Search

Reading is a unique interactional practice in the drag queen community. It refers to leveling witty and often cutthroat mock insults at fellow drag queens, with an aim of throwing shade. In this paper, I examine the discourse of the ‘reading challenge’, a staple of RuPaul’s Drag Race (RPDR), an internationally popular drag queen reality TV show (2009–). In the first part, I review central concepts surrounding drag performance and the phenomenon of RPDR and summarize relevant sociolinguistic literature about drag queen speech and the practice of reading. In the second part, I describe the RPDR reading challenge as a unique discursive genre and analyse its performative structure, themes, and most prominent strategies that queens use to construct felicitous reads and throw shade. The analysis demonstrates that this genre relies on camp language and highly ritualized, repetitive, and recontextualized performance of reading, framed by requirements of mass-consumed reality TV.

Different types of social or cultural background, combined with a region or social status, go into the making of spoken or written discourse. One of the interesting spoken discourses to discuss is political interview. It often reveals the intention of political leaders’ way of speaking. While there are those who are subtle in their way of talking, there are also a few who do not, one of whom is the Philippines’ president, Rodrigo Roa Duterte. Known for his outspoken personality, he often states controversial things that influence his country and derive critics from various places. Using van Dijk’s (2004) framework, this study analyzes the macro and micro discursive strategies used by Duterte in delivering his views on other countries’ relations with the Philippines based on his most-watched English interview with Russia Today. The findings revealed that the macro strategies used by Duterte are positive self-presentation, negative other-presentation, and outside polarization. Meanwhile, the mostly micro discursive strategies used are implication, lexicalization, and example/illustration.

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused upheaval to the world society, now more globalized than ever, with consequences still unclear. The role of science as a social reference has been affected to the extent that it is asked for answers that can often be but provisional and that generate contradictions in the management of the health emergency. We have analysed various argumentative strategies of the denialist discourse, as well as the debate between the liberal and communitarian perspectives when applying and justifying a management that has generated conflicts between executive and judicial powers. This issue is examined in a case study referring to the forced confinement of students in Mallorca in the summer of 2021, which sparked media controversy. La pandèmia de la COVID-19 ha provocat un trasbalsament de la societat mundial, ara més globalitzada que mai, amb conseqüències encara imprecises. El paper de la ciència com a referent social s’hi ha vist afectat en la mesura que se li demanen respostes que sovint no poden ser sinó provisionals i que generen contradiccions en la gestió de l’emergència sanitària(veure per a Brasil, Ortega i Orsini, 2020). Hem analitzat diverses estratègies argumentatives del discurs negacionista, així com també el debat entre la perspectiva liberal i lacomunitaristaa l’hora d’aplicar i justificar una gestió que ha generat conflictes entre els poders executius i els judicials. Aquesta problemàtica és examinada en un estudi de cas referit al confinament forçós d’estudiants a Mallorca l’estiu de 2021, que va suscitar controvèrsies mediàtiques.

Resumen Se reportan los resultados de una investigación en la cual se analizan textos empleados en la fundamentación lingüística de estudiantes de pregrado. Se examinaron textos provenientes de los paradigmas estructuralista, generativista y enunciativo (discursivo). Se diseñó una matriz de análisis que registra información en tres dimensiones: semántica, retórico-explicativa y cognitiva. Se estableció que los textos comportan preferentemente secuencias explicativas y, dentro de ellas, se dedica más atención a la resolución del problema de estudio. La estrategia discursiva más frecuente es la aseveración, seguida por la ejemplificación y la cita de autor. En cuanto a la referencia cognitiva, en los textos del estructuralismo y del generativismo se presenta un equilibrio entre la simbolista y la experiencialista; en los del paradigma enunciativo (discursivo) se acude preferentemente a la referencia simbólica. La propuesta brinda puntos de partida para caracterizar este tipo de textos y examinar la incidencia de sus propiedades en los procesos de comprensión lectora. Abstract The current study reports the results of a research that analyzed texts used in the linguistic foundation of undergraduate students. Texts from the structuralist, generative and enunciative (discursive) paradigms were analyzed. An analysis matrix that records information in three dimensions was designed. These dimensions included the semantic, rhetorical-explanatory, and cognitive. It was established that texts preferably contain explanatory sequences and, within them, more attention is devoted to solving the problem of study. The most frequent discursive strategy is the assertion, followed by the exemplification and the author's quotation. Regarding the cognitive reference, in structuralist and generativist texts there is a balance between the symbolist and the experientialist reference; while in those of the enunciative (discursive) paradigm, the symbolic reference is preferred. The proposal provides starting points to characterize this type of texts and examine the impact of its properties on the processes of reading comprehension. Résumé Les résultats d'une enquête dans laquelle on analyse des textes utilisés dans la formation linguistique de base des étudiants de premier cycle, sont rapportés. Des textes issus des paradigmes structuraliste, génératif et énonciatif (discursif) ont été analysés. Une matrice d'analyse a été conçue afin d’y enregistrer les informations en trois dimensions : sémantique, rhétorique-explicative et cognitive. Il a été établi que les textes contiennent de préférence des séquences explicatives et, à l'intérieur de celles-ci, une plus grande attention est consacrée à la résolution du problème d'étude. La stratégie discursive la plus fréquente est l'assertion, suivie de l'exemplification et de la citation de l'auteur. Concernant la référence cognitive, dans les textes du structuralisme et du générativisme, il y a un équilibre entre le symboliste et l'expérientialiste ; dans ceux du paradigme énonciatif (discursif), on utilise davantage la référence symbolique. La proposition fournit des éléments de comparaison entre les textes utilisés et les processus de compréhension que les étudiants mènent à bien lorsqu'ils les abordent.

Communication and Media in Asia Pacific, 6, 1, 17-30

This dissertation explores the interplay between the politics of human rights and forced migration in several Dutch and German municipalities. It sought to answer the question of why and how municipal actors engage with human rights in the context of forced migration, and through which encounters and spaces human rights-based approaches to the reception and inclusion of forced migrants develop. To guide my inquiry into this twofold question, five sub-questions on themes running through the chapters of this dissertation were formulated. These five questions focus on municipal actors’ (1) motives for engaging with human rights, (2) their understandings of human rights, (3) their frames and strategies to legitimate municipal approaches in this area, (4) the spaces and encounters through which human-rights based responses develop (5) and the spaces through which their limits manifest. First of all, my PhD research shows that even in relatively hospitable environments, where international legal norms and principles are widely endorsed, municipal actors carefully weigh different strategies and navigate dilemmas when invoking human rights. They use human rights as a source of inspiration for local human-rights based approaches to the reception and inclusion of forced migrants and as a source of legitimation to justify local divergence from national policies. Secondly, I highlight how municipal actors have different understandings of the local relevance of human rights and responsibilities regarding forced migration. By focusing on institutional, rather than everyday settings, I tried to bring into focus how local engagements with human rights may centre on contesting understandings of human rights responsibilities and duty bearers, as opposed to rights holders and norm addressees (forced migrants). In the last two chapters of this thesis, I zoom in on how different (normative) understandings of arrival shape local efforts to develop rights-based approaches to the reception and inclusion of forced migrants. Third, this thesis points to different strategies to legitimate municipal involvement, and argues it is important to differentiate between discursive, discreet and discretionary strategies and to consider the implications of their application in different settings. Fourth, the thesis offers a spatially aware examination of the politics of human rights and forced migration, by examining how institutional settings and public spaces in cities, towns and rural municipalities, are more than simply a stage for encounters between forced migrants and municipal actors, because the functions, design and artefacts of these spaces also mould the local politics of human rights and forced migration. Fifth, this investigation brings into focus how municipal actors and other actors negotiate the limits of rights-based approaches to forced migration and zooms in on airports and asylum seeker centres as sites where the limits of municipal mandates and rights-based approaches are negotiated. To conclude, this thesis argues that exploring these five dimensions is essential to understanding the complexities of local human-rights based responses to forced migration and to developing a broad understanding of the local interplay between the politics of human rights and forced migration in these different German and Dutch localities.

Le Québec a vécu lors des élections générales d’octobre 2018 un « moment paritaire enchanté », où la construction d’un discours fondé sur la valeur ajoutée des femmes à la démocratie est apparue profitable chez les candidates et les chef·fe·s de parti, et ce, grâce à la mobilisation d’acteurs extérieurs au champ politique (groupes de femmes, médias, sondeurs). À partir d’une analyse d’un corpus médiatique couvrant les six mois précédant les élections, cet article montre que les propos tenus par les candidates et les chef·fe·s de parti sur les « qualités typiquement féminines » des politiciennes et leur capacité à « faire de la politique autrement » participent d’une stratégie d’argumentation qui réduit les femmes à leur rôle de genre. Alors que les conditions sociales et politiques en présence les y encourageaient fortement, la mise en valeur de la « féminité » s’est imposée comme une contrainte supplémentaire pour les candidates, qui, pour entrer dans un univers (encore) largement dominé par les hommes, devaient répondre aux attentes liées à la fois à leur genre et à leur profession., During the October 2018 general election, due to the mobilization of actors outside the political field (women’s groups, media, pollsters), Quebec experienced an “enchanted parity moment,” in which the use of a discourse based on women’s added value to democracy appeared profitable for candidates and party leaders. Based on an analysis of the media coverage over the six months preceding the elections, this article shows that the statements made by candidates and party leaders on “feminine” qualities and women’s capacity “to do politics differently” partake in a rhetorical strategy that reduces women to their gendered identity. While the social and political conditions strongly encouraged women candidates to do so, the promotion of “femininity” imposed itself as an additional constraint on them, as they had to meet the expectations linked to both their gender and their profession in order to enter a world largely dominated by men.

The present contribution focuses on the discursive strategies used in the Polish online media when they appeal to the feeling of love of the fatherland. The current Polish public discourse on patriotism continues to be marked by historical events such as the three partitions of the country, the uprisings against the invaders, and the two world wars, and the national identity is often perceived through the prism of love for the fatherland. For this reason, in this article the author examines the discursive strategies currently used the Polish national media as well as the meanings that terms such as patriot, patriotism, and patriotic acquire. The corpus-based analysis draws on articles from online newspapers’ archives published by representative Polish media from right, left and liberal center political orientations (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna and Liberté). La présente contribution porte sur les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours des médias numériques qui font appel au sentiment de dévouement envers la patrie. Le discours public polonais reste en étroit rapport avec la mémoire historique de la nation, marquée par les trois partages du pays, par les soulèvements contre les envahisseurs et par les guerres mondiales. Tout cela a certainement influé sur la représentation de l’identité, souvent perçue à travers le prisme de l’amour pour la patrie. Pour cette raison, nous nous proposons d’examiner les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours de la presse nationale d’actualité afin d’étudier l’emploi des termes « patriote », « patriotisme » et « patriotique » dans la presse polonaise. Nous nous appuierons sur un corpus d’articles publiés en ligne par des titres représentatifs de la presse numérique dont l’orientation politique est soit de droite, soit de gauche, soit de centre libéral (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna et Liberté).

This article presents an analysis of the evolution of Russia’s image representation in Georgian and Ukrainian political discourses amid Russian-Georgian and Russian-Ukrainian conflicts escalation. Even though Georgia’s and Ukraine’s troubled relations with neighboring Russia have been extensively studied, there has been little attention to the ideational dimensions of the confrontations, manifested in elite narratives, that would redraw the discursive boundaries between “Us” and “Them.” This study represents an attempt to fill the void, by examining the core narratives of the enemy, along with the discursive strategies of its othering in Georgian and Ukrainian presidential discourses through critical discourse analysis. The findings suggest that the image of the enemy has become a part of “New Georgia’s” and “New Ukraine’s” identity construction - inherently linked to the two countries’ “choice for Europe.” Russia has been largely framed as Europe’s other, with its “inherently imperial,” “irremediably aggressive” nature and adherence to illiberal, non-democratic values. The axiological and moral evaluations have been accompanied by the claims that the most effective way of standing up to the enemy’s aggression is the “consolidation of democratic nations,” coming down to the two countries’ quests for EU and NATO membership.

The reviewed work is the monograph written by M.S. Matytsina, the Associate Professor of Foreign Languages Department, Lipetsk State Technical University. In the book the author describes the development trends of the English immigration discourse in the scientific paradigm of critical research. The author focuses on establishing the relationship between discourse and society, and the connecting link in this interaction is cognitive structures, which are a subjective mental construct of participants in the communicative situation. The aim of the study is to analyze and systematize the existing knowledge about the problem of immigration in dynamically developing societies of Great Britain and the USA, assess the state of development of language processes that occur as a result of observed trends, and also identify the place and role of the language content of the discourse in social relations building. The study broadens and deepens the existing knowledge about various techniques of modern political rhetoric and discursive phenomena. The monograph is addressed to specialists in the field of discursive analysis, language theory, political linguistics, doctoral students, graduate students, applicants, teachers and students of institutes and departments of foreign languages.

COVID-19 outbreaks that threaten human health have become a pandemic. As the Health Minister in Indonesia, the actions were taken by the Letjen TNI (Purn) Dr. dr. Terawan Agus Putranto, Sp. Rad. (K) in handling this pandemic is in the spotlight. There are so many media that providenews related to the efforts of the Health Minister in handling this case, one of which is The Jakarta Post. This study aims to describe the representation of Mr. Terawan as Health Minister in handling COVID-19 cases in Indonesia in The Jakarta Post. Critical Discourse Analysis as an approach is used in his study. The data are the articles in The Jakarta Post related to Mr. Terawan in handling the COVID-19 cases in Indonesia. The data is analyzed using a discursive strategy. According to Wodak& Mayer (2001), there are five strategies in Discursive, but this study only applies two strategies, namely Nomination Strategies and Predication Strategies. The findings in this study are; (1) four nomination strategies areused by The Jakarta Post. They are deixis, proper names, professional anthroponym, and nouns. The Jakarta Post uses the nomination strategy to avoid repetition of the same proper name, to show the readers which person becomes the center of the text, and to describe and report Mr. Terawan’s action regarding his job as Health Minister; (2) The Jakarta Post gave a negative attribute to the performance of Mr. Terawan as a Health Minister in handling with COVID-19 cases.The Jakarta Post’s belief that Mr. Terawan has performed badly as a Health Minister in handling the COVID-19 case and The Jakarta Post sees Mr. Terawan as a careless person in the case.

For many high school graduates, pre-university academies are the necessary path to take to secure a college vacancy. The purpose of this work is to analyze the discourse that these academies handle through the advertisements they show on the social network Facebook, as well as to make a description of the discursive strategies present in these advertisements., Para muchos egresados de la educación secundaria, las academias preuniversitarias son el camino necesario que se debe tomar para poder asegurar una vacante en la universidad. El propósito de este trabajo es identificar y describir las estrategias discursivas que estas academias manejan mediante los avisos publicitarios que muestran en la red social Facebook para así demostrar que las academias convencen y persuaden mediante su discurso a los estudiantes.

The paper based on the content of the Facebook group Immigrants in EU and The Daily Mailpublications discusses the issue of discursive construction of an immigrant image in media discourse. Using the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the authors claim that the image of an immigrant can be viewed as a discursive construct, and the main discursive strategies involved in its construction include the reference strategy and the prediction strategy. As a result of the analysis, the so called CDA-categories (topic blocks) underlying the formation of the immigrant figure, are identified and illustrated by the relevant examples, the need for further study of the social media discourse as part of critical discourse analysis is justified. The relevance of such study is due to the growing research interest in discursive construction of the immigrant figure in the media discourse, since it underpins the definition of discourse as a form of social practice, not only reflecting processes in the society, but also exerting a reciprocal effect on them. The use of both verbal and non-verbal means in the media texts under study reflects the intention of the authors of the messages to use all possible communication channels when constructing an immigrant’s image. The results show that the dichotomy of “friends and foes” is being formed and maintained by the British newspaper The Daily Mail, while the members of the Immigrants in EU group try to mitigate the conflict between immigrants and indigenous people.

RESUMO Este artigo busca analisar as estratégias discursivas utilizadas para legitimar desinformação na mídia social e, de modo particular, no Twitter. Para tanto, utilizamos dados que tratam de suspeitas sobre supostas fraudes nas urnas eletrônicas durante o segundo turno das eleições presidenciais de 2018. A partir de um conjunto de dados de 276.875 retweets e 84.577 tweets unicamente com desinformação, extraídos das conversações políticas na ferramenta, examinamos os cinquenta tweets com maior número de retweets e suas estratégias de legitimação a partir de Van Leeuwen (2007). Como resultado, observamos que tweets ancorados em estratégias de autoridade pessoal e avaliação moral obtiveram maior sucesso em sua legitimação. Deste modo, usuários com autoridade nos canais de mídia social têm importância significativa para espalhar esse tipo de discurso. ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the discursive strategies used to legitimize disinformation in social media, particularly on Twitter. Our dataset focuses on disinformation regarding suspicion on frauds in the electronic ballot during the 2018 presidential election. Based on this event, 276,875 retweets and 84,577 tweets exclusively with disinformation from political conversations were collected and legitimation strategies of the fifty most successful tweets were examined (VAN LEEUWEN, 2007). The results point to the association of personal authority and moral evaluation as the key components of the most successful validated retweets. Thus, users with authority in these medias have a significative importance for spreading this type of discourse.

Summary This study explores the discourse of Trump as a businessman and as a president regarding the topic of immigration. Data for this research were gathered from four speeches and four interviews delivered by Trump in the eighties-nineties and four speeches and four interviews after being elected president. The analysis focuses on the way Trump represents US (ingroup) versus THEM (outgroup) at the local semantic level through the use of pronouns and implicatures and, at the local form through the use of syntax, that is, the formal relationship between clauses and sentences. In particular, I want to shed light on the following research questions: (1) How does Donald Trump represent the topic of immigration as a businessman? (2) How does Donald Trump represent the topic of immigration as a president? On the basis of the results of this research, it can be concluded that the period in which the discourse was uttered seems to have a strong bearing on the discursive strategies employed by Trump. It should be also pointed out that nowadays, the linguistic analysis of Trump’s discourses area touchstone issue in political and social affairs. This paper contributes to this volume offering insights regarding the analysis of political discourse. More specifically, research on political discourse is considered as a branch within social science.

This study describes how parents in academia negotiate their professional identity in relation to dominant discourses of science as a calling. Based on in-depth interviews with men and women academics in a Dutch university, five discursive strategies are distilled that reconcile contradictory claims of academia and parenthood. Parents are conforming, suffering or fighting dominant discourses, are optimistic about or pragmatically arranging academia and parenthood. These discursive strategies illustrate agency of parents, simultaneously subscribing to dominant discourses and negotiating alternative stances. Furthermore, from focus groups with leaders we distilled how the material structure of different schools, reflected in the rules and procedures regulating standards to which institutions and individuals are held, sets limits to discursive strategies that academics adopt. We identify the constraints and room for agency and argue that agency can only lead to transformation when transcending individual awareness by moving towards collective action.

Resumen Este artículo analiza el tema del racismo y su relación con el discurso. Plantea el problema de la representación del sujeto racializado, en particular el sujeto negro, a partir de la existencia de un discurso hegemónico blanco europeo que se ha ido construyendo históricamente en torno al concepto de raza, ello en una lógica de clasificación y categorización a partir de rasgos fenotípicos y características culturales que ha terminado en la muerte, la opresión y la exclusión de millones de seres humanos. El texto presentado se basa en la experiencia investigativa de la autora, con más de quince años de trabajo en el tema del racismo; también, en el trabajo de algunos de los investigadores más importantes del análisis crítico del discurso, quienes han trabajado el racismo. Se parte de la identificación de estructuras y estrategias discursivas centradas fundamentalmente en la referenciación, predicación, argumentación y el uso de recursos estilísticos y narrativos. Abstract This article analyzes the topic of racism and its relationship with discourse, and presents the problem of representation of racialized individuals, particularly black individuals from a white European hegemonic discourse that has been historically built around the concept of race. It follows a classification and categorization logic, from phenotypical and cultural characteristics, which has resulted in the death, oppression and exclusion of millions of human beings. The text presented is based on the author’s research, which includes more than 15 years of experience working on the issue of racism and, additionally, collecting work from some of the most important critical discourse analysis researchers who have worked on racism. The text begins by identifying discursive structures and strategies mainly focused on referencing, predicting, reasoning, and using narrative and stylistic resources.

In recent years, government officials in Hungary, Poland and Austria have contested the authority of the EU in areas linked to core state powers, such as democracy and the rule of law and migrations. Analyzing the discursive strategies displayed by conservative and/or right-wing governments in these countries, the article shows how the old conflict line over sovereignty that has traditionally shaped the integration process–supranational vs domestic sovereignty–is being complemented by a new discourse which consists in disparaging EU ‘interference’ in the very name of European values and a common European identity, defined in opposition to multiculturalism and political liberalism. Pioneered by Viktor Orban, this discourse has been circulating among other Central European heads of government and incumbent parties’ officials in the wake of the refugee ‘crisis’, which opened up a discursive opportunity structure for its diffusion., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This article, which focuses on selected plays by contemporary Congolese playwrights, has two objectives: the first of which is to illustrate how theatre production in the DRC in contemporary times has been devoted to highlighting various social and political conflicts within the society. The paper’s second objective is to examine the aesthetic and technical aspects of the plays under study, such as the use of allegory, metaphors, verbal invention, proverbs, enunciative heterogeneity, voice orchestration, and theatricality encoded in stage directions (didascalia). Through its critical analysis of dramaturgy and style, the paper reveals the manner in which the authors display a heightened sense of awareness about conflicts within their society by employing an agonistic mode in their plot construction. The paper also highlights how the plays have contributed greatly to the development of writing for performance in Africa in general, and in the Democratic Republic of Congo in particular. Keywords: Congo theatre, conflict, diegesis, discursive strategies, esthetical methods.

This investigation delves into the construction of the news made by the Ecuadorian media about acts of femicide. News issued by two newspapers are analyzed: El Comercio and El Telégrafo, in their digital versions, referring to a case study, the femicide of Diana Carolina, in the city of Ibarra, in January 2019. The qualitative investigation was carried out focuses on Critical Discourse Analysis (ACD). From the elements that are prioritized, they are omitted and reinforced in the headline, lead, and body of the news. The study allows corroborating that when addressing the issue of femicide, the construction of news appeals to strategies such as naturalization, legitimation and spectacularization, and discursive resources such as euphemization, and mitigation, through which the naturalization of the phenomenon is paid. Contextual circumstances that mitigate the magnitude of the crime of femicide take relevance in the corpus. La presente investigación profundiza en la construcción noticiosa que hacen los medios de comunicación ecuatorianos sobre hechos de femicidio. Se analizan noticias emitidas por dos diarios: El Comercio y El Telégrafo, en sus versiones digitales, referidas a un estudio de caso, el femicidio de Diana Carolina, en la ciudad de Ibarra, en enero de 2019. La investigación de carácter cualitativo, se centra en el Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD). A partir de los elementos que se priorizan, se omiten y refuerzan en el titular, el lead, y el cuerpo de la noticia. El estudio permite corroborar que al abordar el tema del femicidio la construcción noticiosa apela a estrategias como la naturalización, legitimación y espectacularización, y recursos discursivos como la eufemización, y mitigación, mediante los cuales se tributa a la naturalización del fenómeno. En el corpus toman relevancia circunstancias del contexto que mitigan la magnitud del delito de femicidio.

Les émotions dans le discours occupent depuis quelques années une place de choix dans de nombreuses études. Pourtant le mépris n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse pluridimensionnelle détaillée. L’acte de mépris est un phénomène discursif complexe qui renvoie à la sphère des valeurs et qui requiert des mécanismes particuliers afin de pouvoir aboutir et atteindre sa cible. Notre texte portera sur l’emploi de termes potentiellement interprétables comme méprisants et dépositaires de traces de stéréotypes socioculturels (cassos, beauf, bolos, crevard, kéké et kikoo) dans de différents environnements axiologiquement polarisés. Nous essaierons de saisir comment distinguer l’acte de mépriser d’autres actes du discours en relevant ses caractéristiques pragmatiques aussi bien que les effets qu’il est susceptible de provoquer chez soi et chez l’autre. This article presents an analysis of several terms often used in the youth student environment, which, outside the context, are often regarded as evaluative, expressing the contemptuous attitude of the speaker to the subject of speech and being a kind of social-cultural stereotypes (cassos, beauf, bolos, crevard, kéké and kikoo). Based on data from two corpora of young students’ speech (oral and written) and the sociolinguistic questionnaire, the article attempts to identify the main discursive mechanisms of expressing contempt and the specific contexts where the same lexemes express axiologically polar semantic nuances.

The study adopts a critical discourse analysis approach to Chiang Kai-shek's (CKS) internal nationalist propaganda and authoritarian discourse practices, investigating his New Year and National Day speeches in the 1950s. Authoritarian characteristics are evident in strategies such as legitimation, reification, or myth-making, in the antagonist categorisation of Self versus Other, in Self-glorification and the idolisation of the dead, in the hegemonic creation of commonality and unity, and in the metaphorical conceptualisation of reality. Patterns of idolising the dead serve to impose and legitimise CKS's worldview among his citizens. Another pattern is CKS's invention of imaginary compatriots within the “enslaved China” waiting for the best time to overthrow the “bandits”' rule. Reference to these imaginary agents indirectly presents to his audience a false but better impression of the Self, and a dimmer view of the communist bandits. A third pattern is CKS's metaphorical use of language, such as references to communist China as a puppet regime of Russia.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las estrategias discursivas empleadas por el Instituto Nacional de Migración (inm) en sus declaraciones respecto a la migración en tránsito por el territorio mexicano. Para su logro se analizan las estrategias de encubrimiento y legitimación en 161 comunicados de prensa del inm referidos a sus actuaciones respecto a la migración en tránsito irregular por México. Concluimos que, con ambas estrategias, se pretende (re)legitimar discursivamente las políticas y actuaciones de control migratorio llevadas a cabo por el gobierno mexicano, apoyándose en el discurso de derechos humanos. The objective of this paper is to analyze the discoursive strategies used by the National Institute of Migration (inm) in its texts regarding migration in transit through Mexican territory for political ends. For its achievement, Concealment and legitimation strategies are analyzed in 161 inm press releases of the referring to its actions regarding irregular transit migration in Mexico. With both strategies, this paper intends to discoursively (re)legitimize the policies and actions of migratory control carried out by the Mexican government, relying on the discourse of human rights.

The political discourse of the media reached its clearest expression in the treatment of the different themes of the political life of any country, and particularly in moments in which are held elections to its main bodies of Government. Ecuador 2017 campaign was the chosen stage to carry out a study of the behaviour of media, as part of a research project carried out by the Faculty of communication of the University of Guayaquil, during which different discursive strategies of news framing became apparent. The results show one example of how the press has become a political actor in the struggle for hegemony over the popular consciousness. El discurso político de los medios de comunicación alcanza su más clara expresión en el tratamiento de los diferentes temas de la vida política de cualquier país, y en particular en momentos en que se llevan a cabo elecciones de las principales figuras del gobierno. La campaña Ecuador 2017 fue el escenario escogido para realizar un estudio del comportamiento mediático, como parte de un proyecto de investigación llevado a cabo por la Facultad de Comunicación de la Universidad de Guayaquil, durante el cual se evidenciaron diferentes estrategias discursivas del encuadre noticioso. Los resultados muestran un ejemplo más de cómo la prensa se convierte en un actor político, en la lucha por alcanzar la hegemonía sobre las conciencias populares.

Руслан Мавлеев, адъюнкт, Военный университет Министерства обороны РФ (Москва), rmavleev@gmail.com. Ruslan R. Mavleyev, adjunct, Military University of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (Moscow), rmavleev@gmail.com. Данная статья посвящена исследованию военно-политического дискурса и его роли в формировании положительного образа КНР в мире. В качестве объекта исследования рассматривается Белая книга «Национальной обороны КНР-2010», опубликованная Государственным советом КНР в 2011 году. Лингвистический анализ Белой книги позволяет оценить реальность так называемой «китайской угрозы», а также отражает дискурсивную стратегию, направленную на формирование образа Китая, устремленного к миру и стабильности. Кроме того, автор полагает, что в условиях реализации социально-политического курса «китайской мечты», выдвинутого председателем КНР Си Цзиньпином в 2013 году, а также воплощения в жизнь стратегических инициатив «Экономического пояса Шелкового пути» и «Морского Шелкового пути XXI века» военно-политический дискурс Китая приобрел стратегически важное значение для дальнейшего развития КНР. The article is devoted to the study of military-political discourse and its role in the formation of China’s favorable image in the world. The object of study is the white paper ‘China’s National Defense in 2010’, published by the country’s State Council in 2011. A linguistic analysis of this document makes it possible to estimate the reality of the so-called ‘Chinese threat’ and shows the discourse strategy, aimed at creating the favorable image of the country that strives for peace and stability. Moreover, the author assumes that within the framework of social and political course of the ‘Chinese Dream’, proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013, as well as the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st century Maritime Silk Road strategic initiatives implementation, the China’s military-political discourse has taken particular significance for the county’s further development.

L’opposition entre le vrai et le faux est à notre avis un des fils rouges qu’on peut reconnaître dans la poétique d’Aristophane et dans les réflexions sur la comédie qu’il introduit dans œuvre, notamment par la bouche du premier acteur. À partir de sa première pièce conservée, Les Acharniens (425 av. J.-C.), il crée plusieurs stratégies discursives pour légitimer son propre genre, la comédie, et notamment son rôle de poète comique, en se présentant comme un nouveau ‘maître de vérité’, à même de rivaliser avec les auteurs qui se consacrent aux genres les plus prestigieux. The opposition between right and wrong is in our opinion one of the red threads that can be traced up in Aristophanes’poetics and the reflections on comedy he introduces in his work, notably in the mouth of the leading actor. From his first preserved play, The Acharnians (425 B.C.) he creates several discursive strategies to legitimate his own genre, comedy, and notably his role as a comic poet, by presenting himself as a “master of truth”, in a position to vie with authors that dedicate themselves to the most prestigious genres.

Dissemination on TV: Socialization of knowledge or scientific education? In Education, considerable importance has been given to the value of dissemination within the scientific education of people, with attention primarily being attached to science documentaries broadcast on television. Currently, these programmes share space with—or are being displaced by—a new genre of the televised mediatisation of knowledge, which might be characterised as info-entertainment. This current work is based on research that analyses a broad corpus of science-dissemination programmes adopting these new formats. Specifically, we analyse three episodes of Quèquicom, a programme broadcast by Catalan Television and one which highlights the main characteristics of this new television genre. The aim of the study is two-fold: 1) it hopes to contribute to the discursive characterisation of the genre on the basis of the analysis of the subjects, the format and the discourse produced by the speakers; 2) it aims to provide arguments to understand the extent to which these programmes contribute to the scientific education of the young. The theoretical framework is the discourse analysis. Our results show that the programme is in keeping with the objectives of informing and entertaining characteristic of the televisual mediatisation of knowledge. At all events, although it has the didactic nature of educational programmes, it does not necessarily contribute to reinforcing people’ scientific knowledge. En el ámbito educativo, se da mucha importancia al valor de la divulgación en la educación científica de los ciudadanos y se ha prestado una atención principal a los documentales de contenido científico emitidos por la televisión. Actualmente estos programas conviven o están siendo desplazados por un nuevo género de mediatización televisiva del conocimiento que se ajusta parcialmente a las características del infoentretenimento. El trabajo que se presenta está fundamentado en una investigación que analiza un amplio corpus de programas televisivos de divulgación científica que adoptan estos nuevos formatos y tiene un doble objetivo: 1) contribuir a la caracterización discursiva del género a partir del análisis de los temas, del formato y del discurso de los distintos enunciadores; 2) aportar argumentos para discutir hasta qué punto estos programas contribuyen a la educación científica de los jóvenes. En concreto, se analizan tres episodios del programa Quèquicom, emitido por Televisión de Cataluña, característico de este nuevo género televisivo. El marco teórico y metodológico en el que se inscribe el trabajo es el del análisis del discurso, basándose en los estudios previos sobre el discurso de mediatización científica. Los resultados muestran que el programa se ajusta al objetivo de informar y de entretener característico de la mediatización televisiva del conocimiento. Pero, aunque contiene estrategias didácticas característica de los programas educativos, no contribuye a reforzar los conocimientos científicos de la audiencia.

L’article qui suit porte sur l’avènement du phénomène de l’infotainment. Nous avons donc voulu définir quels sont les stratégies de présentation de soi et les types d’arguments privilégiés par les acteurs politiques afin de construire leur persona lorsqu’ils sont de passage sur une émission dictée par l’infotainment ? Pour ce faire, nous avons d’abord abordé le persona en nous inspirant du concept d’ethos, tel que défini par Charaudeau (2005). Par la suite, nous avons procédé à une analyse de contenu de dix entrevues réalisées auprès d’acteurs politiques majeurs lors de leur passage sur le plateau du talk-show québécois Tout le monde en parle. Au final, les résultats obtenus révèlent que les acteurs politiques optent pour une présentation de soi (Schütz, 1997) axée sur l’autopromotion et les « bonnes grâces ». De plus, à ces stratégies se greffe un schème argumentaire visant la promotion des buts ou de l’agenda politique du parti (Devitt, 1997). The following article focuses on the advent of infotainment. Our objective was to define which self-presentation strategies and arguments type are used by the guests in order to build their persona when appearing of a show dictated by infotainment. To this end, we first addressed the persona using the ethos concept as defined by Charaudeau (2005). We then analyzed 10 interviews of major political actors invited on the Quebec based talk-show « Tout le Monde en Parle». The results indicate that political actors also use self-promotion and ingratiation to present themselves (Schütz, 1997). Above and beyond these strategies, their argument scheme seeks to promote the party’s political agenda (Devitt, 1997).

The problem statement of this study is: what is the role of communication, in general, and of discursive strategies, in particular, in the theoretical and practical training of pre-school and primary school teachers? I sought the answer to this question in a particular context, i.e. the education system of Romania: on the one hand, in the current curricula and syllabi pertaining to courses in Pedagogy of Pre-School and Primary School Education (as taught in Romanian universities) and on the other in the opinions of students and mentors involved in this initial training process.

Der Aufsatz setzt sich zum Ziel, verbales und nonverbales aggressives Verhalten am Beispiel politischer Fernsehdiskussionen zu untersuchen. Einer genauen Analyse werden Ausschnitte aus der Sendung Maybrit Illner unterzogen. Berücksichtigt werden dabei prosodische Eigenschaften der Äußerungen sowie Mimik, Gestik und Körperhaltung des Sprechers bzw. des Hörers und auf der verbalen Ebene – Konversationsstrategien, Illokutionstyp und Anredeverhalten sowie morphologische, syntaktische und semantische Besonderheiten. Dem analytischen Teil geht eine kurze terminologische Einführung voraus. The aim of this paper is to investigate verbal and non-verbal aggressive behaviour on the basis of political TV debates such as Maybrit Illner. The analysis includes prosodic aspects of a statement, facial expressions, gestures and body language of both the speaker and hearer as well as conversational strategies, illocution, forms of address and characteristic morphological, syntactic and semantic means. The analytical part is preceded by a short terminological introduction. Celem pracy jest zbadanie werbalnego i niewerbalnego agresywnego zachowania na przykładzie telewizyjnych dyskusji politycznych. Analizie poddano fragmenty programu Maybrit Illner. Uwzględnione zostały przy tym prozodyczne cechy wypowiedzi oraz mimika, gestykulacja i mowa ciała mówcy i słuchacza, a na płaszczyźnie językowej – strategie konwersacyjne, typ illokucyjny, formy adresatywne oraz szczególne środki morfologiczne, składniowe i semantyczne. Część analityczną poprzedza krótkie wprowadzenie terminologiczne.

Resumo O texto propõe uma linha de comunicação entre a poesia de Adélia Prado, a partir de Bagagem (1976), e a de Maria Lúcia Dal Farra e seu Livro de auras (1994). A intenção radica em observar como os modos de suas respectivas estratégias discursivas, além de revitalizar o código poético local, sugerem mudanças no estatuto da condição histórico-social dos agentes femininos produtores de poesia. Acreditase que isso pode assinalar uma ampliação dos rumos da poesia brasileira, como mostrar uma trajetória de evolução dessa entidade feminina na sua definição de ser social dentro das circunstâncias históricas do seu existir. Abstract This text aims at building a line of communication between Adélia Prado’s poetry, beginning with Bagagem (1976), and Maria Lúcia Dal Farra’s Livro de auras (1994). The intention is set on observing how the writers’ discursive strategies, in addition to revitalizing the local poetry code, suggest changes to the status of historical and social condition of female agents producing poetry. It is believed that this may indicate an expansion of the Brazilian poetry course, as well as showing an evolution path of that feminine entity as a social being within the historical circumstances of her existence.

Nuestro propósito ha sido explorar una práctica de escritura en un contexto colaborativo, en la que docente y estudiantes de 14 años trabajan juntos en actividades planificadas como talleres, dialogando, y compartiendo reflexiones que les permiten comprender y transformar los significados de la realidad que construyen, y de esta manera, progresar en su competencia escrita. La interacción comunicativa se observa en pequeños grupos de trabajo, diferenciando cuando el grupo lo componen los iguales, y cuando en el grupo participa la docente como un miembro más. Los resultados del análisis discursivo muestran la importancia del rol de guía que en las diferentes fases de composición escrita ejerce la profesora. De manera singular, el grupo de iguales es capaz de asumir el control de la situación de escritura, tanto en la organización de las relaciones sociales, como en la estructuración de la tarea. Our purpose has been to explore a writing practice in a collaborative context, in which teacher and students of 14 years old work together in planned activities such as workshops, dialoguing and sharing reflections which allow them to understand and to transform the meanings of reality that they build, and in this way, to progress in their writing skills. The communicative interaction is observed in small working groups, differentiating when the group is made-up by equals, and when the teacher participates as a member of the group. The results of the discursive analysis show the importance of the guiding role within the different phases of the writing composition performed by the teacher. In a singular manner, the group of equals is able to assume the control over the writing situation, in the organization of social relationships as well as in the structuring of the task. Notre but c’a été d’explorer une pratique d’écriture dans un contexte de collaboration où l’enseignant et les étudiants à 14 ans travaillent ensemble sur des activités planifiées telles que des ateliers, ils dialoguent, et partagent des réflexions qui leur permettent de comprendre et de transformer les signifiances de la réalité qu’ils construisent, ainsi, progresser sur sa compétence écrite. L’interaction communicative on l’observe dans des petits groupes de travail, on différence quand le groupe est composé par des égales, et quand dans le groupe participe l’enseignante comme un autre membre. Les résultats de l’analyse discursive montrent l’importance du rôle de guide que dans les différentes phases de la composition écrite exerce l’enseignante. Singulièrement, le groupe d’égales est capable d’assumer le control de la situation écriture, á la fois dans l’organisation des relations sociales et dans l’structuration de la tâche.

Resumen: Nuestro propósito ha sido explorar una práctica de escritura en un contexto colaborativo, en la que docente y estudiantes de 14 años trabajan juntos en actividades planificadas como talleres, dialogando, y compartiendo reflexiones que les permiten comprender y transformar los significados de la realidad que construyen, y de esta manera, progresar en su competencia escrita. La interacción comunicativa se observa en pequeños grupos de trabajo, diferenciando cuando el grupo lo componen los iguales, y cuando en el grupo participa la docente como un miembro más. Los resultados del análisis discursivo muestran la importancia del rol de guía que en las diferentes fases de composición escrita ejerce la profesora. De manera singular, el grupo de iguales es capaz de asumir el control de la situación de escritura, tanto en la organización de las relaciones sociales, como en la estructuración de la tarea. Abstract: Our purpose has been to explore a writing practice in a collaborative context, in which teacher and students of 14 years old work together in planned activities such as workshops, dialoguing and sharing reflections which allow them to understand and to transform the meanings of reality that they build, and in this way, to progress in their writing skills. The communicative interaction is observed in small working groups, differentiating when the group is made-up by equals, and when the teacher participates as a member of the group. The results of the discursive analysis show the importance of the guiding role within the different phases of the writing composition performed by the teacher. In a singular manner, the group of equals is able to assume the control over the writing situation, in the organization of social relationships as well as in the structuring of the task.

Discourse framing strategies in political journaliasm: Analysis of a corpus of headlines. In this paper the application of cognitive linguistics and mass communication theories are combined in order to analyze a corpus of news headlines, with a model of discourse analysis focused on five linguistic framing strategies. The strategies are: intentional (speech act), lexical (marked uses of denomination), predicative (application of syntactic iconicity in expressive acts), textual (use of narrative or argumentative superstructure) and interactive (dialogism and intertextuality). The use of these strategies in journalistic news is bound with mediatization proceses, that turn the discourse of political communication (institutional or partisan) in an embedded, recursive enunciation. It is found that this conversion requires a readjustment of these strategies with reference to how are they used in the discourse of political parties and politicians. En este trabajo combinamos la aplicación de conceptos de lingüística cognitiva y de teoría de la comunicación de masas para analizar un corpus de titulares de noticias de prensa escrita mediante un modelo de análisis del discurso centrado en cinco estrategias lingüísticas de encuadre: la estrategia intencional (tipo de acto de habla), léxica (usos marcados de la designación), predicativa (rentabilización de la iconicidad sintáctica en los actos expresivos), textual (uso de las superestructuras narrativa o argumentativa) e interactiva (dialogismo e intertextualidad). Se vincula el uso de estas estrategias a la mediatización periodística, que convierte el discurso de la comunicación política (institucional o partidista) en una enunciación incrustada, recursiva. Se comprueba que esta conversión obliga a un reajuste de estas estrategias respecto a cómo son utilizadas en el discurso de los partidos políticos.

The article addresses the conflicts of interpretation inherent in the recognition of the racist and discriminatory character of a situation, within the framework of organizations for the receipt and follow-up of individual complaints. Taking these organizations as the starting point of the study makes it possible to reveal several dimensions of the object known as _discrimination_. In a first stage, the set of discrimination experiences reported to these organizations makes it possible to examine the modalities in which discrimination is practiced in everyday social life. The repetitive and multifaceted nature of these experiences illustrates the dual dimension of racism: situational and structural. In a second stage, the article takes the discourse of potential discriminated individuals, of the discriminators, and of the parties in charge of receiving the complaints of the former as the basis to analyze the different discursive strategies deployed by each one of the actors in the context of their interaction. Discriminated individuals seek to be recognized as such; discriminators attempt to invalidate the accusations against them; and the receiving parties have to listen and handle the complaint. Thus, the interaction gives rise to strategies aimed at the objectivization, refutation, or reparation of discrimination, which are addressed here in their factual, compassionate, and moral dimensions. The final part of the article deals with the limits of the legal follow-up of the complaint, as well as with the conflicts of interpretation it gives rise to.

El objetivo de este trabajo1 es analizar la construcción discursiva de las noticias de la sección política de los diarios Panorama y El Nacional durante el paro cívico venezolano (diciembre de 2002 - febrero de 2003) para conocer las funciones estratégicas del discurso de la prensa en Venezuela. Para ello, se estudian los esquemas de organización de las noticias, los modos de organización de los discursos, sus elementos paratextuales y sus funciones estratégicas. El análisis se sustenta en los trabajos de van Dijk (1980, 1990, 1993, 1999, 2000), Molero (1985, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2003a, 2003b), Adam (1992), Chilton y Shaffner (2000) y Franco (2000). Los resultados del análisis de la estructura del esquema periodístico, la organización de las secuencias discursivas, la titulación y la presentación selectiva de fotografías, evidencian que estas noticias les suministran a los lectores una versión parcializada del hecho, lo cual les impide reconstruir la realidad a partir de los datos presentados. Se concluye que ambos diarios demuestran un propósito comunicativo acorde con las funciones estratégicas del discurso ideológico: legitimar a un sector y deslegitimar al otro The objective of this paper is to analyze the discursive construction of the news of the Politics Section of the Venezuelan papers Panorama and El Nacional during the civic strike occurred between December of 2002 and February of 2003, in order to identify the strategic functions of the press discourse in Venezuela. To achieve this goal, we study the news organization, the discourse sequences, its graphic elements and strategic functions. The analysis is supported by the works of van Dijk (1980, 1990, 1993, 1999, 2000), Molero (1985, 1999, 2001, 2002, 2003a, 2003b), Adam (1992), Chilton and Shaffner (2000) and Franco (2000). The results of the analysis of the journalistic structure, the organization of the discursive sequences, the headlines and the selective presentation of photographies demonstrate that these only give the readers a biased version of the facts, which prevents them to reconstruct the reality from the displayed data. We conclude that both newspapers show a specific communicative purpose according to the strategic functions of the ideological discourse: to legitimate a particular sector and illegitimate the other one

Se presentan los resultados de una investigación de carácter cualitativo sobre las estrategias discursivas utilizadas en clase por un grupo de docentes bien valorados por el alumnado de ocho centros educativos (dos de primaria, ESO, bachillerato y universidad, respectivamente). Se adopta un punto de vista lingüístico y discursivo y se efectúa un análisis comparativo de al las opiniones de los estudiantes, bl las creencias de los docentes sobre su propia acción pedagógica y cl su actuación real en el aula. Esta triangulación permite definir dos grandes grupos de estrategias discursivas relacionales, enmarcadas en un equilibrio entre proximidad y distancia social: 1/estrategias encaminadas a modular la propia imagen del docente y 2/estrategias destinadas a respetar la imagen del estudiante. Los resultados muestran que, con independencia de la edad, de los niveles académicos y del estilo propio de cada docente, las formas de actuación que permiten una comunicación eficaz en el aula tienen más aspectos en común de lo que podría parecer The paper presents the results of a qualitative study on the discursive strategies used in class by a group of instructors who received a good assessment by students from eight educational centres: two primary schools, two secondary schools, two further-education centres, and two universities. A linguistic and discursive approach is adopted to compare a) students' opinions, b) teachers' views of their own activity, and c) teachers' actual behaviour in class. This triangulation allows us to define two broad groups of relational discursive strategies framed in a balance between social proximity and social distance: 1) strategies aimed to modulate teachers' image, and 2) strategies directed to stimulate respect for students' image. The results show that, irrespective of age, academic levels, and teachers' particular teaching style, the actions that facilitate effective communication in the classroom have more aspects in common than may previously have been considered.

In this dissertation, I examine the evolution of the green chemistry movement from its inception in the early 1990s to the present day. I focus my study on the discursive strategies employed by leaders of the movement to establish green chemistry and to develop and institute changes in the practice of the chemical sciences. The study looks specifically at three different strategies. The first is the construction of a historical narrative. This history comes from the intersection of the chemical sciences with environmentalism in the United States retold to place chemistry in a central position for understanding global environmental health issues and green chemistry as the natural response to these problems. The second involves the attempts made to develop a concrete definition for green chemistry as well as a set of guiding principles for the practice of this alternative form of chemistry. The establishment of the definition and the principles, I argue, constitutes an important move in constituting the field as a very specific interdisciplinary group with a forged identity and the beginnings of a system for determining what properly "counts" as green chemistry. The third comes from the intersection of this history within the defining principles of the movement intersect to create a specific set of green chemistry practices, and how these practices manifest themselves in conference and pedagogical settings. Finally, I offer an overview of where the movement currently stands, offering a critical perspective on the future potential of the field. I argue that recent episodes indicate that the movement has not succeeded in accomplishing what it set out to do, and will continue to encounter problems unless a refashioning of the movement takes place. To offer perspective on green chemistry as a movement, I examine it through the lens of other (e.g., Frickel and Gross 2005) attempts to explore scientific movements as a special class of social movements. Ph. D.