of the late nineteenth century; (2) the Popular Party in the United States; (3) the Perón and Vargas regimes in Argentina and Brazil, respectively; (4) the reformulation carried out by the social sciences in the 1950s and 1960s; and (5) the subsequent extension of the concept to Western Europe. It is argued that the decisive turning point took place in the 1950s when the social sciences “grouped” the traits of heterogeneous movements into a single theoretical category.

La prospettiva postsecolare di Habermas ha avuto un impatto significativo nel dare forma al dibattito circa il ruolo della religione nelle società plurali del nostro tempo. Tuttavia, mentre le democrazie sono attraversate da una nuova ondata di sfide interreligiose, sembra che la sua visione di cittadini religiosi e secolari che interagiscono discorsivamente in un processo di apprendimento e riconciliazione per via di traduzione e deliberazione debba essere rivisto e aggiornato. I limiti della visione habermasiana possono essere in parte spiegati con la sua prevalente concentrazione sulla tradizione giudaico-cristiana. Occorre chiedersi in che misura la pluralità di contesti teologico-politici - Induismo, Buddismo, Islam e altre tradizioni religiose - sia rilevante per la teoria democratica, allo scopo di allargare e ridefinire i termini degli approcci basati sulla ragione pubblica. Fino a che punto la visione habermasiana può, e dovrebbe, confrontarsi con le questioni della fede, della santità, del messianismo che ha finora escluso dal dominio della riflessione filosofica? Inoltre, nei suoi scritti più tardi, Habermas non sembra prendere a sufficienza in considerazione il rapporto fra religione, violenza e dominazione socio-economica. Ci si interroga dunque su come il suo modello deliberativo possa essere esteso per misurarsi con tali problemi e in quale misura postsecolarismo e capitalismo siano legati. Anche se la preoccupazione primaria di Habermas è stata il progetto politico europeo, la connessione fra i suoi interventi sull'Europa e la sua "svolta" religiosa rimangono insufficientemente esplorati. Qual è il significato e quali le conseguenze pratiche della ridefinizione da parte di Habermas del ruolo della religione in un'epoca di accelerazione del pluralismo, sia in Europa sia fuori dell'Europa? Lo scopo di questa Special Issue di Europea Legacy è quello di prendere in considerazione le diverse implicazioni, volontarie o meno, della visione habermasiana della religione. Più specificamente, si esaminano prospettive sul ruolo, l'ampiezza, e l'efficacia della ragione pubblica habermasiana quando messa a confronto con le nuove sfide del dialogo interreligioso e dell'integrazione nelle società democratiche. Habermas’ post-secular perspective of socio-political integration has had a major formative effect on the debate surrounding the place of religion in present-day pluralist societies. And yet as democracies are currently beset by a new wave of interfaith challenges it would seem that his vision of religious and non-religious citizens publicly engaging in a process of learning and reconciliation through cooperative translation and deliberation would need to be reconsidered and adjusted. This apparent shortcoming may partly be explained by the prevalent Judeo-Christian focus of Habermas’ deliberative model. To what extent, then, is the plurality of political theological contexts—Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and other religious traditions—significant for democratic theory today, for broadening and refining the public reason approach? Should and can the Habermasian vision address more directly the issues of faith, holiness, and Messianism that he has excluded from the philosophical domain? Moreover, in his later writings, Habermas does not seem to take sufficiently into account the relation between religion, violence, and socio-economic domination. The question is how his deliberative model could be extended to address such problems and to what extent post-secularism and capitalism are interconnected. Although Habermas’ primary concern has been the European political project, the connection between his European interventions and his religious “turn” remain insufficiently explored. What is the significance and what are the practical consequences of Habermas’ re-definition of the role of religion in an age of accelerated pluralisation both in Europe and beyond it? The aim of this Special Issue of the European Legacy is to take stock of the diverse intended and perhaps unintended implications of the Habermasian view of religion. More specifically, we are consider perspectives on the role, scope, and ability of Habermasian public reason to meet the new challenges of interreligious dialogue and integration in democratic societies.

espanolEl objetivo general de este articulo es interrogar el lugar de la critica a la idea de progreso en la filosofia de Walter Benjamin, argumentando que las raices de su pensamiento politico podrian encontrarse en el misticismo cabalista. La intencion principal es determinar, siguiendo a Benjamin, algunas de las principales caracteristicas de la creencia en el progreso como problema y su relacion con una determinada normatividad historica. Este recorrido permitira elucidar la relacion que, segun el autor, mantendria una comprension procesualista y lineal de la historia con una actitud politico-intelectual apoyada en el conformismo y la indiferencia. Por ultimo, se propone considerar la original interpretacion sobre la temporalidad que aparece en una vertiente del misticismo judio, el cabalismo de Isaac Luria de Safed, actualizada en forma heterodoxa por Benjamin, que permitiria comprender desde un nuevo punto de vista, conforme a la argumentacion presentada, el vinculo temporal que supone la idea de tradicion y rememoracion en el materialismo historico benjaminiano. La catastrofe es el progreso, el progreso es la catastrofe (Benjamin, 2009, p. 73) EnglishThe general aim of this paper is to examine the role of Walter Benjamin’s criticism of the idea of progress within his philosophy, mantaining that the roots of his political thought may be found in the kabbalistic mysticism. The main intention is to determine, following Benjamin, some of the main characteristics of the belief in progress as a problem and its relationship to a given historical normativity. This would allow to elucidate what would be the relationship that, for Benjamin, a linear and processualist understanding of history may have with a political-intellectual attitude based on conformism and indifference. Finally, this article proposes to consider the original interpretation on temporality of a Jewish mysticism trend, Isaac Luria’s kabbalism, actualized in a heterodox way by Benjamin. This may let to understand in a new and particular way the temporal bond that suppose the ideas of tradition and remembrance in Benjamin’s historical materalism

This article is devoted to the analysis of the passion of self-love. The first part aims to retrace some of the main landmark cases within the history of modern philosophy (Descartes, Hobbes and the Jansenists), highlighting how the distinction between self-preservation and pride becomes the main explanatory model of human agency. We find a meaningful case of such an anthropology in Mandeville’s categories of self-love and self-liking. We consider the theory of self-liking the attempt to establish a fully-fledged ‘philosophy of vainness’. The second part deals with the contemporary use of self-love. We stress how it can be considered not only as the proper theoretical background for the current debate on recognition. It is also an anti-dualistic analytic tool which contests any Manichean understanding of power. We conclude with an interpretation of Primo Levi’s testimony which ideally stands for an extreme confirmation of modern theories on self-love.

The naturalistic approach to knowledge, as emerges from of Quine’s and Sellars’ works, puts an absolute trust in the way science operates, insomuch that it suggests that philosophy should adopt its criteria and methods. This subsumption of philosophy to science is possible only reducing every discourse on their relationship to a mere question of method. This article aims to point out, by using Spinoza’s thought, the possibility of an escape from this rigid dichotomy. For the Dutch philosopher the study of nature is, in fact, the occasion for a broader consideration on the possibilities of knowledge in contributing to the achievement of an authentic freedom.

The aim of the project entitled “Pensare il conflitto. Il decisionismo giuridico di Carl Schmitt: dallo Stato alla teoria del Nomos" is to highlight how the final phase of Schmitt’s thinking, his famous Nomos theory, remains at the centre of a concept of legality based on decision. Although the German jurist had already outlined the need to transcend legal decision-making at the end of the 1920s, which was unable explain the relationship between states, the transition to legal thinking based on actual systems seems marked by a fundamental ambiguity. On the one hand Schmitt had already conceived the essentiality of the political (Das Politische) in sovereign decision-making in the first edition of Der Begriff des Politischen in 1927, while on the other hand the basic concept of Nomos as the cohesion of order and spatial localisation can only be based on decision that assumes a certain concept of political order. If the pars destruens of Schmitt’s concept of international order centres, therefore, on it being impossible to explain the essentially non-legal nature of the process typical of the way power relationships have traditionally operated, with a concept of legality centred on the sovereign decision of states, then the pars construens based on the concept that the Nomos is established mainly by the appropriation (Nehmen), subdivision (Teilen) and cultivation (Weiden) of a space and its assets, only explains the violent decision-making matrix that the law represents. The Groβraumtheorie that forms the basis of the Nomos theory is nothing but an attempt to restore international order on the jus publicum europeum model, which is based on a specific concept of space. However, as in the Westphalian system, order in large spaces can only be founded on a process of legal decision-making. It is only on the basis of unfounded and incontestable decisionmaking, in fact, that the definition of borders and division of assets that constitute Nomos, as opposed to anomie, can operate.