Search

Le Commentaire sur les évangiles de Fortunatien, évêque d’Aquilée au milieu du ive siècle, a été redécouvert et publié il y a quelques années seulement. Le présent article présente cette « nouvelle » source patristique et son auteur et offre pour la première fois une traduction française de certains passages. The Commentary on the Gospels by Fortunatianus, bishop of Aquileia in the middle of the 4th century, was rediscovered and published only a few years ago. This article presents this “new” patristic source and its author, and offers for the first time a translation of some passages into French.

According to Socrates, as he is described in Plato’s Phaedo, the definition of a true philosopher is a wise man who is continuously practicing dying and being dead. Already in this life, the philosopher tries to free his soul from the body in order to acquire true knowledge as the soul is progressively becoming detached from the body. Centuries after it was written, Plato’s Phaedo continued to play a role for some early Christian authors, and this article focuses on three instances where Christian women mirror Socrates and/or his definition of philosophy. We find these instances in hagiographical literature from the fourth and fifth centuries at different locations in the Roman Empire – in the Lives of Macrina, Marcella and Syncletica. These texts are all to varying degrees impacted by Platonic philosophy and by the ideal of the male philosopher Socrates. As women mastering philosophy, they widened common cultural expectations for women, revealing how Christian authors in certain contexts ascribed authority to female figures. Prema Sokratu, opisanog u Platonovom Fedonu, definicija pravog filozofa je mudar čovek koji kontinuirano vežba umiranje i smrt. Već u ovom životu filozof pokušava da oslobodi svoju dušu od tela, kako bi stekao istinsko znanje kako se duša progresivno odvaja od tela. Veko-vima nakon što je napisan, Platonov Fedon nije prestao da igra značajnu ulogu za neke ra-nohrišćanske autore, a ovaj članak se fokusira na tri slučaja u kojima hrišćanske žene opo-našalje Sokrata i / ili njegovu definiciju filozofije. Ove slučajeve nalazimo u hagiografskoj literaturi iz četvrtog i petog veka na različitim lokacijama u Rimskom carstvu - u žitijima Ma-krine, Markele i Sinkletike. Sve ove žene su, na manje ili više direktne načine i prema različi-tim strategijama u vezi sa uticajem paganske filozofije na hrišćanstvo, pod uticajem platon-ske filosofije i muškog filozofa Sokrata. Kao žene koje se usavršavaju u filozofiji, one šire zajednička kulturna očekivanja ostalim ženama i otkrivaju kako su hrišćanski autori u odre-đenim kontekstima pripisivali autoritet ženskim figurama.

My dissertation, The Strongest Seed: Jerome’s Fashioning of an Ascetic Masculinity, flips the script on typical discussions about asceticism and sexuality in early Christianity by putting male virginity under the microscope. My lens for this project is the corpus of one particularly prolific, yet infamous, fourth century “Father of the Church,” Jerome of Stridon. Jerome was a Latin theologian, writer, and monastic leader. In both monastic and public life, he championed Christian asceticism, a way of life intended to bring adherents closer to God by limiting their interaction with “material life.” While asceticism included a simple diet, avoidance of decadence, and charity, the aspect Jerome most advocated was sexual abstinence. While Jerome is (in)famous for his policing of femininity, relatively little work has been done on his view of masculinity. In this dissertation, I argue that Jerome carefully cultivates an image of male sexual chastity and virginity that fits nicely within the existing framework of classical “manliness.” In his vision for monks, the priesthood, and lay masculinity sexual restraint (at the very least) is at the core of what it means to be a Christian man. This idea both subverts and borrows from Greco-Roman masculine ideals. On the one hand, men were expected to be potent and exhibit a great deal of sexual control over their wives and slaves. At the same time, along with this expectation was the idea that men who were too sexual were effeminate due to their lack of restraint and self-control. Yet nowhere in a pre-Christian framework masculinity is there an expectation for a man to be a lifelong virgin. In fact, that expectation was exceedingly rare even for women in the Greco-Roman world. Jerome understands this complicated cultural stew and uses it to his benefit. He artfully appropriates the existing cultural cache of masculine self-restraint and takes it to its (il)logical conclusion that the manliest men are those who do not have sex at all. In lifelong virginity, Jerome argues that men can be like him and even have seed that “produces 100-fold fruit.” The chapters of this project are grouped largely along generic lines looking at letters, narrative work, and finally polemical treatises. Chapter one, “Cato in the Streets, Nero in the Sheets,” explores the boundary marking and policing of “manly” behavior in Jerome’s epistolary record. Chapter two, “Chastity’s Martyrdom,” focuses on two of Jerome’s hagiographies, the Life of Paul the First Hermit and the Life of Malchus, the Captive Monk. These lives each contain potent depictions of male sexual agency as under threat – there is attempted rape, murder, and forced marriage. Yet Jerome uses his holy heroes to show the sheer power available to me who commit themselves to Christian chastity. The final chapter, “Bitten by a Mad Dog,” revolves around the late fourth century Jovinian controversy and Jerome’s treatise, Against Jovinian. Jerome uses this controversy which, on the surface, is about female virginity and uses it as an opportunity to articulate the superiority of male continence. In doing so, Jerome unwittingly crafts the model of the “virile virgin,” a man whose ultimate claim to masculinity rests on his lifelong chastity.

A segunda metade do século IV, na região da bacia do Mar Mediterrâneo, se configurou como um momento particularmente marcado por profundas transformações e conflitos. Dentre as mudanças e enfrentamentos destacamos, por um lado, a ascensão do movimento monástico no seio da comunidade cristã e, por outro, as disputas entres as intelligentsias cristã e pagã em torno do domínio da paideia. Tais questões serão discutidas tendo como ponto de partida e elemento aglutinador a experiência monástica vivenciada por Jerônimo no deserto de Cálcis entre os anos 374 e 377. The second half of the fourth century in the region of the Mediterranean Sea Basin was a time particularly marked by profound transformations and conflicts. Among the changes and confrontations, we highlight on the one hand the rise of the monastic movement within the Christian community and on the other the disputes between the Christian and pagan intelligentsia around the control of the Paideia. These questions will be discussed based on the monastic experience experienced by Jerome in the desert of Chalcis between 374 and 377.

Pierwsze próby lokalizacji Strydonu Hieronima w XVII wieku oparte były na podobieństwach w brzmieniu nazw niektórych dzisiejszych miejscowości z antycznym Strydonem oraz uwarunkowane bardziej lokalnym patriotyzmem niż rygorem naukowym. W ten sposób utożsamiano Strydon ze Zdrinja/Sdringa w Istrii, z Zrin w Medumurje w Panonii albo ze Strigovo w Dalmacji. Frane Bulić opierając się na opisie Hieronima z De viris illustribus zaproponował Grahovo, ale ta hipoteza została przez większość badaczy odrzucona. Najbardziej przekonująca okazała się hipoteza Mate Suića, według której Strydon leżał w Dalmacji, a konkretnie w Liburni, zaś w sensie administracji państwowej i kościelnej przynależał do miasta Tarsatica, dzisiejsza Rjeka w Chorwacji. Najnowsza hipoteza Lujo Magnetića, który proponuje postrzegać pogranicze, o którym wspomina Hieronim jako pogranicze między Dalmacją a Panonia Secunda, czyli na terenie dzisiejszej Bośni-Hercegowiny, na linii powyżej Bania-Luka – Doboj nie przekonuje. The first attempts to locate Jerome’s Stidon Hieronim in the 17th century were based on similarities in the sound of the names of some of today's cities with ancient Stridon and conditioned more by local patriotism than by scientific rigor. In this way Stridon was identified with Zdrinja/Sdringa in Istria, with Zrin in Medumurje in Pannonia or with Strigovo in Dalmatia. Based on the description of Jerome of De viris illustribus, Frane Bulić proposed Grahovo, but this hypothesis was rejected by most researchers. The most convincing proved to be the hypothesis of Mate Suić, according to which Stridon was in Dalmatia, specifically in Liburni, while in the sense of state and church administration it belonged to the city of Tarsatica, today's Rjeka in Croatia. The latest hypothesis of Lujo Magnetić, who proposes to perceive the borderland mentioned by Jerome as a border between Dalmatia and Panonia Secunda, i.e. on today's Bosnia-Herzegovina, on the line above Bania-Luka - Doboj is not convincing.

Autor opracowania wybiera z wielu zagadnień poruszanych w Liście 22 św. Hieronima temat dziewictwa rozumianego jako ustawiczna walka dla Pana i analizuje fundamenty biblijne tej idei. Próbuje najpierw ustalić cel, jaki przyświecał św. Hieronimowi, piszącemu ten list, czyli ukazanie, w świetle Biblii, z jednej strony racji i piękna życia w dziewictwie, z drugiej zaś trudów i wyrzeczeń, które trzeba nieustannie podejmować, aby wytrwać w tym stanie. Zajmuje się następnie odnośnymi tekstami biblijnymi, pochodzącymi głównie z Nowego Testamentu, zwłaszcza z Ewangelii i z listów św. Pawła apostoła; analizuje ich użycie, wybrane zwroty i wyrażenia (pochodzące niekiedy ze świata sportowców i żołnierzy) oraz ich kontekst literacki i doktrynalny. Podaje następnie konkretne elementy duchowej walki podejmowanej przez dziewicę dla Chrystusa (modlitwa, rozważanie Pisma świętego, milczenie, post, pozostawanie w domu, różne umartwienia dotyczące ciała i ducha), który osobiście dał nam dowody najwyższej miłości, ubóstwa i wytrwałości w znoszeniu cierpień. Pyta na zakończenie, w kontekście ciągle aktualnej debaty dotyczącej dziewictwa i małżeństwa, o znaczenie omawianego Listu 22 św. Hieronima dla tego tematu w perspektywie biblijnej, chrystologicznej, eklezjologicznej i eschatologicznej. St. Jerome deals with many themes in his Letter 22 to Eustochium, but the author focuses on virginity interpreted as a constant struggle for the Lord, and he analyses the Biblical foundations of this exposition. He first tries to clarify St. Jerome’s purpose as he wrote this letter, that is, the articulation, in the light of the Bible, on the one hand of the reason and beauty of life in virginity, and on the other hand the difficulties and renunciations that have to be constantly undertaken so as to persevere in this state. He then discusses the pertinent Biblical references, primarily from the New Testament and in particular from the Gospels and the letters of the apostle St. Paul. He analyses their use, the chosen expressions and terms (sometimes taken from the vocabulary of sportsmen and soldiers) and their literary and doctrinal context. He then lists concrete elements of the spiritual struggle undertaken by the virgin for Christ (prayer, meditating of the Sacred Scriptures, silence, fasting, remaining at home, various mortifications pertaining to the body and spirit), as the Lord has personally given us proofs of supreme love, poverty and perseverance in the withstanding of sufferings. Finally, in the context of the continuously actual debate about virginity and marriage, he questions the value of the discussed Letter 22 of St. Jerome for this theme within a Biblical, Christological, ecclesiological and eschatological perspective.

A diagram in the first quire of the Codex Amiatinus features five textual captions arranged in cruciform formation, one for each book of the Pentateuch. These are taken from Jerome's first letter to Paulinus of Nola (Epistle 53) which was written in 394 AD. This essay examines the diagram's colours, geometric structure, manuscript location and script. It suggests that the Pentateuch diagram should be regarded as a highly original piece of visual exegesis which is designed to celebrate the contribution made by Jerome to the transmission of the Latin Bible and point the viewer towards typological interpretations of Old Testament figures and events.

The purpose of this article was to compare Jerome’s and Augustine’s sermons on the fifth book of the Psalms with regard to their views on the rich and the poor. After a brief consideration of he different audiences of Jerome and Augustine, we focused on their attitudes to wealth and poverty, and almsgiving and its relationship to eschatology. In both Jerome’s and Augustine’s commentaries we were confronted with problems regarding the nature of the collections, the composition of the audiences, and a lack of overlap between the two works, but it was possible to discern congruences and differences in their exegesis. In their preaching on poverty and riches, both homilists associated Judas with the devil and wealth. With regard to the identification of Christ and the poor, Jerome offers a somewhat uneasy exegesis in explaining that Christ stands at the right hand of the pauper, although the Lord himself is rich. Augustine mentioned the identification of Christ and the poor a few times in Enarrationes in Psalmos and framed the poverty of Christ within the body of the church, emphasising the common humanity of his congregation. In his sermons, mainly delivered to monks, Jerome advocated total renunciation. Augustine made more allowances for human frailty, advocating partial and gradual dispossession. The Songs of Ascent provided both our authors with the opportunity to consider the place of almsgiving in an eschatological context. Contribution: We investigate the views of two prominent Latin fathers on wealth and poverty in their sermons on Psalms 109–150. The focus on wealth and poverty is evident. Judas is identified with the rich and Christ with the poor, placing Christ and riches against each other in an either/or position.

The paper is a part of a research that has investigated the forms and functions of the it-cleft construction in contemporary written English and Czech, with specific focus on its FSP aspects. The research presents a contrastive study of the construction in translation, using InterCorp, a parallel translation corpus. The English it-cleft construction has been described in much detail in various publications. Rather less attention has been given to the construction in Czech; in general, it-clefts seem to be less frequent in Czech than in English, which is due to the fact that Czech, as an inflectional language, has a greater range of primary means of expressing FSP (such as word-order, focalizers, etc.). One of the goals of the present study is to compare the forms and frequencies of it-clefts in Czech translated and non-translated written texts in the comparable corpus Jerome in order to determine whether the English source sentence structure tends to influence the syntax of the resulting Czech translation.

Entre los estudiosos actuales se reconoce como un logro específico de san Jerónimo el haber recuperado el texto hebreo como fuente principal para la traducción e interpretación del Antiguo Testamento. A este principio jeronimiano de exégesis se suele aludir bajo la expresión hebraica veritas, que él mismo utilizó con cierta frecuencia. El presente artículo, partiendo de los usos de la expresión hebraica veritas en Jerónimo, pretende demostrar que otorgar un excesivo peso a la expresión y al principio que esta implica, puede hacer perder de vista la estima que el Padre de la Iglesia sentía hacia la Septuaginta. Para mostrar este aprecio hacia los LXX, el artículo analiza cuatro puntos de la exégesis jeronimiana: 1) la prioridad del texto original hebreo; 2) la prioridad del sentido sobre la letra en la traducción; 3) la prioridad de la interpretación espiritual sobre la literal; y 4) la traducción del texto en hebreo y griego en los lemas de los comentarios jeronimianos a la Biblia. Among modern scholars Jerome is specially recognised as having rescued the Hebrew language as the main source for Bible studies, both on matters of translation and of interpretation. It is said, besides, that Jerome's Hebrew methodology might be summarized under the famous phrase hebraica veritas, which he himself used quite frequently. The paper attempts to explain, beginning with a study of the expresion hebraica veritas, that putting too much weight on this expression and the hermeneutical principle involved, could bring us to forget the esteem Jerome had for the Septuagint. To bring forward the discussion the paper evaluates four aspects of Jerome's exegesis: 1) the priority of the Hebrew original text; 2) the priority of the sense over the letter in translation; 3) the priority of the spiritual interpretation over the litteral one; and, 4) the translation of both Hebrew and Greek texts as lemmas in Jerome's commentaries.

En un momento de cambios de paradigma entre el mundo romano que se encamina hacia su final y la nueva situación jurídica, social y cultural del cristianismo, san Jerónimo representa el ejemplo de los autores y pensadores cristianos que intentan conjugar ambas esferas. Con una gran formación clásica adquirida en las escuelas imperiales cuando todavía no se ha desarrollado una formación específicamente cristiana, san Jerónimo se debate entre la utilidad de dicha formación propedéutica frente a la necesidad espiritual de dedicarse a la literatura teológica. In a time of changes of paradigm between the Roman world that approached its end and the new political, social and cultural situation of Christianity, saint Jerome represents the example of christian writers and philosophers who try to bring both worlds together. With a great classical education from the imperial educational system, due to the fact that a specific christian educational system had not been yet developed, saint Jerome struggles between the benefits of such propedeutic education and the spiritual need of focusing in theological literature.

There is a historiographical consensus when we attribute without questioning the first record of the term “bagauda” to Aurelius Victor. By 358-360, the Afro-Roman author used in De Caesaribus the indigenous name that was received by the troop led by Aelianus and Amandus in 285. However, the most recent Quellenforschung tends to consider that an earlier record could have been written in the unconserved KG. We know that Saint Jerome translated, reworked and published the preceding chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea in the last decades of the fourth century, where the same word also appears. If Jerome did not copy Eusebius' chronological tables without additions, we should consider both his own inclusion based on other sources and the possible insertion of the concept that concerns us already in the work of the Bishop of Caesarea. Thus, the present paper is constituted with the objective of refuting this last hypothesis. Existe un consenso historiográfico a la hora de atribuir sin cuestionamiento el primer registro del término “bagauda” a Aurelio Víctor. Hacia el 358-360, el autor afro-romano plasmaba en De Caesaribus el nombre indígena que recibió la tropa capitaneada por Aelianus y Amandus en 285. Sin embargo, la Quellenforschung más reciente tiende a considerar que pudo haber un registro anterior en la no conservada KG. Por otro lado, sabemos que Jerónimo de Estridón tradujo, reelaboró y publicó la crónica precedente de Eusebio de Cesarea en los últimos decenios del siglo IV, donde también aparece el mismo vocablo. Si Jerónimo no se limitó a copiar sin añadidos las tablas cronológicas de Eusebio, deberíamos contemplar tanto la adición propia en base a otras fuentes como la posible inclusión del concepto que nos ocupa ya en el trabajo del obispo de Cesarea. Así pues, el artículo presente se constituye con el objetivo de refutar la última hipótesis planteada.

St. Jerome is known as an outstanding expert on ancient literature and a follower of its excellent authors as well as the classical Latin language. The relatively low interest in his work among younger philologists and patrologists prompted the author of the article to show the values of Jerome’s language and style imitating outstanding Latin writers and poets, especially Cicero. Already by showing his education and reading on the example of his letters, the author of the article wants to stimulate the desire for more serious studies of his works not insignificant, and often outstanding, not only in terms of theology, but also literary. Cited examples of some elements of the Latin used by St. Jerome show that he is rightly recognized for his abilities and knowledge. Św. Hieronim znany jest jako wybitny znawca literatury antycznej i naśladowca jej znakomitych autorów, jak również klasycznego języka łacińskiego. Stosunkowo niewielkie obecnie zainteresowanie jego twórczością w gronie młodszych filologów i patrologów skłoniło Autora artykułu do ukazania walorów jego języka i stylu naśladującego znakomitych pisarzy i poetów łacińskich, przede wszystkim Cycerona. Już ukazaniem w wąskim zakresie jego wykształcenia i oczytania, pragnie Autor artykułu pobudzić chęć do poważniejszych studiów jego wcale niemałej, a często wybitnej, nie tylko pod pod względem teologicznym, ale i literackim, twórczości. Przytoczone przykłady niektórych elementów języka łacińskiego, jakim posługiwał się Św. Hieronim, budzi uznanie dla jego zdolności i wiedzy.

This article explores, in the first place, Jerome’s creation of pro-virginal propaganda in a selection of his treatises and letters, through the employment of scriptural justification by means of ascetic exegesis and rhetorical strategies. The study focuses, in particular, on his Epistulae 22 and 130, both addressed to virgins, and his treatise Adversus Iovinianum. Jerome interpreted and deployed carefully selected biblical texts and employed classical rhetorical conventions to construct his ascetic ideal mainly based on sexual renunciation. The article argues that by extolling the virginal body through metaphorical figurations and careful textualisation, this ‘apostle of virginity’ aimed to create, in the first instance, for ascetically minded virgins, a means of achieving perfection and union with God, and receiving the awards of heaven. The analysis of the selected works and of Jerome’s ascetic exegesis, however, also reveals some significant markers, indicating his own carefully disguised quest for personal redemption and regaining paradise.

À partir d’une expérience de muséologie participative menée avec des représentants autochtones pour la réalisation de la nouvelle exposition de référence des Musées de la civilisation de Québec, cet article propose une réflexion sur les enjeux, les défis et les limites des stratégies de représentations de Soi et des processus de décolonisation en muséologie. L’étape du développement des contenus – plus précisément celle du choix des objets à exposer –, de l’élaboration du discours les accompagnant et de la création des dispositifs de présentation servira de point d’ancrage à cette réflexion. Si les objets sont des éléments fondateurs du discours en muséologie, qui doit parler à travers eux dans le cadre d’une démarche visant la décolonisation des pratiques muséales et favorisant la représentation de Soi par les Autochtones ? En quoi l’objet et les réflexions liées à sa mise en scène dans une exposition peuvent-ils devenir les vecteurs d’un processus de décolonisation de la muséologie ?, This article concerns a participative museological project conducted with Indigenous representatives for the conception of the new exhibition of reference at the Museums of Civilization (Québec). It addresses some issues, challenges and limits in the strategies elaborated for developing the representations of Self and reinforcing the current decolonization process in museology. This reflection is based on the content development steps, and specifically documents the way the objects to be exposed have been chosen, the development of the speech accompanying them and the creation of the presentations devices. If the objects organize the speech in museology, who are the ones to speak through the objects in the decolonization process of the Museum practices and the valorization of the representation of Self by Indigenous Peoples ? How can the objects and reflections related to their staging in an exhibition become vectors of the museology decolonization process ?, A partir de una experiencia de museología participativa con representantes autóctonos en la realización de la nueva exposición de referencia de los Museos de la civilización de Quebec, este artículo propone una reflexión sobre las contingencias, los desafíos y los límites de las estrategias de representación de Sí mismo y del proceso de descolonización en museología. La etapa del desarrollo de los contenidos y de la creación de los dispositivos de presentación, servirá como punto de arraigamiento de esta reflexión. Si los objetos constituyen los elementos en donde se funda el discurso de la museología, ¿ quién debe hablar a través de ellos en el marco de un proceso cuya finalidad es la descolonización de las prácticas museísticas y que busca favorecer la representación del Sí mismo de los autóctonos ? ¿ Cómo los objetos y las reflexiones ligadas con el montaje de una exposición pueden convertirse en vectores de un proceso de descolonización de la museología ?

Epistula (Letter) 108, one of the longest of Jerome’s letters, was written in 404 AD to console Eustochium for the loss of her mother Paula. Scholars have referred to this letter as a lengthy epitaphium with hagiographic features, a eulogistic tribute, a biographical eulogy of Paula, a laudatio funebris, a travelogue, a memoir, a metaphorical account of Paula’s pilgrimage through life, a piece of ascetic propaganda and a textual basis for a Bethlehem-centred cult of Paula the ascetic martyr-saint. The aim of this article is to analyse and comment on Jerome’s letter as an example of the genre of Graeco-Roman biography, containing various features of ancient βίοι. While Jerome cast the letter ostensibly as a consolatio for Eustochium, it turned out to be a commemoration of Paula, his patron, devoted disciple and monastic companion. The article will ultimately investigate whether this letter was written to sub-serve a higher motive of Jerome, the chief architect of 4th-century asceticism.

The author analyses how the idea of the papal primacy was formed and developed, papal primacy meaning the particular way in which the place of the bishop of Rome was conceived within the Universal Church. The period in question began with the second century and the emergence of a tradition regarding Peter’s martyrdom in Rome and continued through the papacy of Leo I (440–461). It was Leo who summed up the idea of an exclusive ministry of the Roman pontiff within the Church. The author reviews early testimonies (stretching from the second to the fourth century) which note the presence of Peter in Rome, and view him first as a Roman martyr, later as the founder of the Roman episcopal see, and finally as Rome’s first bishop. The idea of the position of Peter in the Church of Rome may be viewed as gradually evolving. The author demonstrates how a rather unreliable ancient tradition connecting the death of Peter with Rome evolved during the fourth and fifth centuries into the idea of Peter as the prince of the apostles (princeps apostolorum), who transmitted his authority or power over the Universal Church to his supposed successors, the bishops of Rome, — an idea which was fully developed by Leo I. The author also wishes to describe the way the Church of Rome was conceived during the first centuries of its existence and underlines the limits of its powers and its susciperent ampliorem, per quos ad unam Petri sedem universalis Ecclesiae cura conflueret, et nihil usquam a suo capite dissideret. Qui ergo scit se quibusdam esse praepositum, non moleste ferat aliquem sibi esse praelatum; sed obedientiam quam exigit, etiam ipse dependat…» (Leonis epistula XIV // PL. T. 54. Col. 676). canonical jurisdiction. It is clear that the concept of the Roman papacy’s universal ministry affording it the possibility to extend its universal jurisdiction over the entire Church within the Roman Empire are based on principles of ecclesiastical administration diametrically opposed to those, which were commonly defended by the rest of the Imperial Church and were founded on the decisions of ecumenical and local Church Councils.

Among the 520 AB entries of the Liber glossarum, 17 give interpretations of Hebrew, Syriac and Chaldaic names. They represent a little more than 3% of the total. Their main sources are Eucherius of Lyon, Instructiones II, Isidorus of Sevilla, Etymologies VII and some biblical commentaries of Hieronymus, whose Liber interpretationis nominum Hebraicorum is the most important source of Eucherius and Isidorus. The immediate and ultimate sources of each interpretation are indicated and then the compiler’s method of working is explained. Paradoxically, most of the time, the compiler introduces interpretations of Hebrew names by a simple ‘‘ interpretatur’’, without mentioning the Hebrew language., Sur les 520 entrées AB du Liber glossarum, dix-sept donnent des interprétations de noms hébreux, syriaques ou chaldéens, soit un peu plus de 3 %. Leurs sources principales sont Eucher de Lyon, Instructiones II, Isidore de Séville, Étymologies VII et certains commentaires bibliques de Jérôme, dont le Liber interpretationis nominum Hebraicorum est la source la plus importante d’Eucher et d’Isidore. Après avoir établi les sources directe et ultime de chaque interprétation, l’article tente d’expliquer la méthode de travail du compilateur, qui paradoxalement signale le plus souvent les interprétations de noms hébreux par un simple «interpretatur » , sans mentionner la langue hébraïque., Szerwiniack OlivierSzerwiniack Olivier. Les interprétations des noms hébreux dans le Liber glossarum. In: Histoire Épistémologie Langage, tome 36, fascicule 1, 2014. L'activité lexicographique dans le haut moyen âge latin. pp. 83-96.

L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser à la fois l’importance du terrain dans la production du savoir anthropologique et la place des anthropologues dans un contexte de décolonisation de la recherche. L’auteur s’attarde sur le travail de terrain et sur la pratique ethnographique comme processus dynamique mettant en jeu des concepts tels que ceux de créativité, d’improvisation, d’implication et de réflexivité, particulièrement importants lorsqu’il s’agit de s’intéresser aux thèmes très sensibles de la spiritualité et de la guérison chez les Premières Nations du Québec. À partir d’une réflexion détachée sur une expérience de terrain avec les Atikamekw (Centre-du-Québec) marquée par des situations de contestation, l’auteur oriente ses réflexions autour de différentes questions : qu’est-ce qu’un terrain anthropologique aujourd’hui? Comment se positionner en tant que chercheur dans le contexte des études autochtones, contexte marqué par une contestation des méthodes de recherche et par la multiplication des protocoles de recherche?, This paper examines the significance of fieldwork in the production of anthropological knowledge and the position of anthropologist in a context of decolonization of research. The author considers the fieldwork and the ethnographical practice as a dynamic process involving concepts such as those of creativity, improvisation, involvement and reflexivity, particularly important when working on politically sensitive themes of research such as spirituality and healing among First Nations of Quebec. Based on his experience with Atikamekw people from Quebec and through contesting situations of research, this article addresses several questions : what is an anthropological fieldwork today? How researchers should think the fieldwork and the ethnographical process in the context of multiplication of ethic codes and research protocols?, El objeto de este artículo es analizar a la vez la importancia del trabajo de campo en la producción del saber antropológico y el lugar de los antropólogos en un contexto de descolonización de la investigación. El autor se detiene sobre el trabajo de campo y sobre la práctica etnográfica como proceso dinámico que utiliza conceptos como los de creatividad, improvisación, implicación y reflexividad, particularmente importantes cuando uno se interesa a temas tan sensibles como la espiritualidad y la curación entre las Primeras naciones de Quebec. A partir de una reflexión distanciada sobre una experiencia de campo con los Atikamekw (Centro de Quebec), marcada por situaciones de desacuerdo, el autor orienta sus reflexiones en torno a diferentes cuestiones: ¿Qué es una práctica de campo hoy en día? ¿Cómo posicionarse en tanto que investigador en el contexto de los estudios autóctonos, contexto marcado por un desacuerdo con los métodos de investigación y por la multiplicación de los protocolos de investigación?

This thesis is a close study of how two texts, St Jerome’s Vita Pauli and the anonymous Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, engage with classical ideas about distant landscapes in their presentation of the Egyptian ascetic movement. The works are both products of a loose monastic literary circle which existed in the East in the final decades of the fourth century AD, writing for an elite pan-Mediterranean audience. The thesis argues that each text is highly innovative in its depiction of the monastic environment, adapting and altering core ideas of the classical ‘discourse of distant lands’ in order to create a landscape that meets the author’s rhetorical needs. In the Vita Pauli, Jerome presents a desert landscape very different from that which was imagined by classical authors. Instead of making St Paul the Hermit’s desert abode into a locus amoenus surrounded by a flat, sandy void, he constructs a stony desert mountain range full of naturalistic detail. Examination of the state of Jerome’s career at the time of composition suggests a reason for this unconventional realism. Needing to differentiate himself in the intense competition for elite literary patronage, Jerome creates a landscape that implies he has a uniquely genuine understanding of what the monastic environment is like. The Historia Monachorum presents a landscape which mimics much of the imagery of classical utopias. This enables its anonymous author to suggest that the Desert Fathers live a heavenly or angelic life, in keeping with the utopian tradition of divine sponsorship. However, the classical discourse’s focus on the total separation of the utopian from the ordinary world is definitively rejected; the author instead locates these places in the heart of Roman Egypt. This, too, is the product of the author’s rhetorical goals. In attempting to persuade his elite audience to adopt ascetic practices, he makes the heavenly life seem geographically accessible and hence genuinely attainable for his readers.

Hagendahl has argued that from 386 A. D. onwards Jerome broke his vow « never to reread the classics » ; his view has won general acceptance. Some fresh evidence is adduced to show that Hagendahl is wrong., D'après Hagendahl, dont le point de vue est partagé par tous, c'est à partir de 386 que Jérôme faillit à sa parole de « ne jamais relire les auteurs païens ». Pourtant de nouvelles preuves nous montrent que l'argument de Hagendahl est erroné., Adkin Neil. Jerome's vow "never to reread the classics" : some observations. In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 101, 1999, n°1-2. pp. 161-167.

A su llegada a Roma en el año 382, Jerónimo se convirtió en el guía espiritual de un grupo de mujeres aristocráticas que, influidas por el emergente espíritu del monacato oriental, llevaban una vida ascética en el interior de sus mansiones. Siguiendo la estela de la tradición intelectual que había caracterizado al otium aristocrático, aunque en este caso reorientado hacia el universo cultural cristiano, el estudio y la exégesis de las Sagradas Escrituras a través de la lectio divina se convirtió en el rasgo distintivo del propositum sanctitatis.On his arrival at Rome (382), Jerome did become the spiritual leader of an aristocratic women’s group that, influenced by the emergent spirit from the eastern monastic life, did lead an ascetic life inside their palaces. Following the trail of the intellectual tradition that had characterized the aristocratic otium, although reorientated in this case to the Christian cultural universe, the study and exegesis of the Holy Scriptures throughout the lectio divina did become into the distintive feature of the propositum sanctitatis.

In this study the literary aspects of the conversion to Christianity are discussed. The research has been based on the letters of Ambrose of Milan, Jerome of Stridon, Augustine of Hippo, and Paulinus of Nola. As we know, letters were a very effective medium of the early Christian public relations, for they were vastly copied, read aloud in the circles of noblemen and highly influential in creating the symbolic sphere. The form and style of communication e.g. the metaphors used in trumpeting the new noble Christian can give us insight not only into the art of rhetoric but also into the epistemological ramifications, imaginary schemes that constituted thinking of the aristocracy in times when Christian life became an attractive choice. The goal of this study is to present the detailed picture and systematization of the various modes in which conversion was treated as a literary theme in the correspondence of the studied period. The article focuses on two different literary phenomena: 1. The rhetoric of persuading to conversion; 2. The literary descriptions of famous aristocratic conversions. It shows that in the analyzed letters two types of metaphors prevailed: those presenting conversion as avoidance of danger, specifically of shipwrecking or falling into slavery, and those painting the image of the converted as a true philosopher. It should be also noted that I make one generic exception to comment briefly on the exceptional case of the selfpersuasion of Hilary of Arles that we find in hagiography.

Resumen: En este artículo se van a estudiar dos obras que han sido fundamentales para la reconstrucción de la historia del cisma luciferiano, es decir, la Altercatio Luciferiani et Orthodoxi de Jerónimo, y el Libellus precum del presbítero Faustino, ambas de finales del siglo IV. El objetivo consiste en analizar las manifestaciones de violencia física y verbal registradas en esas dos obras, para determinar con qué finalidad utilizan los autores recursos argumentativos de carácter agresivo, o describen acciones violentas. Abstract: This article studies two works that have been fundamental sources on the history of the Luciferian schism, that is, Jerome?s Altercatio Luciferiani et Orthodoxi and the Libellus precum of the presbiter Faustinus, both of them from the fourth century. The manifestations of physical and verbal violence in these works are analysed in order to determine why the authors resort to aggressive means of argumentation, and why they describe violent actions. Este trabajo se ha realizado en el marco del Proyecto de investigación del MINECO, Ref.: FFI2015-65453-P (MINECO/FEDER).