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Bursa, the first capital of the Ottoman Empire, has gained a city silhouette by developing with the waqfs built by the sultans of the classical period. In addition to his achievements in the political and scientific fields, the sixth Ottoman sultan, who also had the title of "Ebu'l-Hayrât", II. Murad had his famous waqfs built in Edirne and Bursa and had written waqfiyyas that gave legal status to the waqfs he established there. In this article the Ottoman translation of the waqfiyya (15 Rajab 1325/24 August 1907) of the mosque, madrasah and imaret that Sultan II. Murad had built in Bursa Muradiye District was latinized and discussed under certain headings. In the study the Arabic copy of the waqfiyya (22 Shawwal 833/14 July 1430) whose original could not be reached was also used. The waqfiyya which belongs to the 15th century, contains detailed information about the waqf's founder, its history, its location, charitable institutions, incomes and employees. It is seen that the mentioned waqf was a rich waqf that served the people of Bursa, with 58 income generating waqf properties and a total of 89 employees in 24 different duties. We believe that this study will contribute to a better understanding of the social, cultural, economic and religious structure of the period., Osmanlı Devleti’nin ilk başkenti olan Bursa, klasik dönem padişahlarının vakıf eserleriyle gelişerek bir şehir silüeti kazanmıştır. Siyasi ve ilmî alanlardaki başarılarının yanı sıra “Ebu’l-Hayrât” unvanına da sahip olan altıncı Osmanlı padişahı II. Murad meşhur eserlerini Edirne ve Bursa’da yaptırmış ve buralarda kurduğu vakıflarına hukuki statü kazandıran vakfiyeler yazdırmıştır. Bu makalede Sultan II. Murad’ın Bursa Muradiye Semti’nde inşa ettirdiği cami, medrese ve imaretine ait vakfiyenin Osmanlıca tercüme sureti (15 Receb 1325/24 Ağustos 1907) latinize edilmiş ve belli başlıklar altında ele alınmıştır. Çalışmada, aslına ulaşılamayan vakfiyenin Arapça sureti (22 Şevval 833/14 Temmuz 1430) de kullanılmıştır. 15. yüzyıla ait olan vakfiyede vakfın kurucusu, tarihi, bulunduğu yer, hayır müesseseleri, akarları (gelirleri) ve çalışanlarıyla ilgili detaylı bilgiler bulunmaktadır. Söz konusu vakfın 58 adet gelir sağlayan mevkûfatı ve 24 farklı vazifede toplam 89 kişilik çalışanıyla Bursa halkına hizmet etmiş zengin bir vakıf olduğu görülmektedir. Bu çalışmanın, dönemin sosyal, kültürel, ekonomik ve dinî yapısının daha iyi anlaşılmasına katkı sunacağı kanaatindeyiz.

Günümüzde veteriner hekimlik olarak bilinen baytarlık mesleği İslâm tarihinde araştırılması geri planda kalmış mesleklerden biridir. Hâlbuki hayvanlar, söz konusu dönemde cihatlardaki başarılardan İslâm medeniyetinin kurulmasına kadar birçok alanda Müslümanların en önemli yardımcısı olmuştur. Hayvanların güçlü olması ve istenilen verimin alınması için bakımlarının yapılması, sağlıklarının korunması, hastalandıklarında tedavi edilmesi gibi faaliyetler baytarlar tarafından gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu çalışmada amaç baytarlık mesleğinin İslâm tarihinin ilk dönemlerinde etkin faaliyetler içerisinde olduğunu ortaya koymaktır. Tabiplik kadar ilgi görmese de baytarlık mesleği Cahiliye dönemi dâhil olmak üzere İslâm tarihinin ilk dönemlerinden itibaren aktif olarak yürütülmüş, baytarlar ordu ve saray gibi devlet kurumlarında düzenli maaş alarak çalışmışlardır. Ayrıca baytarlar, yolculuk sırasında hastalanan hayvanlar için yol güzergâhlarına seyyar klinikler kurmuşlardır. Veteriner tarihinin en meşhur baytarlarından biri olarak kabul edilen İbn Ahî Hizâm (ö. 3./9. yüzyıl) bu dönemde yetişmiş ve İslâm medeniyetinde baytarlık mesleği alanında ilk özgün eser olan Kitâbü’l-hayl ve’l-fürûsiyye ve’l-baytara’yı kaleme almıştır., Veterinary profession in the history of Islām is one of the fields that has not been sufficiently researched. However, animals, that were the greatest helpers of people in period of early Islāmic history, had played a major role in many areas from the success of Muslims in jihads to the establishment of Islāmic civilization. Activities such as caring for the animals to be strong and getting the desired efficiency, protecting their health and treating them when they got sick were carried out by veterinaries. The aim of this study is to prove that the profession of veterinary was active in the early periods of Islāmic History. Although the veterinary medicine did not attract as much attention as human medicine, this profession had been actively carried out since the early periods of Islāmic History, including the period of Jahiliyyah, and veterinarians had worked in government institutions such as the army and palace with regular salaries. In addition, they had set up mobile clinics on different routes/paths for animals that get sick during the journey. Ibn Akhī Hizâm (d. 3./9. centuries), who is considered to be one of the most famous veterinarians in the history, lived in this period and wrote the Kitâb al-khayl wa’lfurûsiyye wa’l-bayṭara, the first original work in the field of veterinary profession in Islāmic civilization.

Abdurrahman b. ʻUdeys, Hz. Osman ile olan ilişkisinde zıt pozisyondaki iki tutumu ile gündeme gelmiş bir sahâbîdir. Zira o, Hudeybiye Antlaşması sırasında müşriklerle konuşmak üzere gönderilen Hz. Osman’ın öldürüldüğü haberi geldiği zaman Rıdvân biatına katılan sahâbe arasında yer almıştır. Fakat Hz. Osman’ın kuşatılması ve öldürülmesi olayında Mısır’dan gelen heyetin başında da onun ismi zikredilmektedir. İslâm tarihi kaynaklarında anlatıldığına göre Abdurrahman b. ʻUdeys, Hz. Osman’ın icraatlarından şikâyetçi olan Mısırlıların başında Medine’ye gelmiş ve onun öldürülmesine kadar giden süreçte yer almıştır. Hz. Osman dönemi olayları, genellikle ideolojinin etkisinde kalmış rivâyetlerle değerlendirilmektedir. Dolayısıyla çoğu zaman rivâyetler, râvilerin ön kabullerinin izlerini taşıyabilmektedir. Bu sebeple, Abdurrahman b. ʻUdeys’in, Hz. Osman’ın öldürülmesi olayındaki rolünden bahseden rivâyetlerin sağlıklı bir şekilde tahlil edilmesi gerekmektedir. Bu makalede, halifenin kuşatılması olayında Abdurrahman b. ʻUdeys’in tutumuyla ilgili rivâyetler analiz edilmektedir. Nitekim bu çaba, sahâbenin doğru değerlendirilmesi ve rivâyetlerde görülen ideolojik etkenlerin fark edilmesi noktasında önem arz etmektedir. Çalışmada, konunun özelliğine uygun olarak betimleme ve analiz yöntemleri kullanılmaktadır., ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻUdays is a companion who came to the fore with his two opposing attitudes in his relationship with ʿOthmān. Because he was among the companions who joined the Pledge of Riḍwān when the news came that ʿOthmān, who was sent to talk to the polytheists during the Hudaybiyyah Treaty, was killed. However, in the siege and murder of ʿOthmān, his name is also mentioned at the head of the delegation from Egypt. According to the sources of Islamic history, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻUdays came to Medina at the head of the Egyptians who complained about ʿOthmān's actions and took part in the process leading up to his murder. The events of the ʿOthmān period were generally evaluated with the narrations that were under the influence of ideology. Therefore, most of the time, the narrations can carry the traces of the narrators' presuppositions. For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the narrations about ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻUdays’s role in the murder of ʿOthmān in a healthy way. In this article, the narrations about ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻUdays’s attitude in the event of the siege of the caliph are analyzed. As a matter of fact, this effort is important in terms of evaluating the Companions correctly and noticing the ideological factors seen in the narrations. In the study, descriptive and analysis methods are used in accordance with the nature of the subject.

İslâm dini, hastalığın tedavisine büyük önem vermiştir. Hz. Peygamber hastalandığı zaman tedavi olmuş ve ashabına da hastalandıkları zaman tedavi olmalarını emretmiştir. Onun tedavi konusundaki sözleri Tıbbü’n-Nebevî adıyla hadis ilminin alt kategorisini teşkil eden bir bilim dalı haline gelmiştir. Tedavinin insanların fıtrî bir ihtiyacı ve dinin de teşvik ettiği bir husus olması sebebiyle Müslümanlar erken zamanda tıp konusuna önem verdiler; öyle ki Hz. Peygamber’in vefatından yüz yıl sonra her tarafta hastaneler kurulmaya, tıp medreseleri açılmaya başlandı. Milâdî onuncu asra gelindiğinde Bağdat’ta kişi başına düşen hekim sayısı neredeyse Türkiye’nin iki binli yıllarda kişi başına düşen hekim sayısına eşit gibiydi. Ancak dinî ilimlerin okutulması için her tarafta açılan medreseler gibi çok fazla tıp medresesi de yoktu. Bu makalenin amacı her tarafta çokça tıp medresesi olmadığı halde çok sayıdaki hekimlerin nasıl yetiştiğine cevap aramaktır. Araştırmamız neticesinde hekimlerin tek merkezde eğitilip yetiştirilmediği, tıp okulları ve tıp medreselerinin yanı sıra, genellikle Bîmâristan veya Dârüşşifâ adıyla anılan hastanelerin, hekimliği meslek edinen ailelerin, hekimbaşılık kurumunun, tercüme faaliyetlerinin ve hekim evlerinin birer eğitim müessesi gibi fonksiyon icra ettiği tespit edilmiştir., Curing illnesses is very important in Islam. Prophet Mohammed applied known methods of curing and ordered his colleagues to be cured. His advises became a sub branch of medical science under the name “Tıbbü’n-Nebevî” meaning medicine of the Prophet. Because curing is a natural need of people and it is an order of Islam, Muslims understood its importance in early times; thus only after a century after the Prophet Mohammed passed away they started to establish hospitals and medical schools all over the places. In the tenth century of Gregorian Calendar the number of medical doctor per person in Bagdad was almost equal the number of medical doctors per person in Turkey in the 21st century. Nevertheless, the medical schools never outnumbered the religious schools named madrasa. The purpose of this study is to search for the answer to the question why the number of medical doctors was many despite less number of medical schools. It has been found that medical doctors did not educated only at single centers as medical schools, also educated at hospitals known as “Bimaristan” and/or “Daruşşafaka” and also by the help of families, who chose medicine as a profession, institutions of head doctors, activities of medical translations and houses of doctors, which were all functioning as independent educational institutions.

dinbil Mecca and Medina, accepted as “Haremeyn”, are privileged cities in terms of Islamic History. Islam was born and developed in these two cities and spread to the world from here. The fact that Mecca includes the Kaaba, the qibla of Muslims, has caused millions of Muslims to visit this place every year for the purpose of hajj and umrah. Medina, which hosted the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), became the second city to be visited for religious reasons after his death. The transfer of the state center outside the Hijaz during the Umayyad and Abbasid period did not eliminate the influence of these cities. The pilgrimage ceremonies held in Mecca and Medina are of great importance in the continuation of this influence. As a result of this importance, hundreds of pilgrimage convoys flocked to Mecca from various parts of the world, risking arduous journeys. The journey of pilgrimage convoys, which reached hundreds of kilometers and lasted for months in the first periods of Islam, also led to the emergence of an independent institution. For this purpose, an institution was established with the name of "Pilgrimage Emirate", whose most important task is to safely take pilgrimage convoys to holy places and re-bring them. Since the transportation of the pilgrimage convoys to the holy places by the shortest and safest ways brought an important responsibility, the caliphs either carried out this delicate task themselves or handed it over to the names they trusted the most. In this study, the routes followed by the pilgrimage convoys to Mecca under the presidency of the pilgrimage emiraters are handled. Our study is limited to the date range starting from the period of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) when the first pilgrimage convoy started and continuing until the end of the Umayyads. Haremeyn olarak kabul edilen Mekke ve Medine, İslâm tarihi açısından ayrıcalıklı şehirlerdendir. İslâmiyet Mekke’de doğmuş, Medine’de gelişmiş ve dünyaya da buralardan yayılmıştır. Mekke’nin, Müslümanların kıblesi Kâbe’yi bünyesinde barındırması her yıl milyonlarca Müslümanın hac ve umre amacıyla burayı ziyaret etmesini sağlamıştır. Hz. Peygamber’in kabrini misafir eden Medine de onun vefatından sonra dinî saiklerle ziyaret edilen ikinci şehir olmuştur. Emevîler ve Abbasîler döneminde devlet merkezinin Hicaz’ın dışına taşınması bu şehirlerin etkisini ortadan kaldırmamıştır. Bu tesirin devam etmesinde Mekke ve Medine’ye düzenlenen hac merasimlerinin ehemmiyeti oldukça fazladır. Bu ehemmiyetin sonucunda yüzlerce hac kafilesi meşakkatli yolculukları göze alarak dünyanın çeşitli bölgelerinden Mekke’ye akın etmiştir. İslâm’ın ilk dönemlerinde yüzlerce km’yi bulan ve aylarca süren hac kafilelerinin yolculuğu müstakil bir kurumun ortaya çıkmasını da sağlamıştır. Bu amaçla “Hac Emirliği” adıyla, en önemli görevi, hac kafilelerini güvenli bir şekilde kutsal mekânlara götürüp getirmek olan bir kurum ihdas edilmiştir. Hac kafilelerinin en kısa ve en güvenli yollardan kutsal mekânlara götürülmesi önemli bir sorumluluk getirdiğinden halifeler, bu hassas vazifeyi ya kendileri bizzat yürütmüşler ya da en güvendikleri isimlere bu görevi tevdi etmişlerdir. Bu çalışmada hac emirlerinin başkanlığında Mekke’ye giden hac kafilelerinin takip ettikleri güzergâhlar ele alınmıştır. Çalışmamız, ilk hac kafilesinin yola çıktığı Hz. Peygamber döneminden başlayıp Emevîlerin sonuna kadar devam eden tarih aralığı ile sınırlandırılmıştır. 929236

In order for Islamic States to determine their foreign policies, they need to understand the basic policy and diplomatic relations that they followed while forming the Islamic State, on which the Prophet of Islam Muhammad laid the foundations. The Islamic state, which started to take shape after the Migration of Hz. Muhammad achieved political, military and social successes. As a result of these successes, the prophet was able to move more easily to the extremes of the Arabian Peninsula and even to have diplomatic contacts with other major states, especially the Eastern Roman Empire. These contacts soon began to bear fruit and representatives of tribes or states from many geographies, especially in Arabia, came to visit the Prophet. Thus, the foundations of the Islamic Diplomacy tradition were laid. However, the purpose of these delegations to visit the Prophet differs and it is not possible to attribute their purpose of visit to a single reason. The main reasons are; To know the Prophet, to enter Islam, to declare their entry into Islam for those who were previously Muslims, to present their naturality and to sign treaties. In addition to these, there are those who come for economic reasons, as well as for the purposes of establishing political relations, rescuing their captives, and plotting an assassination. The People of the Book, on the other hand, sent a delegation for making a collective agreement and nationality. However, in addition to these generalizations, there are other factors that trigger the arrival of delegations. In the study, on the axis of the Prophet's meetings with the delegations that came to him, the demands of the delegations, both the Prophet's style during the meetings with them, the style of the delegations, and the solution methods will be revealed. In the study, in the axis of the Prophet's meetings with the delegations that came to him, the demands of the delegations, both during the meetings with them and the style of the Prophet, as well as the attitudes of the delegations and the developments, will be revealed., İslam devletleri dış politikalarını belirlerken Hz. Muhammed’in temellerini atmış olduğu İslam devletini oluştururken izlemiş olduğu temel siyasetini ve diplomatik ilişkilerini iyi anlamaları gerekmektedir. Hz. Muhammed’in Hicret’inin akabinde şekillenmeye başlayan İslam devleti, siyasî, askerî ve içtimaî başarılar elde etmiştir. Bu başarıların sonucunda da Resulullah, daha rahat hareket ederek Arabistan yarımadasının en uç noktalarına kadar irtibata geçebilmiş, hatta Doğu Roma İmparatorluğu başta olmak üzere diğer büyük devletlerle de diplomatik temaslarda bulunabilmiştir. Bu temaslar kısa süre sonra meyvelerini vermeye başlamış ve başta Arabistan geneli olmak üzere pek çok coğrafyadan kabile ya da devlet temsilcileri Hz. Peygamber’i ziyarete gelmişlerdir. Böylelikle İslam Diplomasi geleneğinin de temelleri atılmıştır. Fakat bu gelen heyetlerin Resulullah’ı ziyaret amaçları farklılıklar göstermektedir ve geliş amaçlarını tek bir nedene bağlamak mümkün değildir. Temel nedenler; Resulullah’ı tanımak, İslam’a girmek, daha önceden Müslüman olanlar için İslam’a girişlerini bildirerek tabiiyetlerini sunmak ve antlaşmalar imzalamaktır. Bunların yanı sıra iktisadî nedenlerle gelenler bulunduğu gibi, siyasî münasebet kurmak, esirlerini kurtarmak, suikast tertip etmek gibi amaçlarla gelenler de mevcuttur. Ehl-i Kitap ise genel olarak antlaşma yapmak ve tabiiyet bildirmek amaçlı heyet göndermiştir. Fakat bu genellemelerin yanı sıra heyetlerin gelişlerini tetikleyen diğer etkenler de bulunmaktadır. Çalışmada Hz. Peygamber’in kendisine gelen heyetlerle görüşmeleri ekseninde heyetlerin talepleri, onlarla görüşmeler esnasındaki hem Hz. Peygamber’in üslubu hem de heyetlerin tutumları ve yaşanan gelişmeler ortaya konulacaktır. Ayrıca çalışmada Hz. Peygamber’e gelen heyetlerin geliş amaçları ve görüşmeler esnasındaki tutumları dönem kaynakları çerçevesinde ele alınarak geliş amaçları kategorilere ayrılıp karşılaştırmalar yapılarak ortaya konulacaktır.

Bir metni doğru bir şekilde anlama ve yorumlama meselesi insanlığın genel bir sorunu olmuştur. Tarih boyunca farklı dine mensup kişiler bu sorunu çözmek için farklı yöntem ve metotlar ortaya koymuşlar-dır. Modern hermenötiği başlatan kişi olarak görülen Schleiermacher de hermenötik sistemde bir metni yorumlamanın gramatik ve psikolojik yöntemle gerçekleşebileceğini savunmuştur. İslâm metodolojisinde geliştirilmiş olan tefsîr ve fıkıh usûlu diğer taraftan Batı medeniyetinde ortaya çıkmış olan hermenötikteki gramatik yöntem, iki farklı medeniyete ait metin çözümleme çabaları olmakla birlikte her ikisinde de yo-rumda subjektiflik-objektiflik, tarihsellik-evrensellik ve metot tartışmalarının birbirine paralellik arzettiği görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte İslâm medeniyeti, metni anlama ve yorumlamada karşılaşılan sorunlar karşısında asırlar önce kendisine özgü müstakil ilmî disiplinler geliştirmiştir. Diğer taraftan Schleiermac-her’in bir metni anlamak ve yorumlamak için önerdiği gramatik yöntemden haberdar olmak anlama ve yorumlama faaliyetinde bir ufuk açacaktır. Şunu da belirtmek gerekir ki, bu çalışmada, gramatik ve psiko-lojik yöntemden sadece gramatik yöntem, İslâm ilim geleneğinde teşekkül etmiş yorum anlayışı ile mukâyese edilmiş, söz konusu yöntemin Kur’ân’ı anlama ve yorumlamada bir alternatif veya başvurula-cak bir yöntem olup olmadığı araştırılmıştır

A study of Malik b. Dinar's comparison of himself to a runaway slave. Publisher's page: doi.org/10.1086/712785

17. yüzyılda yaşamış büyük Osmanlı seyyahı Evliya Çelebi, küçük yaşlardan itibaren babası aracılığıyla Saray-ı Amire’de bulunan seçkin hocalardan ders almıştır. Yedi yıllık medrese eğitiminden sonra hat ve musiki derslerine devam etmiş ayrıca dönemin yaygın yabancı dilleri olan Arapça, Farsça, Rumca ve bir miktar Latince dersi de görmüştür. Gördüğü bir rüya üzerine seyahate başlayan Evliya Çelebi, yaşamı boyunca başta Osmanlı coğrafyası olmak üzere Kafkaslar, Avrupa, Suriye, Irak, Hicaz, Kuzey Afrika, Mısır, Sudan ve Habeşistan gibi ülkeleri gezmiştir. Evliya Çelebi, gezdiği yerleri on ciltten meydana gelen “Târîh-i Seyyâh Evliyâ Efendi” isimli kitabında kaleme almıştır. Evliya Çelebi, gezdiği devlet, şehir, kasaba ve köylerin tarihi, coğrafi, idari, dini, mitolojik, sosyal, ekonomik, demografik, kültürel, folklorik ve mimari gibi özellik ve yapılarını akıcı bir dil ve kendine özgü bir üslupla eserine adeta resmetmiştir. Günümüzde Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgesinin Suriye sınırında ve Dicle nehrinin kenarında kurulan Cizre, tarihi süreç içerisinde birçok medeniyetin hüküm sürdüğü bir şehir olmuştur. Cizre, İslam orduları tarafından fethedilmesini müteakip bölgenin en önemli ilim ve irfan merkezlerinden biri olmaya başlamıştır. Şehrin tarihi süreç içerisinde sahip olduğu sosyal, ekonomik, siyasi ve kültürel yapı, Evliya Çelebi’nin dikkatinden kaçmamış bu nedenle de Büyük Seyyah, Bağdat taraflarına yaptığı seyahatinin dönüşü sırasında Cizre’ye uğramıştır. Cizre’nin, Hz. Nuh tarafından inşa edilen en eski yerleşim birimi ve aynı zamanda Abbasilerin taht merkezi olduğunu ifade eden Evliya Çelebi, şehrin adına dair çeşitli ifadeler ve nitelendirmelerde bulunmuştur. Evliya Çelebi, Cizre’nin tarihine kısaca değindikten sonra Cizre’nin kalesi, beyleri, hâkimleri, köyleri, evleri, camileri, medreseleri, mezarlıkları, mektepleri, tekkeleri, kiliseleri, tüccar hanları, bedestenleri, dükkânları, hamamları, nehirleri, âlimleri ve şeyhleri, meyve, sebze ve tarım ürünleri gibi daha birçok özelliğine yer vermiştir. Evliya Çelebi özellikle Cizre’nin mezarlığından etkilenmiş ve binlerce ulema, meşayih, büyük veli ve Sahâbe-i Kirâmın burada yattığını belirtmiştir. Şehirde mezarları veya makamları bulunan Hz. Nuh’un oğlu Hz. Tarh, Hazret-i İmam Cafer-i Sadık ibn İmam Muhammed Bakır, Şeyh Muhammed el-Gavs, İmam Ali Meşhedi ve Şeyh Muhammed ibn Cezeri eş-Şafii’yi ziyaret ederek bu zevât-ı muhteremler hakkında çeşitli bilgiler vermiştir. Bu çalışmada; Osmanlı Devleti’nin XVII. yüzyılında yaşamış büyük seyyahı Evliya Çelebi’nin Cizre şehrine olan ziyareti ele alınmıştır. Evliya Çelebi’nin şehre dair XVII. yüzyıldaki gözlemleri; coğrafi, idari, sosyal, ekonomik, dini, kültürel ve mimari gibi başlıklar altında incelenmiştir. Çalışmada, Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesinin İstanbul Üniversitesi Nadir Eserler Koleksiyonunda nesih hattıyla yazılmış ve 3234 ve 5939 yer numarası ile kayıtlı yazma nüshaları, h. 1314/m. 1896 yılında Ahmed Cevdet tarafından matbu bir şekilde yayımlanan Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi, Seyit Ali Kahraman ve Yücel Dağlı tarafından yayıma hazırlanan Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi: Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 304 Numaralı Yazmanın Transkripsiyonu–Dizini ve Seyit Ali Kahraman ile Yücel Dağlı tarafından hazırlanan Günümüz Türkçesiyle Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi isimli eserlerden yararlanılmıştır. The great Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi, who lived in the 17th century, trained by distinguished teachers in Saray-ı Amire through his father from his early age. After seven years of madrasa education, he continued his calligraphy and music lessons and took lessons in Arabic, Persian, Greek and some Latin, which were the common foreign languages of that time. Evliya Çelebi who started his travels after he had a dream, visited countries such as the Caucasus, Europe, Syria, Iraq, Hejaz, North Africa, Egypt, Sudan, and Abyssinia, especially the Ottoman geography, throughout his life. Evliya Çelebi wrote down the places he visited in his book "Tarih-i Seyyâh Evliyâ Efendi", which consists of ten volumes. Evliya Çelebi, in a fluent language and a unique style, has almost painted the historical, geographical, administrative, religious, mythological, social, economic, demographic, cultural, folkloric, and architectural features and structures of the states, cities, towns and villages he visited. Today, Cizre, which has been established on the Syrian border of the Southeastern Anatolia region and on the edge of the Tigris River, has been a city where many civilizations have ruled in the historical process. After it was conquered by the armies of Islam, Cizre became one of the most important centers of science and wisdom in the region. The social, economic, political and cultural structure of the city during the historical process was noticed by Evliya Çelebi thus the great traveler stopped by Cizre on his return from his trip to Bagdad. Evliya Çelebi stated that Cizre was the oldest settlement built by Noah and the throne center of the Abbasids, so he made various expressions and characterizations about the name of the city. Evliya Çelebi, after briefly mentioning the history of Cizre, he wrote about Cizre's castle, lords, judges, villages, houses, mosques, madrasas, cemeteries, schools, lodges, churches, merchant inns, covered bazaars, shops, baths, rivers, scholars and sheiks, fruits, vegetables and agricultural products and so on. Evliya Çelebi was particularly impressed by the cemetery of Cizre and stated that thousands of scholars, sheikhs, great saints and Companions lay there. He visited Hz. Noah's son Hz. Tarh, Imam Jafar-i Sadiq ibn Imam Muhammad Baqir, Sheikh Mohammed al-Gavs, Imam Ali Mashhad and Sheikh Mohammed ibn Jazari al-Shafii and gave various information about these honorable persons. In this study, the visit of great traveler Evliya Çelebi who lived in the 17th century to the city of Cizre has been discussed. Evliya Çelebi's observations of the city in the 17th century was examined under the headings such as geographical, administrative, social, economic, religious, cultural, and architectural. In the study, manuscript copy of Evliya Çelebi's Travel Book, written in nesih calligraphy and registered with the place number 3234 and 5939 in the Istanbul University Rare Works Collection, Evliya Çelebi's Travel Book, published in print by Ahmed Cevdet in h. 1314/ c.e. 1896, Evliyâ Çelebi's Travel Book prepared for publication by Robert Dankoff, Seyit Ali Kahraman and Yücel Dağlı: Transcription-Index of Manuscript No. 304 in Topkapı Palace Library Baghdad and Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi in Contemporary Turkish, prepared by Seyit Ali Kahraman and Yücel Dağlı have been used

Religious education for Muslim is Islamic Education originating from Al-Qur’an dan As Sunnah. This study elucidates the dynamic of the change and development of Islamic education in the era after the death of the prophet Muhammad shallallāhu 'alaihi wa sallam, especially in the period of Khulafāur Rāsyidīn. It was revealed how the education system had been implemented in each caliphate and the situation having influenced the educational system. The finding showed that the pattern of the education in the era of caliph Abu Bakar radhīyallāhu ‘anhu was generally still same as the system applied in the era of the prophet of Muhammad shallallāhu 'alaihi wa sallam. The massive development occurred in the period of caliph Umar bin Khatab radhīyallāhu ‘anhu which was continued with the caliph Utsman bin Affan radhīyallāhu ‘anhu. Nevertheless, there were some fundamental changes, especially in the regulation as well as the education method. Original Source: https://ojs.pps-ibrahimy.ac.id/index.php/jpii/article/view/228

This essay explores the symbiotic relationship between visual culture and the exact sciences that is revealed by the career of ʿAbbas b. Firnas (d. circa 876), as recounted in the Cordoban court chronicle compiled by the historian Ibn Hayyan (d. 1076), and by early scientific instruments from al-Andalus. Ibn Firnas is today remembered as a polymath and early scientist, yet neither historians of art nor of science have fully explored the implications of his reputation among medieval intellectuals as the wellspring of an Andalusi tradition of fine scientific instrumentation. This essay considers the Arabic account of Ibn Firnas as a maker of such objects, alongside early scientific instruments, exploring what these reveal about connections between elite intellectual culture and craft, between science and art making. It argues that considering the objects and texts in tandem reveals that intellectuals, especially those working in the exact sciences, were also “makers” of medieval Islamic visual culture.

Mehmed Efendi (d. 1253/1837) from Gediz was one of the religious scholars within his family tree. He spent his earlier life period to complete his educational life and after graduating from formal schools he undertook various significant positions in ilmiyye (the Ottoman religious administration). Mehmed Efendi extended his interest out of scholar efforts such as joining charity and public services. For this purpose, he found a waqf (a charity organization) institution in 1212/1797. The base wakfiyah (first establishment documents) and zeyl waqfiyah (additional establishments’ documents) indicate that the waqf consists of a madrasah (school), library and several other properties generating income for the waqf services. Since Mehmed Efendi was born and raised in In this context, it is learned from his charter of a waqf dated 1212/1797, that he built a madrasa in Gediz, where he was born and raised and gave some income-generating resources to the foundation. Mehmed Efendi continued his charitable attitude until the last moment of his life. This is evident in the foundation charter dated 1245/1830, 1247/1832 and 1249/1833. As a matter of fact, in addition to the madrasa he had built, he incorporated his house into the foundation along with its add-ons and land. He then donated his cash savings. This time Mehmet Efendi, who was not satisfied with these, expanded the area of the madrasa he had built before and built a library and continued his charitable activities by providing books. In this respect, the scope and content of the Mehmed Efendi Foundation will be discussed. The charitable and charitable activities of Mehmed Efendi will be examined based on four charters belonging to the foundation. Summary Mehmed Efendi (d. 1253/1837) from Gediz, is one of the notable figures of Ottoman scholars that cannot be ignored. The environment in which he was born and raised contributed greatly to this position. Since his childhood, he has been in scholarly surroundings and educated himself in other fields besides religious studies. After successfully completing his education, he took his place as a professor within the scholarly class Mehmed Efendi, who gained important experiences with the tasks he carried out in more than one madrasa, undertook not only the professorship but also the duties of a qadi (judge) and fatwa authority. With his gradually increasing knowledge, he has written many books. It is possible to have information about his life, personality, collection, works, services, fatwas, the period he lived in the light of fatwas, his social life and his Sufi approach can be learned from the works he left behind and the studies carried out by researchers today. As far as we can determine, Mehmed Efendi's waqf activities, which are not subject to research, will be revealed in this article and thus we will try to contribute to the existing information about him. Mehmed Efendi's charitable activities are learned from the endowment/waqfiya documents that are part of the waqf he established. Waqfiya’s are documents that identify what has been donated to the waqf, how they will be managed, where and to whom the revenues will be spent, who will manage the foundation, who is eligible for duties at the waqf and their rights. In this context, one base waqfiya and three zeyl waqfiya’s were identified by the waqf Mehmed Efendi established. The base waqfiya refers to 7 Muharram 1212/2 July 1797. As for zeyl waqfiya’s ; the first one is dated 5 Shawwal 1245/30 March 1830; second on 1 Shaban 1247/5 January 1832; third on 1 Muharram 1249/21 May 1833. The base waqfiya of Mehmed Efendi’s waqf dated 7 Muharram 1212/2 July 1797 was arranged in accordance with the waqf’s general template. It is seen in the base waqfiya that as the founder of the waqf, his first charity was to build a madrasa and taking steps to generate income in order to keep it alive. In addition, it is also possible to learn from the waqfiya regarding who will undertake a teaching position and how much they will earn, how much fees will be paid for the expenses of the madrasa, and the management and supervision of the foundation. The first zeyl waqfiya dated on 5 Shawwal 1245/30 March 1830 constitutes the donation of Mehmed Efendi’s own house. Under the condition that he and his wife are allowed to stay at home while they were alive. After their death, it was stated that said property would be rented out to generate income. It is also stated in the waqfiya that the income obtained from the rent is reflected in the wages of the waqf employees and spent on the expenses of the madrasa. The second zeyl waqfiya dated on 1 Shaban 1247/5 January 1832 further expanded the scope of previous waqfiya’s . This time the subject of the donation was cash money. Mehmed Efendi gave 20,000 kurus of cash and pointed out in the waqfiya regarding how to manage and spend it. From the income obtained, additions were made to the earnings of the officials who had been paid to as per the previous waqfiya . Unlike past practices, Mehmed Efendi has also allocated a share of the waqf’s income to those undertaking duties outside his own waqf. The last and the most comprehensive of the waqfiya’s is the third zeyl waqfiya . The third zeyl waqfiya dated on 1 Muharram 1249/21 May 1833 was prepared in more detail than the previous waqfiya’s and more people were added to the list of wage earners from the waqf. For example, the rate at which the revenues of the waqf should be evaluated to the detailed information on how to compensate for the loss when a book is lost from the library is given. Moreover, about how the education staff of Mehmed Efendi waqf and people outside the waqf who have to receive income should pray to the foundation founder and his family. It is thought that Mehmed Efendi's progressive age and the loss of all his children were instrumental in the intensification of the charity items and prayer requests in this foundation, which was written about four years before Mehmed Efendi's death. The management, supervision, education and service staff all carried out duties within the waqf established by Mehmed Efendi. These individuals who worked in the administration of the waqf, the madrasa and its library were paid a fee from the waqf’s revenues in return for their services. Furthermore, when the income and expense table of the waqf is examined, we can easily say that Mehmed Efendi has spent his property and financial resources on the waqf. However, after the death of himself and his wife, it is observed that the waqf was not well managed. Indeed, when the historical development of the waqf is followed, it is noteworthy that the waqf, which has been serving for nearly a century, has become increasingly distant from its former glory, especially after their death.

Conflict over the Caliphate after the assassination of the third Caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656), has remained a matter of serious concern amongst the Muslim academia and intellectual circles. This conflict resulted in schism among Muslims and caused two series of civil wars. These wars seem to have been a conflict of approaches (theological, socio-political and tribal) towards the Caliphate. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar (610 – 73/693), a famous companion of the Prophet, opted for an approach distinct from the prevailing various approaches. Besides his meritorious active role in restoration of peace and harmony, Ibn ʿUmar is a prominent scholar too. His command over the traditional Islamic disciplines (tafsīr, ḥadīth, fiqh, sīrah, tārīkh, etc) is exemplary. His life, traditions, viewpoints, and activities are prominently highlighted in the Islamic literatures. Despite the mention of Ibn ʿUmar in many sources reporting his peace promoting efforts, however, there is no comprehensive analytical research focusing on his role for the restoration of peace and harmony, its impact upon contemporary people and legacy in post-Ibn ʿUmar period. There seems to be a gap which this study aims to fill through a critical analysis of his views, activities and dealing with fitan through different measures. This dissertation deals with three aspects of Ibn ʿUmar’s life. First, the positive role that he played during the period of fitan. On the ground of the extensive Islamic literature in Arabic, English and Urdu languages, an attempt has been made to examine the nuances of his approaches to fitan through a chronological study of his life. Second, the impact of Ibn ʿUmar’s role during post-Ibn ʿUmar period. Based on the analysis of the comments on his approaches in fitan and on the comparison of his views with that of Ahl al-Sunnah, an effort has been exerted to measure his influence on later Muslim generations. Third is the leadership model that Ibn ʿUmar offers. On the account of the analysis of his leadership moments specially in fitan times and its comparison with leadership styles, it is aimed to examine his leadership style. Thus, this study argues that with his thoughts and leadership in the times of fitan, Ibn ʿUmar left deep impression on future generations.

Baghdād: From its Beginnings to the 14th Century offers an exhaustive handbook that covers all possible themes connected to the history of this urban complex in Iraq, from its origins rooted in late antique Mesopotamia up to the aftermath of the Mongol invasion in 1258. Against the common perception of a city founded 762 in a vacuum, which, after experiencing a heyday in a mythical “golden age” under the early ʿAbbāsids, entered since 900 a long period of decline that ended with a complete collapse by savage people from the East in 1258, the volume emphasizes the continuity of Baghdād’s urban life, and shows how it was marked by its destiny as caliphal seat and cultural hub.

Robert G. Hoyland-Brian Gilmour. Medieval Islamic Swords and Swordmaking: Kindi’s Treatise ‘On Swords and Their Kinds’. 2. Baskı. Cambridge: Gibb Memorial Trust, 2012, 216 s., Robert G.Hoyland-Brian Gilmour. Medieval Islamic Swords and Swordmaking: Kindi’sTreatise ‘On Swords and Their Kinds’. 2. Baskı. Cambridge: GibbMemorial Trust, 2012, 216 s.

Memlükler döneminin büyük tarihçilerinden kabul edilen Makrîzî, Ehl-i beyt ve Hz. Ali evladı taraftarlığının yanı sıra Arap asabiyesine düşkünlüğü ve muhalif tavrıyla da tanınmaktadır. Tarihin çeşitli alanlarında eserler kaleme alan Makrîzî, bunlar arasında yer alan Kitâbü’s-Sülûk’te Abbâsî Devleti’ni de ana hatlarıyla ele almıştır. Onun buradaki tespit ve yorumları, bu devletin tarihine dair farklı bir bakışı da yansıttığından ele alınmaya değerdir. Zira Makrîzî, Abbâsî Devleti yıkıldıktan sonra bu hanedana mensup bazı kişilerin Mısır’a getirtilerek halife ilan edildiği ve toplumla ulemanın onlara büyük hürmet ve teveccüh gösterdiği bir vasatta umumun görüşlerinin dışına çıkarak Abbâsîler’i tenkit etme cesaretini gösteren ilginç bir tarihçidir. Bu çalışmada, öncelikle Makrîzî’nin hayatı, kişiliği ve tarihçiliğine temas edilmiştir. Ulema ailesine mensup olması, aldığı iyi eğitim ve tarihçilik konusundaki müktesebatı özellikle vurgulanmıştır. Yine çalışmaya konu edilen kısmın yer aldığı Kitâbü’s-Sülûk de ana hatlarıyla tanıtılmıştır. Ardından eserin Abbâsîlerle ilgili kısmı ayrıntılı bir şekilde değerlendirilmiş ve müellifin diğer risale ve biyografi eserlerinde verdiği malumatla zenginleştirilmiştir., Maḳrīzī, who is considered one of the great historians of the Mamluk period, is known for his support for Ahl Bayt as well as his adherence to the Arab asabiyya and for his dissident attitude. Maḳrīzī, who wrote works in various fields of history, also discussed the Abbasid State in Kitâb al-Sulûk, which is among them, with its main lines. His findings and comments here are worth considering as they reflect a different view of the history of this state. Because Maḳrīzī is an interesting historian who dared to criticize the Abbasids by going beyond the views of the general public in a medium where some members of this dynasty were brought to Egypt and declared as caliphs after the Abbasid State was destroyed and the society and the ulama(scholars) showed great respect and kindness to them. Therefore, Maḳrīzī, who is the founder of the Egyptian historiography school and a knowledgeable historian, as well as these features, his brave attitude and opposing attitude make it important to reveal his determinations and evaluations about the Abbasid history. In this study, first of all, Maḳrīzī, his personality and his historiography were discussed. Particular emphasis was placed on the fact that he was a member of the Ulama family, his good education and his vast knowledge on historiography. Again, the work of Maḳrīzī, Kitâb al-Sulûk, which includes the part of the study, was introduced in its main lines. After these, the part of the work in question was evaluated in detail and enriched with the information given by the author in other treatises and biography works of him.

Although Islam in Europe is not a new phenomenon, Muslims in Germany are still quite remarkable to study. The dynamic of Muslims both internally and externally is the most interesting thing. Internally, Muslims in Germany who are coming from many different ethnics and races in Asia and Africa is a such a big challenge for Muslims to unite and integrate. Externally, Islam which is historically not a “homegrown” religion in Europe is facing such a big challenge to adjust to such a “new” circumstances. Judeo-Christian has long been the cultural tradition of Germans and Europeans in general. The influx of a number of Muslims from some conflict areas in the Middle East and Africa recently adds another notable phenomenon. This article is trying to portray the development of Islam and Muslims in Germany and the way how they mingle with German counterparts along with the growing of islamophobia in the country. Eventually, this article will also observe some resistance of Muslims in the form of radicalism in the country and their efforts to integrate into Western society.

İslam’ın Arap Yarımadası’ndan çıkarak doğuda Çin sınırları ile Hint, batıda Kuzey Afrika ve Endülüs’e kadar yayılması Müslümanların birçok farklı kültürle yakın temas kurmalarını sağlamıştır. Bunun neticelerinden biri, gerek ilmî birikimin artması gerekse askerî, malî vb. yönlerden yeni ihtiyaçların ortaya çıkması sonucu coğrafyaya dair çalışmaların hız kazanmış olmasıdır. İlk dönem İslam coğrafyacıları eserlerinde, hem seyahat ettikleri hem de haklarında malumat toplayabildikleri şehirleri tasvir etme yoluna gitmişlerdir. Bir nevi yazılı haritalar olarak kabul edebileceğimiz bu ilk çalışmalar, her ne kadar farklı coğrafyalarda yazılmış ve farklı ekoller tarafından ortaya konmuş olsalar da birtakım ortak özelliklere sahiptirler. Bu ortak noktalardan birisi, şehirlerin tasvirlerinde kullandıkları terminolojidir. Bu terminoloji bize, Müslüman coğrafya bilginleri arasında şehirlerin tasvirinde öne çıkan ortak bir şehir tipolojisinin var olduğunu salık vermektedir. Biz de bu çalışmada bizzat müelliflerin kullandıkları kavramların neler olduğu ve ne anlama geldikleri, bu kavramların birbirleriyle olan ilişkisi gibi birtakım sorulara yine müelliflerin eserlerindeki kullanımlarını tetkik ederek cevap vermeye çalışacağız.ÖzetOrtaçağ İslam coğrafyacılarının eserlerinde, medîne olarak belirtilen yerleşim birimlerinin tasvirleri birtakım ortak özelliklere sahiptirler. Bu ortak noktalardan birisi, müelliflerin şehirlerin tasvirlerinde kullandıkları terminolojidir. Bu çalışmada müelliflerin şehirlerin tasvirlerinde kullandıkları kavramların neler olduğu ve ne anlama geldikleri, bu kavramların birbirleriyle olan ilişkisi gibi birtakım sorulara, bizzat müelliflerin eserlerindeki kullanımları tetkik edilerek cevap verilmeye, ardından Müslüman coğrafya bilginleri arasında şehirlerin tasvirinde öne çıkan “ortak bir şehir tipolojisi” ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu tipolojiyi oluşturduğunu düşündüğümüz yapısal unsurlar, aynı zamanda o tarihlerde bir şehrin/medînenin hangi topoğrafik unsurlardan meydana geldiğini de ortaya koymaktadır.Müslüman coğrafyacıların şehirlerin tasvirinde kullandıkları terminolojinin doğuşunda ilk fetihlerin akabinde karşılaşılan şehirlerin büyük etkisi vardır. Bilhassa Fars etkisinin, Sâsânîlerden ele geçirilen İran, Horasan ve akabinde Maveraünnehir bölgesi şehirlerinin etkili olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Bununla birlikte coğrafya müellifleri ortaya koydukları bu terminolojiyi yalnız bu bölgelere hasretmemişler, örneklerine yer verildiği üzere Kuzey Afrika ve Endülüs gibi diğer bölgelerin tasvirlerinde de kullanmaya devam etmişlerdir. Bu da şehir tasvirlerinde artık ortak bir dilin ve terminolojinin ortaya çıktığı ve kullanılmaya başlandığı anlamına gelmektedir.Coğrafya müellifleri eserlerinde “medîne” olarak belirttikleri İslam şehirlerini tarif ederlerken ayrı başlıklar halinde incelediğimiz beş ana unsura işaret etmektedirler. Bunlar; kuhendiz, şehristan/medîne, rabad, bizim şimdilik “sur içi/mücâvir zirâî alan” olarak tabir ettiğimiz kısım ve son olarak bu şehir merkezine bağlı rustâklardır. Bu unsurlar şehrin gelişim şekline göre kimi zaman içten dışa doğru, bir başka deyişle merkezden çevreye doğru gelişen, kimi zaman birbirinden bağımsız surla çevrelenmiş, kimi zaman da birbirine bitişik vaziyette bulunabilmektedir. Ancak, bir şehrin bu unsurların tamamına aynı anda sahip olma zorunluluğu bulunmamaktadır. Bu durum tamamen şehrin gelişmişlik düzeyiyle alakalı olup, bu unsurların tamamına sahip olan şehirler dönemin askerî, idarî ve ekonomik bakımdan gelişmiş merkezleri konumundadırlar. Şu hususu da belirtelim, ki metodik açıdan çalışmada verilen örnekler konuyu en iyi şekilde kavramamızı ve şehir tipolojisine dair silüetin daha iyi görülmesini sağlamaları amacıyla, diğer şehirler içinde tebarüz edenler arasından seçilmişlerdir. Zira, İslam coğrafya müelliflerinin tüm şehir tasvirlerinde her bir unsura dair örnekler bulmak mümkündür. Kuhendizler, şehristânlar ve rustâklar İslam öncesi dönemde de yaygın olarak görülebilen unsurlar olup İslamî dönemi “medîne” ve “rabad”ın kavramsallaştığı, yeni medînelerin ve rabadların teşekkül ettiği, surla çevrelendiği ve rabadların zamanla medîneye dönüştüğü bir dönem olarak düşünmemiz mümkündür. Coğrafya metinlerinde kuhendiz ile kale, hisâr ve hısn olarak isimlendirilen yapılar arasında bir kavram kargaşasının olduğu görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte, bazı müelliflerin de vurgulamaya çalıştıkları üzere, daha önce genel kabule göre kale veya hısn olarak bilinen ve özellikle Horasan ve Maveraünnehir bölgelerinde görülmeye başlanan bu yapılar için şehir merkezinin bölümlerinden olan bir medîneye/şehristâna nispet edilmeleri sebebiyle kuhendiz tabiri kullanılmıştır. Kuhendizler, İslam öncesi şehrinin merkezlerini temsil etmekte olup, İslamî dönemin ilk zamanlarında da aynı amaçla kullanılmaya devam edilmişlerdir. Ancak, Müslüman idaresi altında iskâna tabi tutulan şehirlerde idarî ve iktisadî gelişmeye bağlı olarak yeni yerleşim alanlarının imara açılması ile bu eski alanlar yavaş yavaş terkedilmeye başlanmıştır. Şehristânlar, halkın ekseriyetinin yaşadığı yerleşim alanları olup, İslamî dönemle birlikte terminolojik değişime uğramış, yerini “medîne” kavramının alması ile ilmî çevrelerce kullanımı zamanla terkedilmiştir. Bu noktada, Arapça’da hem yapısal ögelerine yer verdiğimiz “şehir mefhumu” için, hem de şehri oluşturan unsurlardan birisi olan “şehristânlar” için “medîne” kavramının kullanılmış olması, coğrafya eserlerinin tetkikinde dikkat edilmesi gereken hususlardan biri olarak karşımızda durmaktadır.Coğrafi metinlerden anlaşıldığı kadarıyla Müslümanlarca şehirlerde uzun yıllar boyunca medîne yerleşim alanları teşkil edilmeye devam etti. Bu şehirler aynı zamanda, fetihler sonrası imar ve iskan faaliyetleri neticesinde şehirlerde meydana gelen değişime de örnek teşkil ederler. Buna karşın, Müslümanların iskanından evvel birden fazla şehristâna/medîneye sahip şehirlere dair coğrafya eserlerinde pek fazla malumata sahip değiliz. Ulaşabildiğimiz kadarıyla, kaynaklarımızda İslamlaşma öncesi döneme ait, birden fazla şehristân’a sahip tek örnek Buhara’dır. Buhara, Semerkant, Merv ve Belh gibi dönemin gelişmiş şehirlerinde olduğu gibi, şehirlerin ana çekirdeğini oluşturan kuhendizleri, şehristânları/medîneleri ve çoğunlukla sonradan teşekkül eden rabadları da içine alan genellikle dâirevî bir surun inşa edildiği görülmektedir. İlgili başlık altında ortaya konmaya çalışıldığı üzere, bu surlar içerisinde kalan zirâî alanların, gerek terminolojik manada ayrı kavramlarla ifade edilmeleri gerekse sınırları belirlenmiş araziler olmaları hasebiyle müstakil bir unsur kabul edilmeleri daha uygundur. Biz bu unsura şimdilik “sur içi/mücâvir zirâî alan” tabirini kullanmayı uygun gördük. Böylece bu alan, şehri oluşturan yapısal ögelerden birini de teşkil etmiş olmaktadır.Rustâklar, Fars/Sasânî şehirleşmesinin ve toprak yönetimin bir unsuru olup, İslamî dönemde de kısmen uygulanmaya devam etmiştir. Rustâklar, daha kuruluş aşamasından itibaren şehirlerin geçim kaynağıydı ve bu çağlarda ziraate dayalı toplumun vazgeçilmez bir aracıydı. Büyüklüklerine bağlı olarak şehirler, onlarca rustâka sahip olabilmekteydi. Yine Belh örneğinde açıkça görüldüğü üzere özellikle büyük şehir merkezlerine bağlı rustâklar bir veya birkaç köyden müteşekkil değildi. Muhtemelen idârî manada bu rustâkların bağlı bulunduğu şehir/medîne olarak kabul edilen büyük yerleşim birimlerini de ihtiva edebilmekteydi., The spread of Islam from the Arabian Peninsula to the North Africa and al-Andalus in the west, to the Chinese borders and the Indian Subcontinent in the east, helped Muslims to establish close contact with many different cultures. One of the consequences of this is that both the increase in scientific accumulation and the emergence of new needs in military, financial and similar aspects accelerated the studies on geography. Islamic geographers of the first period, not only did they describe the cities to which they travelled but also they depicted the cities about which they could collect data. These first works, which can be considered as a kind of written maps, have some common features, although they are written in different geographies and revealed by different schools. One of these common points is the terminology that they used in depictions of cities. This terminology suggests that there was a common city typology among Muslim geography scholars that stands out in the depiction of cities. In this study, particularly we will try to answer a number of questions such as what the concepts of authors are and what they mean and the relationship between these concepts by examining the uses of authors in their works.SummaryThe depictions of settlements which were designated as madīna in the works of the medieval Muslim geographers have some common characteristics. One of them is the terminology used by the authors in depictions of cities. In this study, particularly I tried to answer a number of questions such as what the concepts of authors are and what they mean and the relationship between these concepts by examining the uses of authors in their works. Then, a common city typology which is prominent in the depiction of cities among the Muslim geography scholars has been put forward. The structural elements that are considered to constitute this typology also revealed the topographic elements of a city at that time.The cities conquered by muslims had a great impact on the emergence of the terminology used by Muslim geographers in depicting cities. I can say that especially Persian influence; the cities in Iran, Khurāsān which were captured from the Sāsānians and Mā Warāʾ al-Nahr districts was effective. However, geography writers did not restrict using this terminology for only these regions, they also had continued to use in depiction of other regions such as North Africa and al-Andalus. This means that a common language and terminology emerged and started to be used.Geography authors point to five main elements that I have examined in separate titles while describing Islamic cities that they called "madīna". These are kuhandiz, shahristān, rabad, the part so-called “the adjacent agricultural fields / agricultural fields surrounded by wall” by us and the last part rustāq connected to main city center. Depending on ways of development of cities, these elements sometimes developed from inside to out, in other words from center to environment, sometimes surrounded by independent walls and sometimes adjacent to each other. However, a city did not have to have all these elements at the same time. This situation was totally related to development level of city, and the cities which had all these elements were the military, administrative and economically developed centers of the period. From the methodical point of view, it should be noted that the examples given in the study were selected from among the other cities in order to ensure that to understand the subject in best way and ensure that the silhouette on the city typology is seen better. Because it is possible to find examples of each element in all city depictions of Islamic geography writers. Kuhandiz, shahristān/madīna, and rustāq are the elements that can be seen in the pre-Islamic period. It is possible to think of the Islamic period as a period in which these words were conceptualized, new madīnas and rabads were formed, surrounded by walls and rabads were gradually transformed into madīnas. In geography texts, it is seen that there is a concept confusion between kuhandiž and buildings named qalʿa, ḥiṣār and ḥiṣn. However, as some writers hade tried to emphasize, "kuhandiz" had been using for these structures which were previously known as fortress (especially ḥiṣn or qalʿa) due to their proportion to shahristāns / madīnas of city centers, and were notably seen in the regions of Khurāsān and Mā Warāʾ al-Nahr. Kuhandižs represent the centers of pre-Islamic cities and were continued to be used for the same purpose in the early Islamic period. But, these old areas were gradually abandoned due to the development of new parts of settlement under Muslim administration. Shahristāns were residential areas where the majority of people lived. With the Islamic period, the word “shahristān” had been terminologically changed to “madīna” and use of this concept by scientific circles was gradually disappeared in time. At this point, it is one of the issues to be considered in the examination of geography works that the use of “madīna” in Arabic both for the concept of the city in which we examine the structural elements in this article, and for “shahristān” which is one of the elements of the city.As it is understood from the geographical texts, madīna was continued to be established by Muslims in cities for centuries. These are also examples of change in cities as a result of development and housing activities after the conquests. However, we don’t have much information in the geography works about the cities which had more than one shahristān /madīna before the inhabit of Muslims. As far as we can reach, the only example in our resources with multiple madīnas/shahristān belonging to the pre-Islamic period is Bukhara.As in the developed cities of the period such as Bukhara, Samarqand, Marw and Balkh, it is seen a generaly circular fortification wall which usually surrounded main center of cities including kuhandizs, madīnas/ shahristān and mostly later rabads. So, it is more appropriate to consider the areas between these walls and other parts of city (kuhandiz, shahristān/madīna, rabad) as an independent element because of the fact that they were lands with determined borders and were defined by separate concepts. I have used “adjacent agricultural area” for this element for now. Thus, this area constitutes one of the structural elements of the cities.Rustāqs were parts of Persian-Sāsānian urbanization and land administration, and had continued to be partially implemented during the Islamic period. They were the source of livelihood of the cities from foundation stage and were an indispensable tool of the society based on agriculture in that ages. Depending on size, the cities could have dozens of them. As can be seen in the case of Balkh, the rustāḳs especially connected to the big city centers were not composed of one or several villages. Moreover, these rustāqs could contain big settlements called madīna which were their centers.

[EN] The book contains 18 contributions written by senior and junior scholars from different institutions all over the world. It is divided into five sections dealing with how knowledge produced in the Maghrib was integrated in the Mashriq starting with the emergence and construction of the concept 'Maghrib' (sections 1 and 2); how travel allowed the reception in the Maghrib of knowledge produced in the Mashriq but also the transmission of locally produced knowledge outside the Maghrib, and the different ways in which such transmission took place (sections 3 and 4), and how the Maghribis who stayed or settled in the Mashriq manifested their identity (section 5). The book will be of interest not only for those whose research concentrates on the Maghrib but more generally for those who want to understand the complex and shifting dynamics between 'centres' and 'peripheries' as regards intellectual production and circulation., It presents results achieved in the Research Project "Local contexts and global dynamics: al-Andalus and the Maghrib in the Islamic East (AMOI)", funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (FFI2016-78878-R AEI/FEDER, UE) and directed by Maribel Fierro and Mayte Penelas., Frontmatter. -- Contents. -- List of contributors. -- The Maghrib in the Mashriq. Knowledge, Travel and Identity. Introduction. -- Part I:Establishing Boundaries between the Maghrib and the Mashriq. -- Constructing the Boundary between Mashriq and Maghrib in Medieval Muslim Sources. -- Ibn Saʿīd al-Maghribī: Egypt as Part of the Maghrib. Part II:Integrating the Maghrib into Universal Islamic History. -- Al-Andalus in al-Mukhtaṣar fī akhbār al-bashar, by Abū al-Fidā. -- Lost Somewhere in Between? On the Transmission of History from Islamic West to East in Premodern Times: The Case of the Almohad Caliph Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb and the Battle of Alarcos. -- Communicating a Biography: A Comparison of the Maghribi-Andalusi and Mashriqi Sources on al-Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ. -- Part III: Maghribi Success in the East. -- A Majorcan in Baghdad. Al-Ḥumaydī’s Jamʿ bayn al-Ṣaḥīḥayn and Its Reception in the Mashriq. -- The Impact of Maghribi Ḥadīth Commentaries on the Mashriq. -- Andalusi Scholars on Qurʾānic Readings in the Islamic East: The Case of Abū al-Qāsim al-Shāṭibī (538–590 H/1143–1194 CE). -- On the Success of Ibn Saʿīd al-Maghribī’s al-Mughrib in the Islamic East. -- A Successful Andalusi muwashshaḥa: ʿUbāda b. Māʾ al-Samāʾ’s Man walī. Part IV: Pathways of Reception from the Maghrib to the Mashriq. -- Andalusi Romance Terms in Kitāb al-Simāt fī asmāʾ al-nabāt, by al-Suwaydī of Damascus (d. 690 H/1291 CE). --The Influence of Andalusi Ṣūfism on the Central Islamicate World: Ibn Sabʿīn’s son and his Kitāb al-Sulūk fī ṭarīq al-qawm. -- Isnād of Ibn Khaldūn: Maghribi Tradition of Knowledge in Mamlūk Cairo. -- Mālikī Jurists from the Maghrib and al-Andalus in Post-Fāṭimid Egyp. -- Traces of the Medieval Islamic West in Modern East Africa: Andalusi and Maghribi Works in the Horn of Africa. --Part V :Remaining Maghribi while in the Mashriq. -- Vehicles of Cultural Identity: Some Thoughts on Maghribi Scripts and Manuscripts in the Mashriq. -- A Mamlūk-Andalusi Holograph Manuscript of the Former Marīnid Chancellor Muḥammad Ibn Ḥizb Allāh al-Wādī Āshī (d. 788 H/1386 CE). -- Writing the Biography of Ibn Khaldūn. -- Index of Names and Places

Zulfiqar is the sword’s name which gifted to Ali by Muhammed and with him become a legend. The sword which seen as symbol of sovereignty, power and authority, given to Ali has caused to be seen as evidence in the visible and hidden mean that he is the heir of the Prophet. By the virtue of importance that was upon to it, much has been said about Zulfiqar in history. In Turkish literature and especially in Alevis-Bektashi poems, Zulfiqar, which always remembered as attributed from Ali, takes Duldul along with it as a legendary sword, bestowed upon him by Allah. One of the two forks of Zulfiqar, which is curved and double-edged, in other words thought to be forked, represents science and the other represents faith. The hilt of the sword is the symbol of justice. Firstly in this articles it will be determined based on the basic sources of Islamic history, how and whom crafted Zulfiqar, which is considered to be of such importance in folk literatures and tales, has what kind of characteristics it possesses and who are its first owners. Then the answers will be sought to the question of how the Messenger of Allah has possess it and when and why he gave it to Ali. In addition it will be investigated to, afterwards what type of process it gone through and what it fate is. [Zülfikar, Hz. Muhammed tarafından Hz. Ali’ye hediye edilen ve onunla birlikte efsaneleşen kılıcın adıdır. Hâkimiyet, güç ve iktidar sembolü olarak görülen kılıcın Hz. Ali’ye verilmesi, zahirî ve bâtıni manada onun Hz. Peygamber’in varisi olduğuna delil olarak görülmesine sebep olmuştur. Ona yüklenen bu öneme binaen Zülfikar hakkında tarih boyunca çok şey söylenmiştir. Türk edebiyatında ve özellikle Alevi-Bektaşi şiirlerinde daima Hz. Ali’ye izafe edilerek anılan Zülfikar, Düldül’le birlikte ona Allah tarafından bahşedilen efsanevi bir kılıç olarak yer alır. Eğri ve çift ağızlı, başka bir ifadeyle çatallı olduğu düşünülen Zülfikar’ın iki çatal ucundan biri ilmi, diğeri de imanı temsil eder. Kılıcın kabzası ise adaletin sembolüdür. Makalede öncelikle halk edebiyatı ve menkıbelerde bu derece önem atfedilen Zülfikar’ın, ne zaman ve kimin tarafından imal edildiği, esasında onun hangi özelliklere sahip olduğu ve ilk sahiplerinin kimler olduğu, temel İslam tarihi kaynakları esas alınarak belirlenmeye çalışıldı. Resûlullah’ın bu kılıca ne şekilde sahip olduğu ve onu Hz. Ali’ye ne zaman ve niçin verdiği sorularına cevap arandı. Ayrıca kılıcın daha sonraları nasıl bir süreçten geçtiği ve akıbetinin ne olduğu araştırıldı.]

For more than two centuries, Muslims have been retelling different stories about the origin of their call to prayer. While the converging details of these narratives offer a glimpse of Muslim cultural memory and its preservation, the diverging elements reflect different mechanisms that facilitate the adaption of this cultural memory to new contexts and concerns. Based on the work of Jan Assmann, the present study explores how Muslims conserved and adapted their cultural memory to keep their common identity and expand their diversity following distinctive religious, political, or personal forms of belongings. The narratives concerned with the origin of the Islamic call to prayer and preserved in various written text collections offer a fertile ground to analyze how this part of Muslim cultural memory became the vehicle of a permanent but adaptable Muslim identity.

Transnational Islamic movement is a terminology that belongs in the new academic study. The term 'nomenclature', generally the ideology they have crossed the State boundary of the critical limits stretcher (Nation state). The emergence of transnational Islamic movement's lively lately is part of an Islamic revival and renewal of the Era that grew in the Middle East since the 18th century. The post-war collapse of the Caliphate based in Ottoman Turkey in 1924. The transnational Islamic movement has found its momentum by forming new forces in conducting resistance against colonialism and imperialism of the West. Presence of Transnational Islamic movement in Indonesia is part of the revivalisms Islamic movement in the Middle East and influenced directly against the pattern of Islam in Indonesia. Transmission line ideas Islamism is at least via the social movements, education, and publications.

Kur’an’ın infaka dair emirleri ve Hz. Peygamber’in teşvikleri temelinde mal varlıklarını vakfeden sahabilerden biri de Hz. Ömer’dir. Hz. Peygamber’in tavsiyeleri doğrultusunda “Semğ” adı verilen hurma bahçesini vakfeden Hz. Ömer, hilafeti döneminde bu vakfını büyük bir sahabe topluluğu önünde kayıt altına alarak İslâm kültür ve medeniyetinin ilk teferruatlı vakfiyesini oluşturmuştur. Bu uygulama sayesinde İslâm toplumlarında vakıf kurma ve vakfiye akdetme gelenek haline gelmiştir. İslâm tarihi boyunca bu uygulama temelinde geliştirilen vakfiye, Osmanlı döneminde en mükemmel halini almıştır. Bu incelememizde İslâm medeniyetinin ilk örnek vakfiyelerinden biri olan Hz. Ömer’in vakfiyesi, mahiyeti ve özellikleri itibariyle ele alınacaktır. Ayrıca Hz. Ömer’in Mescid-i Aksa ve Sahre’sine yönelik gerçekleştirdiği vakfın taşa yazılmış vakfiyesi de çalışmamızda değerlendirilecektir.

From the 3rd/9th to the 5th/11th century, the city of Siraf, a prosperous port on the Iranian coast of the Persian Gulf, in the province of Fārs, was a major emporium of the Indian Ocean trade. Commodities from Eastern Asia and East Africa were stored in Siraf, then sent to Iran, Iraq, Arabia, the Red Sea and further. Archaeological studies showed a densely populated city, with a bazar, a fine mosque and richly built houses and palaces, as well as hydraulic infrastructures enabling irrigated agriculture in this hot and dry area (Whitehouse 2009). This article examines the contribution of Arabic and Persian mediaeval texts (geographical and historiographical, including biographical dictionaries) to the understanding of Siraf’s history, from its prosperous times to the city’s decline during the later part of the Middle Ages.

This paper argues that the famous conqueror of al-Andalus, Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, who originally came from ʿAyn al-Tamr, a town under the hegemony of Naṣrid al-Ḥīrah, transmitted aspects of Sasanian administrative practice to al-Andalus and hence to Europe, as evidenced by the taxation terms tasca and kafiz attested in Latin and Romance texts. This specific argument is embedded in a larger argument about cultural hybridity centering on the city of al-Ḥīrah as a pre-Islamic and Islamic contact zone among cultures—Roman, Iranian, Arab; Christian, Muslim; tribal and urban. It thus links the processes of transculturation observable in al-Ḥīrah with developments in the far edges of the Islamic world through the person of the conqueror Mūsā b. Nuṣayr.

Bu tez çalışmasının konusunu Türk ve İslam Bilim Tarihinin müze/sergi yoluyla aktarımı konusunda yeni bir yol önerisidir. Bilimin ve teknolojinin ilk izlerine değinerek, tezin ana konusu olan Türk ve İslam biliminin en güçlü olduğu yüzyıllara ağırlık verilerek Rönensans sonrası Batı biliminden de bahsedilecektir. Bu tezle ortaya konan Türk-İslam Bilim Tarihi sergisi dünyadaki diğer benzer sergi ve müzelerin işlemediği tema ve kişiler ile konuları kapsamaktadır. Amaç bu zamana kadarki benzer sergi ve müzelere bir alternatif oluşturabilmektir. Bir Osmanlı tasarımı olarak ortaya çıkan ilk arabalı vapur olan Suhulet feribotu üzerinden, tematik bir sergi hazırlanmıştır. Bilim tarihindeki gelişmeler, kronolojik bir hat üzerinde, farklı coğrafyalarda farklı ekollerde gelişen bilimin etkileşimi ve Rönesans sonrasını da kapsayarak Suhulet feribotu üzerinden anlatılmıştır.Birinci bölümde; bilimin ortaya çıkışı, kavramsallaşması, tarih öncesi insan topluluklarının gelişmesine etkisi; tarım devrimi sonrasında ise Mısır, Mezopotamya, Anadolu Hindistan ve Cin'deki ilk kent ve nehir kulturleri (Tunc Devri) ve son olarak da Klasik Yunan ve Roma uygarlıklarını da iceren, ticarete dayalı bağımsız kentler (Demir Devri) donemi 7. yüzyıla kadar ana hatlarıyla aktarılmıştır. İkinci bölümde; 7. yy ile başlayan İslam tarihinin o dönemki bilim merkezleri ile etkileşimi ve çevirilerle bilimin İslam coğrafyasına adaptasyonu, İslam coğrafyasında bilimsel gelişmelerin sebepleri, Bilimin Avrupa'ya aktarımını sağlayan ilişkiler, Türklerin bilime katkıları, Osmanlı Bilimi, Rönesans ve Avrupa aydınlanması dönemleri 20. yüzyıla kadar olan tarih aralığında anlatılmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde; Dünyadan ve Türkiye'den Türk ve İslam Bilimi konulu sergi/müze örnekleri incelenerek artı ve eksi yönleriyle aktarılmıştır. Dördüncü bölümde; modern müzecilik, sergi küratörlüğü, sergi hazırlama aşamaları ve değerlendirilmesi konularına kısaca yer verilmiştir. Beşinci ve son bölümde ise; şimdiye kadar görülen örneklerden farklı nitelik ve içeriklerde tematik bir Türk-İslam bilim tarihi sergisi hazırlanmıştır. Sinopsis ve sergi metinleri, eser seçimi ve tasarımı ile kullanılacak digital teknolojiler bu bölümde anlatılmıştır. The theme of this thesis is a proposal for a new way of transferring the History of Turkish and Islamic Science through a museum / exhibition.By referring to the first traces of science and technology, and focusing on the centuries that are the strongest of the Turkish and Islamic science, which is the main topic of the thesis, Western science after Renaissance will also be mentioned.The Turkish-Islamic Science History exhibition, which is revealed by this thesis, covers other similar exhibitions and topics related to the themes and persons that are processed by museums in the world.The aim is to create an alternative to similar exhibitions and museums up to this time.A thematic exhibition has been prepared onthe subject of the Suhulet ferry, which emerged as an Ottoman design and was the first ferryboat.The developments in the history of science are explained on the chronological line through the subject of Suhulet ferry, includingthe interaction of science developed in different ecoles and in different geographical regions, and the period after the Renaissance.In the first chapter;the emergence of science, its conceptualization, its influence on the development of pre-historic human communities;after the agrarian revolution,Egypt, Mesopotamia, Anatolia India and the first city and river cultures in China (Bronze Age) and finally the commercial cities (Iron Age), including Classical Greek and Roman civilizations, have been conveyed until the 7th century by outline.In the second chapter; interaction with the science centers of that period of Islamic history, which started in the 7th century, and the adaptation of science to Islamic geography, the reasons of scientific developments in Islamic geography, the relations that enable the transfer of science to Europe, the contribution of Turks to Science, Ottoman Science, the periods of Renaissance and European enlightenment are described in the history dating back to the 20th century. In the third chapter; fromthe World and Turkey, the exhibition/museum examples of Turkish and Islamic sciences have been examined and conveyed in the plus and minus directions. In the fourth chapter; Modern museology, exhibition curatorship, stages of exhibition preparation and evaluation are briefly mentioned.In the fifth and last chapter; unlike the examples seen so far,a thematic Turkish Islamic science history exhibition has been prepared in the quality and content. Synopsis and exhibition texts,digital technologies to be used with the selection and design of works have been described in this section. 178

‘Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemi’ olarak nitelendirilen 1923-1938 yılları arası, Cumhuriyet tarihinin resmi tarih çalışmaları bakımından en yoğun dönemidir denilebilir. Bu dönemin temel özelliği, onun hem yeni bir yönetim biçimini, hem de kendisini yeniden tanımlayan bir zihniyet oluşturmayı amaçlamasıdır. Bu makalede, bu dönemde tarih alanında meydana gelen değişimlere değinilmekte, ardından asıl araştırma konumuz olan İslam tarihi alanındaki çalışmalar üzerinde yoğunlaşılmaktadır

© 2015 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. This article analyzes reports about the capture and torture of the companion 'Amma¯r b. Ya¯sir and their later use in the exegesis of Kor 16, 106. It also shows why the reports were generated by different sectarian communities (Imami¯ Ši¯'ites, Zaydites, Murʇi'ites) in the different parts of the early Islamic empire (Kufa, Mecca, Medina, Basra, and Jazira) in the late first/seventh and early second/eighth centuries. Through a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the isna¯ds of reports, the article shows that it is possible to correlate information about the sectarian affiliations of reports' transmitters with the contents of the reports and in the process shows why different communities remembered and transmitted the specific forms of the reports that they did. The article shows how literary Islamic sources are susceptible to a much more granular historical analysis than previously assumed.

Thābit b. Qurra (d. 288/901), a Sabian of Ḥarrān, and his descendants remained in their ancestral religion for six generations. Why did they persist despite pressure to convert? This article argues that religious self-identification as a Sabian could be a distinct advantage in Baghdad’s elite circles. It focuses on Thābit’s great-grandson Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm b. Hilāl al-Ṣābī (d. 384/994) and his poetry as collected by al-Thaʿālibī (d. 429/1038). Two members of the family who did convert are also considered by way of contrast.

This piece directs its attention to the psycho-historical consciousness between two major Indonesia’s ethnic groups: Sunda and Java. The 14th century of Bubat War in Majapahit, East Java and the Central Java Mataram Kingdom’s “occupation” over the Land of Sunda in 16th and 17th centuries had created psychological problem that marked an uneasy relations between both of these ethnic groups, when the nationalism fountainhead is refered to the heyday histories of the East and Central Java’s kingdoms. The Sundanese nationalism finally was flown into modern Indonesian nationalism. By choosing the latest, the Sundanese were freed from the past bitter memories.DOI: 10.15408/insaniyat.v1i1.4350

With the rise of Islamism in the 20th century and the later emergence of Jihadi-Salafi groups performing attacks inside and outside Muslim lands, the majority of institutional and famous Muslim scholars have rejected their methods and claims of it being a legitimate Jihad as proscribed by the Sharia. When Western forces colonized the majority of Muslim lands in the 19th and early 20th century, many resistance movements (e.g. Mahdi movement in Sudan) were deemed legitimate in their claim of Jihad. Later conflicts, as the establishment of Israel, the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, and the American invasion of Iraq, were all seen as attacks on Muslim lands and so fighting in defense of those lands was considered by resistance fighters to be a legitimate cause for Jihad. But many Jihadist groups applied tactics and targets that scholars have deemed as unlawful according to Sharia law. The increased use of bombs and Muslim victims and noncombatant non-Muslim victims, many notable Muslim scholars declared public statements and fatwa's against the Jihadi groups' methods and claims. In our analysis we will discuss the rise of Islamism and its violent offshoots, and the counter responses given by Islamic scholars through fatwa's and letter-declarations. Our specific focus will be on the "Letter to Baghdadi", a letter written against the claims and acts of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the current leader of the self-declared caliphate of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and his adherents. To understand the background to what the Letter responds too, we will first review the rise of Islamism at the beginning of the 20th century and the extremist offshoots it produced. Afterwards we will provide an extensive analysis and commentary on the Letter.

[This is an unedited first edition, please forgive the mistakes in the text] In public criticisms on the Prophet Muḥammad among non-Muslims in the West two main issues are focused on; that he fought battles, which according to many makes him a barbarian warlord, and that he married a young girl, making him a pedophile according to modern standards. These two issues are used to criticize Islam as a backward and violent religion, but also to portray Muslims as naïve, backwards, or even potential suspects because they adhere to the teachings of such a man. Much has been written on Muḥammad's actions and ideas of war of which many show that the Qur'an teachings on war and Muḥammad's actions are very ethical and even in line with modern international law. But there has been a common acceptance of Muḥammad's marriage contract to 'Ā'īsha while she being six years old, and her joining his house hold and consummating the marriage at the age of nine, as these ages are stated clearly in several historical sources. Thus, the historical truth of her age is rarely challenged, but how to understand this within today's modern ethical framework has generated several responses which can be typified as: Approvalism; Cultural-contextual apologism; Modern projectionism apologism. It is an essay from the latter category written by a modern Ḥadīth scholar, the Syrian shaykh Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-'idlibī, which I will discuss here. In it he points out that because the Aisha-age-traditions are of authentic (ṣaḥīḥ) status, there is no avoiding in studying it. In his 'usūlī methodology it means that the ṣaḥīḥ status of the chain of transmission (isnād) demands that the contents (matn) must also be checked for an error (wahm), so that its probability status (ẓann) can be judged. He does this by using both graded and ungraded narrations, thus collecting as much evidence to prove there is a conflict between the gathered evidences and the original narration under question. Part of his argument is also based on the idea that it is unreasonable that she was four or younger at certain events and when she was proposed to the Prophet, which uses assumptions about a child's capability and the way seventh century culture discussed possible spouses. It thus not simply an argument based on clear textual and linguistic comparison, but also involves the idea of what is reasonable. All this taken together is enough proof for al-'idlibī to declare the Aisha-age-traditions as containing an error (wahm), and thus being defective (ma'lūl).

International audience; تعتبر الفترة الإسلامية الأولى من أعقد الفرات دراسة ني مجال البحث التاريخي للغياب شبه التام لوثائق الأرشيف والشواهد الأثرية والنصية. إن مؤرخ الأمس وباحث اليوم يعتمد بالأساس على معرفة تاريخة هي في حقيقتها نتاج مرحلة زمنية أخرى غير التي تتحدث عنها سما يجعل التعامل معها النوم في غاية الصعوبة. وتنطبق هذر الملاحظة بصفة خاصة على عمليات الحاق بلاد المغرب بالفلك السياسي والديني للاسلام الوسيط المعروفة تراثيا بفن الفتوح أين يلاحظ غياب واضح لتدوين تاريخهم عامر بالحملات العسكرية في القرن التاسع الميلادي ( ان التدوين المتأخر جمل الباحثين الكلاسيكيين ينسجون خيالات «تاريخية» اعتمادا على روايات متأخرة ويساهمون في التأسيس لقائد أسطوريط تحت في محاولة لربط المعلم بذاكرة تاريخية مشوهة ومغلوطة. لا يمكن للدارس تقبلها لتعارضها مع علم نقد النصوص والمعطيات الأثرية المتوفرة.; The early Islamic period is considered one of the most complex in the field of historical research due to the near total absence of archival documents and archaeological and textual evidence. Yesterday's historian and today's researcher rely mainly on knowledge of its history, which is in fact the product of another era. This remark applies in particular to the process of annexation of the Maghreb countries to the political and religious sphere of medieval Islam, traditionally known as the expression of the narrative of conquests. This situation actively contributes to the appearance of fantasies based on late stories. Among these accounts are those concerning the legendary Umayyad leader Abu al-Mahajar.

The relationship between Islam and politics has attracted considerable attention in recent years, and especially since the 11 September attacks. This paper examines this relationship and comprises an extensive review of the main sources of Islam. The principal aim is to assess arguments regarding the political nature of Islam, and it seeks to investigate whether or not Islam is inherently political. Islamists have used Islam as an ideological tool and also as a weapon to obtain power when they are in opposition. Additionally, they have given their authority a religious gloss when they are in government. Therefore, the second objective of the paper is to investigate the authenticity of their claims of the political nature of Islam. The paper asserts that the Koran and the Sunna are concerned mainly with ethical and moral issues and have little to say about politics and governance. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

Generalmente, la geografía cultural ha planteado la relación entre la memoria y el espacio geográfico como parte de los discursos de la identidad nacional, obviando otras particularidades subjetivas suscitadas por el contacto físico con la materialidad del paisaje. Centrándose en las especificidades topográficas de Sierra Nevada, este artículo reconsidera la espacialidad de la memoria como un proceso multisensorial, en el que, a través del acto físico, dinámico y geográficamente situado de la ascensión a la cumbre, se vehicula una rememoración personal del pasado. Tomando el concepto de Nora de «lugar de memoria» y las nociones fenomenológicas y ontológicas del pasado de Ingold y Deleuze, y considerando asimismo los particularismos geográficos e históricos del macizo, el artículo explora la rememoración de la historia islámica por parte de tres viajeros del siglo XIX durante su ascensión al Veleta y al Mulhacén, interpretando ambas cumbres como puntos de unión donde convergen el pasado oriental islámico y el presente occidental europeo. Generalment, la geografia cultural ha plantejat la relació entre la memòria i l'espai geogràfic com a part dels discursos d'identitat nacional, obviant altres particularitats subjectives suscitades pel contacte físic de la materialitat del paisatge. Tot centrant-se en les especificitats topogràfiques de Sierra Nevada, aquest article reconsidera l'espacialitat de la memòria com un procés multisensorial, en el qual, a través del contacte físic, dinàmic i geogràficament situat de l'ascensió al cim, es vehicula una rememoració personal del passat. Partint del concepte de Nora de «lloc de memòria» i de les nocions fenomenològiques i ontològiques del passat d'Ingold i Deleuze, i considerant, així mateix, els particularismes geogràfics i històrics del massís, l'article explora la rememoració de la història islàmica de tres viatgers del segle XIX durant la seva ascensió al Veleta i al Mulhacén, interpretant tots dos cims com a punts d'unió on convergeixen el passat oriental islàmic i el present occidental europeu. The cultural geography has often discussed the connection between memory and geographical space as part of the narratives on national identity, overlooking other subjective features arising from the physical contact with the materiality of landscape. By focusing on the topographical specificities of the Sierra Nevada, this article reconsiders the spatiality of memory as a multisensory process in which, through the physical, dynamic and sitelocated act of climbing to the summit, the remembrance of the past is conveyed. Drawing on Nora's concept of «place of memory» and on Ingold's and Deleuze's phenomenological and ontological notions of the past, as well as considering the geographical and historical specificities of the Betic Massif, the article explores the remembrance of Islamic history by three nineteenth-century travellers who climbed the Veleta and the Mulhacén peaks, envisioning both summits as sites where the Islamic past and the European present converge. La géographie culturelle a contemplé de manière générale la relation entre la mémoire et l'espace géographique dans le cadre des discours d'identité nationale, en ignorant d'autres particularités subjectives générées par le contact physique avec la matérialité du paysage. Se concentrant sur les spécificités topographiques de la Sierra Nevada, cet article revient sur la spatialité de la mémoire en tant que processus multi-sensoriel, où l'on véhicule une remémoration personnelle du passé à travers l'acte physique, dynamique et géographiquement situé de l'ascension vers le sommet. En considérant la notion de « lieu de mémoire » de Nora et les notions phénoménologiques et ontologiques du passé d'Ingold et de Deleuze, ainsi que les particularités géographiques et historiques du massif, l'article explore la remémoration de l'histoire islamique faite par trois voyageurs du xixe siècle lors de leur ascension au Veleta et au Mulhacen, en interprétant les deux sommets comme points de jonction, où le passé oriental islamique et le présent occidental européen convergent.

This paper looks at the reign of ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-Azīz (ʿUmar II) as the beginning of the end of the Umayyad power. Here we are referring to the so-called ‘reforms’ of ʿUmar II, which directly impacted Umayyad propaganda tools; such as history, poetry, and polemics, were severally damaged. The paper shows that it was these reforms and none other, which outlasted the Umayyads by severally hampering their efforts at maintaining their hegemony on legitimacy. Este documento analiza el reinado de ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-Azīz (ʿUmar II) como el inicio del fin del poder de los Omeyas. Con ello nos referimos a las llamadas “reformas” de ʿUmar II, que afectaron directamente a las herramientas de propaganda de los Omeyas, tales como la historia, la poesía y los debates, que fueron dañadas severamente. El documento demuestra fueron estas reformas y no de otras las que sobrevivieron a los Omeyas obstaculizando sus esfuerzos por mantener una hegemonía basada en la legitimidad.

The question dealing with the reliability of early Islamic sources has been a source of discomfort for scholars as well as students of early Islamic history. The work of Josef Schacht first published in the fifties of the past century has created an overall attitude of skepticism toward early tradition and made it difficult to study early Islam without justifying the use of early sources and determining their authenticity. This made the whole field part away from the picture painted by the early sources about early Islam, giving rise to unfounded theories and speculations about this historical period. The purpose of this paper is to show that the work of Schacht is unfounded and to present an alternative method for studying Islamic history. Our efforts will not be just theoretical but we will build on the work of Harald Motzki and Gregor Schoeler by bringing a case study from this early period and show how analyzing early isnads, the chain of authority narrating a particular event, impacts matns, the narration attached to the isnad. This will show that scholars of Islamic history may rely on early historical narration for understanding early Islamic history given that they pay particular attention to who is narrating what to whom. La cuestión sobre la fiabilidad de las fuentes islámicas tempranas ha sido siempre un motivo de turbación tanto para los expertos como para los estudiantes de la historia antigua del Islam. El trabajo de Josef Schacht, publicado por primera vez a principios de los años cincuenta del pasado siglo, ha creado una actitud general de escepticismo hacia la tradición temprana y ha hecho difícil estudiar el primer Islam sin tener que justificar el uso de las fuentes tempranas y determinar su autenticidad. Esto provocó que la especialidad al completo se apartara de la imagen mostrada por las fuentes tempranas sobre el primer Islam, haciendo surgir teorías infundadas y especulaciones sobre este periodo histórico. El propósito de este artículo es mostrar que el trabajo de Schacht no tiene fundamento y presentar un método alternativo para el estudio de la historia islámica. Nuestro esfuerzo no será sólo teórico, si no que también nos basaremos en el trabajo de Harald Motzki y Gregor Schoeler, aportando un caso de estudio de este periodo temprano, y mostraremos como analizar la isnad temprana, la cadena de autoridad que narra un hecho particular, la repercusión de la matns, la narración unida a la isnad. Esto mostrará que los expertos en historia del Islam podrían confiar en los relatos históricos de los primeros años para comprender la historia islámica antigua, dando por hecho que deben prestar una especial atención a quién está narrando qué y a quién.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the cultural characteristics of Islamic cities, which emerge as centers of knowledge, and consequently to draw attention to the cultural level attained by the Muslim states of the era.Information on the cultural life and the identities, personalities, the course and venues of education, mentors and students of the scholars are generally contained in sources known as tabakât [i.e. collections] and a'lâm [i.e. traces]. These sources provide detailed information on the scholarship, education and cultural life of Muslim lands, while also shedding light on the cities frequented by the scholars for rihla [i.e. journey undertaken especially for divine wisdom and knowledge]. Information on the level of cultural development of such cities in a given period of time is often set out in sources on the history of cities, history of geography and general history of Islam.Information contained in these sources and the interpretation of this information call attention to three particular issues: firstly, the rich variety of the scholarly and cultural activities performed in terms of both form and content implies that the Muslim lands in the tenth century attained a high cultural and civil status in comparison with its contemporaries. The second important aspect is that almost all of the scholars who were active agents in the social and cultural life went to cities renowned as cultural hubs to receive higher education. Lastly, those who completed their education in cities emerging as cultural centers started working as active scientists and educators, having been convinced that they had been educated in accordance with the norms of their time. ÖzetBu tebliğin amacı, hicri IV./miladi X. yüzyılda ilim merkezleri olarak öne çıkan İslam şehirlerinin kültürel niteliklerini tanımak ve dolayısıyla o çağın Müslüman devletlerinin sahip oldukları kültürel düzeye dikkat çekmektir.İslâm tarihinde kültürel hayat ile bilginlerin kimlik, kişilik, tahsil hayatı ve tahsil yerleri, ders aldıkları hocaları ve ders verdikleri talebeler hakkındaki bilgiler, daha çok tabakât veya a’lâm kitapları olarak adlandırılan kaynaklarda bulunmaktadır. Bu kitaplardaki kayıtlar Müslüman yurdunun ilim, eğitim ve kültür hayatı hakkında ayrıntılı bilgi sunarken, aynı zamanda bilginlerin ilim tahsili yani rıhle amacıyla gittikleri şehirleri de haber vermektedir. Bu şehirlerin özellikle o çağa özgü kültürel gelişmişliği hakkındaki bilgiler ise daha çok şehir tarihi, coğrafya tarihi ve genel İslam tarihi kaynaklarında bulunmaktadır.İşte bu kaynakların analiz edilmesi yoluyla elde edilen bilgi ve tespitler şu üç olguya dikkat çekmektedir. Birincisi, icra edilen ilim ve kültür faaliyetlerinin hem çeşit hem de içerik bakımından oldukça zengin olması, miladi X. Yüzyılda İslam ülkesinin hemen her bakımdan kendi çağdaşları arasında yüksek bir kültürel ve medeni düzeye erişmiş olduğuna işaret etmektedir. İkinci önemli sonuç, sosyal ve kültürel hayat üzerinde oldukça etkin bir konumda bulunan bilginlerin hemen tamamının kültür merkezleri olarak öne çıkan şehirlerde yüksek tahsil amacıyla bulundukları gerçeğidir. Üçüncü sonuç ise, kültürel merkezler olarak öne çıkan şehirlerde tahsilini tamamlayanların, zamanın kurallarına uygun şekilde kendini yetiştirdiğine kani olarak bilim ve eğitim faaliyetlerinde aktif görev almış olmalarıdır.

China is a very unique country, has a very old civilization and culture in the world. Under the glory and the strength “Great Wall”, China emperium kept a million secreet about Islamic history and civilization which started from Tang Dinasty, Sung Dinasty, Yuan Dinasty, Ming Dinasty up to Manchu Dinasty (Ching Dinasty). Actually, Islam in China, In the erliest days, brought through two ways by Arabian and Parsian traders, namely silk road and sea road. Even both of those ways had it’s own difficulties. One of the famous moslem who spreading and introducing Islam in that area that was Sa’ad bin Abi Waqas through “Silk Road” at least on 4th or 5th centuries based on several trusted resources. Sa’ad had a special respect from Yung Wei as a China emperor from Tang Dinasty at that time. Since then, gradually Islam stepped in foot in this area even dinasty to dinasty has been changed till China became Republic, and the Communist regime reigned China. However, the spirit of moslem minority in China was never faded out upto now. The Islamic preaching which was brought by brilliant and pious traders (Arabs and Parsians) in 1.400 years ago, truely left the greatest influences, not only perceptions but also values of moslem society in China nowdays. Whether realize or not, the Chinese people have already adopted many knowledges from Islamic people from time to time.

German Scholar Cellarius, in periodization of history grounded on Christian “trinity” based system, secularized this system and reached a final level. After him, Triple Periodic System became a de facto rule and used until today. Periodization of European originated history also directly affected world and Turkish historiography and determined it. Beginning from Ottoman period the duration till today, historical events have been determined and their periodization done in accordance with this system. Turkish-Islamic History, being pretty rich content and past, with the rules of this system is put into molding of “Old Age”, “Middle Age”, New and Modern Age” and analyzed in the rules of this system. Both academic and popular history studies are wholly made of in accordance with this system. * Prof. Dr., Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü. E-posta: necmettinalkan@gmail.com Actually it is a wrongdoing attaching and analyzing World, Islamic and Turkish history is accordance with this triple system. In this triple system, Islamic and Turkish history are “deactivated” and “de-historicized”. Though its these important negative effects Turkish historians have not arranged a serious criticism on this system and they did not produce an alternative historical periodization. This issue should be discussed and a new historical aging system should be developed., Alman Christoph Cellarius, tarihin çağlara ayrılmasında hıristiyanî “teslis” ve “Avrupa” merkezli “üç”lü sistemi esas alarak dünyevileştirerek son şeklini vermiştir. Bundan sonrasında Üçlü Çağ Sistemi, genel geçer bir yapı olarak bugüne kadar uygulanmaya devam ede gelmiş; dünya ve Türk tarihçiliğini de doğrudan etkilemiş ve belirlemiştir. Osmanlı döneminden başlayarak günümüze kadar gelen süreçte biz de tarih, bu üçlü sistem merkezli bir çağ tasnifine göre dönemlere ayrıla gelmiştir. Oldukça eski bir geçmişe ve zengin bir muhtevaya sahip olan Türk ve İslâm Tarihi, bu sistem esaslı olarak “Eski Çağ”, “Orta Çağ”, “Yeni ve Yakın Çağ” kalıbına sokularak ele alınmaktadır. Gerek akademik ve gerekse popüler tarih çalışmaları tamamen bu kurgu merkezli olarak yapılmaktadır.Dünya, İslâm ve Türk tarihinin bu Avrupa merkezci sisteme eklemlenmesi ve bunun bir parçası hâline getirilmesi yanlıştır. İslâm ve Türk tarihi mevcut Üçlü Sistem içinde âdeta “etkisizleştirilmek” ve “tarihsizleştirilmek”tedir. Böylesine büyük olumsuz etkileri olmasına rağmen Türk tarihçileri bu sistemi ciddî bir eleştiriye tâbi tutmamışlar; alternatif bir tarih taksimini gündeme getirmemişlerdir. Bunun konuşulması ve yeni bir çağ sisteminin ortaya konulması gerekmektedir.Anahtar Kelimeler: İslâm Tarihi, Türk Tarihi, Avrupa Merkezcilik, Çağlara Ayırma, Üçlü Sistem, Orta Çağ, Yeni Çağ, Yakın Çağ THE “TRIPLE SYSTEM” at the PERIODIZATION of HISTORY and the QUESTION of TURKISH-ISLAMIC HISTORICAL PERIODIZATIONAbstract: German Scholar Cellarius, in periodization of history grounded on Christian “trinity” based system, secularized this system and reached a final level. After him, Triple Periodic System became a de facto rule and used until today. Periodization of European originated history also directly affected world and Turkish historiography and determined it. Beginning from Ottoman period the duration till today, historical events have been determined and their periodization done in accordance with this system. Turkish-Islamic History, being pretty rich content and past, with the rules of this system is put into molding of “Old Age”, “Middle Age”, New and Modern Age” and analyzed in the rules of this system. Both academic and popular history studies are wholly made of in accordance with this system. Actually it is a wrongdoing attaching and analyzing World, Islamic and Turkish history is accordance with this triple system. In this triple system, Islamic and Turkish history are “deactivated” and “de-historicized”. Though its these important negative effects Turkish historians have not arranged a serious criticism on this system and they did not produce an alternative historical periodization. This issue should be discussed and a new historical aging system should be developed.Keywords: Islamic History, Turkish History, Euro centrism, Periodization, Middle Age, New Age, Modern Age

The theory of the process of the coming of Islam to Indonesia have been assessed and expressed by many experts. Stages of the process in Nusantara is divided into three phases, the process of arrival in the 7th century, the deployment process in the 11th century and the process of development in the 13th century. It also gives influence on the process of arrival, distribution and development of Islam in South Kalimantan. This paper is a review of the literature that gives an overview on the islamization of the South Kalimantan covering the arrival, distribution and development at the 15th century until the 17th century.