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This essay reviews the following works: The Lima Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Edited by Carlos Aguirre and Charles Walker. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017, Pp. xv + 272. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822363484. Peru. 5 tomos. America Latina en la historia contemporanea. Dirigido por Carlos Contreras Carranza. Madrid: Fundacion MAPFRE, 2013–2015. Tomo 1, Crisis imperial e independencia, 1808–1830. Coordinado por Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2013. Pp. 11–336. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 2, La construccion nacional, 1830–1880. Coordinado por Carlos Contreras Carranza. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2014. Pp. 2–360. ISBN: 9788439607884. Tomo 3, La apertura al mundo, 1880–1930. Coordinado por Oscar Gonzales. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 11–304. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 4, Mirando hacia dentro, 1839–1960. Coordinado por Marcos Cueto. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 13–312. ISBN: 9788430607884. Tomo 5, La busqueda de la democracia, 1960–2010. Coordinado por Antonio Zapata. Madrid: MAPFRE, 2015. Pp. 13–367. ISBN: 9788430607884.

This essay reviews the following works: Earth Politics: Religion, Decolonization, and Bolivia’s Indigenous Intellectuals. By Waskar Ari. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 262. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356172. Earth Beings: Ecologies of Practice across Andean Worlds. By Marisol de la Cadena. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xxvii + 349. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822359630. Governing Indigenous Territories: Enacting Sovereignty in the Ecuadorian Amazon. By Juliet S. Erazo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 237. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354543. Singing for the Dead: The Politics of Indigenous Revival in Mexico. By Paja Faudree. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xiii + 315. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354314. Multiple Injustices: Indigenous Women, Law, and Political Struggle in Latin America. By R. Aida Hernandez Castillo. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 330. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780816532490. We Are the Face of OAXACA: Testimony and Social Movements. By Lynn Stephen. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 344. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822355342. Politicized Ethnicity: A Comparative Perspective. By Anke Weber, Wesley Hiers, and Anaid Flesken. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Pp. ix + 187. $95.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137359032.

Coinciding with the shift to the left in Latin American politics, regional integration in Latin America accelerated during the last two decades. Yet, whereas support for European integration has been tracked systematically for decades, trend analyses of public opinion on Latin American integration are still missing. Combining data from eight Latinobarometer surveys on 106,590 respondents from seventeen South and Central American countries, this article provides the first longitudinal analysis of Latin Americans’ support for their continent’s economic and political integration. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we reveal intra- and intersocietal trends and cleavages. Our results show that support rates are generally declining from high initial levels. Furthermore, while gender and educational gaps in public opinion remained stable over time, considerable shifts occurred with regard to political orientation: starting from the lowest initial values, the left surpassed the right—and, at least in the case of support for political integration, also the center—to become the political wing favoring integration most highly. This finding shows, contrary to prevailing ideas, that the political center is not necessarily the primary supporter of integration. When regionalism is increasingly driven by left-wing governments, public support for regional integration may also swing to the left. Resumen Coincidiendo con el desplazamiento hacia la izquierda de la politica latinoamericana, la integracion regional en America Latina se ha acelerado durante las dos ultimas decadas. Sin embargo, mientras que el apoyo a la integracion europea ha sido estudiado sistematicamente durante decadas, todavia no existen analisis referidos a las tendencias de la opinion publica con respecto a la integracion de America Latina. Este articulo, al combinar los datos de ocho encuestas de Latinobarometro realizadas a 106,590 encuestados de 17 paises de America del Sur y America Central, proporciona el primer analisis longitudinal referido al apoyo por parte de los latinoamericanos a la integracion politica y economica del continente. Utilizando una regresion logistica de efectos mixtos multinivel, revelamos tendencias y escisiones internas e inter-sociales. Nuestros resultados muestran que si bien existia un alto nivel inicial de apoyo, en general, este porcentaje esta disminuyendo. Es mas, si bien las brechas educacionales y de genero se han mantenido estables a lo largo del tiempo en el ambito de la opinion publica, se han producido cambios considerables respecto de la orientacion politica: en un comienzo con valores iniciales mas bajos, la izquierda supero a la derecha y —al menos en el caso del apoyo a la integracion politica— tambien al centro para convertirse en el ala politica que mas propiciaba la integracion. Este hallazgo demuestra, contrariamente a las ideas dominantes, que el centro politico no es necesariamente el principal partidario de la integracion. Cuando el regionalismo se ve cada vez mas impulsado por los gobiernos de izquierda, el apoyo publico a la integracion regional tambien puede oscilar hacia la izquierda.

This article focuses on how two Spanish American Creole writers perceived their port city as a symbol of national prestige, devoted patriotism, and utilitarian significance, at a time when the military and economic status of the port was undergoing transformational changes. It centers on the works of two eighteenth-century Cuban writers, José Martín Félix de Arrate’s Llave del Nuevo Mundo, antemural de las Indias Occidentales: La Habana descripta (1761) and Ignacio José de Urrutia y Montoya’s Teatro histórico, jurídico y político-militar de la Isla Fernandina de Cuba y principalmente de su capital La Habana (1791), to show the ways in which these authors articulated their love for their country while endowing the port and the port city with local political power and cultural prestige. This sense of “topophilia,” a concept described by geographer Yi-Fu Tuan as the “affective bond between people and place,” is what guided the aforementioned authors’ geographic view of the port.

This article analyzes representations of indigenous people in Brazilian fiction from the 1930s to understand their presence in the national imaginary of the time. At the time, there was a deepening of the debate on social, productive, and institutional modernization, especially toward the promotion of industrialization in the most dynamic economic areas and the expansion of the state presence in the inlands and the wild regions. The research sources selected for this article include Menotti del Picchia’s entertainment literature, Graciliano Ramos’s neorealist writing, and Cornelio Penna’s mystical and introspective fiction. Through such diversity, the author looks for perceptions of the indigenous as objects, obstacles, or historical subjects. Indigenous peoples are most often viewed as figures or symbols rather than real and contemporary individuals, and their image is simultaneously involved with modernization projects and questioning the country’s historical trajectory. Resumo Este artigo objetiva analisar representacoes do indigena na literatura ficcional brasileira da decada de 1930, buscando compreender sua incorporacao ao imaginario nacional naquele momento. Trata-se de um contexto de aprofundamento do debate sobre a modernizacao social, produtiva e institucional do pais, sobretudo no sentido da promocao da industrializacao nas areas de economia mais dinâmica e da ampliacao da presenca estatal na vida do pais, particularmente atraves de sua expansao em direcao ao interior e as regioes de fronteira. Buscamos observar as formas de sua percepcao como objeto, obstaculo e sujeito historico e para tal foram selecionadas manifestacoes literarias bastante diversas: a literatura de entretenimento de Menotti del Picchia, a escrita neorrealista de Graciliano Ramos e a ficcao mistica e introspectiva de Cornelio Penna. Por meio de tal diversidade, intentamos alcancar um amplo horizonte de possibilidades em torno do problema exposto. Observamos, enfim, nos romances em debate, que os indigenas surgem mais frequentemente como figuras ou simbolos que como pessoas ou povos reais e contemporâneos, e que sua imagem participa dos projetos modernizadores, mas tambem contribui para o debate sobre a formacao historica do pais.

Since the beginning of this century, significant changes occurred in relation to the distribution of income in Brazilian society, which recently has seen reduced inequality and middle income growth. On the basis of this information, alongside economic growth, the best-known interpretation of those changes in Brazil was the one that affirmed that the Brazilian middle class was enlarging. The main objective of this article is to deepen this discussion. Through microdata from 2002 to 2013 of the National Household Sample Surveys, we look at the relationship between recent changes in income distribution and class structure in Brazil. We analyze whether it is possible to identify significant changes in income inequality across socio-occupational categories. As a result, we present evidence that, rather than growth of the middle class, it is more correct to speak of a more affluent working class. Resumo Desde o inicio do presente seculo, mudancas significativas ocorreram em relacao a distribuicao de renda na sociedade brasileira, que recentemente apresentou queda das desigualdades e crescimento das faixas intermediarias de rendimento. Com base nesta informacao, junto ao crescimento economico ocorrido no periodo, a interpretacao mais conhecida a respeito dessas recentes mudancas no Brasil e aquela que afirmava estarmos diante do crescimento da classe media. O objetivo deste artigo e aprofundar essa discussao, atraves do prisma sociologico. Procuramos, por meio dos microdados das Pesquisas Nacionais por Amostra de Domicilios de 2002 a 2013, verificar a relacao entre as recentes mudancas na distribuicao de renda e a estrutura de classes no Brasil. Buscamos, assim, analisar se e possivel encontrar modificacoes significativas no que se refere a desigualdade de rendimentos entre categorias socio ocupacionais. Como resultado, apresentamos evidencias de que, em vez de crescimento das camadas medias, seria mais correto falarmos em fortalecimento das classes assentadas no trabalho.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Productive Development: Sound Policies and Institutions for Economic Transformation. Edited by Gustavo Crespi, Eduardo Fernandez-Arias, and Ernesto Stein; Inter-American Development Bank. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. xxix + 461. $54.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781137397164. Macroeconomics and Development: Roberto Frenkel and the Economics of Latin America. Edited by Mario Damill, Martin Rapetti, and Guillermo Rozenwurcel. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 389. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780231175081. Free Trade and Faithful Globalization: Saving the Market. By Amy Reynolds. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. x + 179. $28.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107435179. Latin America after the Financial Crisis: Economic Ramifications from Heterodox Perspectives. Edited by Juan E. Santarcangelo, Orlando Justo, and Paul Cooney. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pp. vii + 251. $149.99 hardcover. ISBN: 9781137486615. Meaningful Resistance: Market Reforms and the Roots of Social Protest in Latin America. By Erica S. Simmons. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 219. $27.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107562059. Global Capitalism in Disarray: Inequality, Debt, and Austerity. By Andres Solimano. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. xi + 235. $35.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190626273. The Last Day of Oppression, and the First Day of the Same: The Politics and Economics of the New Latin American Left. By Jeffery R. Webber. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2017. Pp. 1 + 305. $26.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780745399539.

This article analyzes student mobilization and public discourse on higher education during the June 2013 protests in Brazil in an effort to situate the protests historically. I argue that higher education was a major, yet overlooked, component of the 2013 protests, and that concerns over the failings and shortcomings of Brazil’s university system had deeper roots in institutional problems and student discourses on education, society, and democracy. These historical inequalities combined with institutional memories that offered students models and examples of past mobilization and allowed them to tie their present-day concerns to past examples of student politics. I consider the ways in which the often-overlooked question of educational reform offers insights into ongoing social inequalities in Brazil, the failure of various regimes to address structural issues, and how students in 2013 looked to the past while simultaneously drawing on their own particular educational contingencies. This article situates 2013 historically while exploring the ways in which higher education in the twenty-first century has transformed, even as it remains an important part of political and social struggles between society and the state. Finally, this article explores how the 2013 protests in Brazil reflect ongoing struggles to define the role of the state in society, not just in Brazil but in the Americas more generally.

Years before Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro announced a “thaw” in US-Cuba relations on December 17, 2014 (17D), Cubans were intensifying ties through the transnational circulation of popular culture. To understand Cuba and its diaspora in the twenty-first century, it is essential that we attend to the transnational networks in place before 17D that continue to shape quotidian life for people on and off the island. I begin in Miami, with the “afterlives” of a comic variety show called 'Sabadazo'—popular on the island during the 1990s—to illustrate how what it means to be Cuban, politically and culturally, has shifted away from the exile generation that arrived in the 1960s and 1970s. I complement this analysis with attention to generational tensions within the diaspora and representations of race and sexuality. I then move to the island to examine 'el paquete' (the package), a terabyte’s worth of mostly foreign media updated and distributed across the island weekly. I contend that the economic and cultural impact of 'el paquete' cannot be fully understood without careful consideration of the role of the Cuban diaspora. Resumen Años antes de que los presidentes Barack Obama y Raúl Castro anunciaran un “deshielo” en la relación entre Cuba y Estados Unidos el 17 de diciembre del 2014 (17D), los cubanos ya intensificaban los lazos por medio de la circulación transnacional de la cultura popular. Para poder comprender a Cuba y su diáspora en el siglo XXI, es esencial que prestemos atención a las redes transnacionales establecidos antes de 17D que continúan moldeando la vida cotidiana de las personas dentro y fuera de la isla. Yo comienzo en Miami con los “ultratumbas” de Sabadazo, un show de comedia y espectáculo muy popular en la isla en los años 90, para ilustrar cómo lo que significa ser cubano política y culturalmente, se ha desviado de la generación de exiliados que llegaron en los años sesenta y setentas. Yo complemento este análisis poniendo la atención a las tensiones dentro de la diáspora y las representaciones de raza y sexualidad. Prosigo hacia la isla para estudiar “el paquete”, un terabit de medios de comunicación extranjera actualizados y distribuidos semanalmente por toda la isla. Yo sostengo que el impacto económico y cultural del paquete no se puede comprender en su totalidad sin antes considerar cuidadosamente el papel que juega la diáspora cubana.

Report presented at the meeting of the Executive Council of the Latin American Studies Association in Barcelona, Spain, on May 20, 2018.

This article examines two approaches to postdictatorship cinema: trauma theory, which has been especially popular in reading this corpus, and semiotics, which has regained popularity in film analysis in general but is not often employed when analyzing postdictatorship films. The article claims that, though highly productive in the 1990s, trauma theory has become less fruitful after decades of continuous scholarship and after the emergence of administrations that have made the representation of the dictatorship the center of their public policies, such as kirchnerismo in Argentina (2003–2015). While trauma theory yields ahistorical analyses, a semiotic approach that takes into account how indexical, iconic, and symbolic signs merge in the cinematic field allows for historical interpretations that are more adequate for reading postdictatorship films, especially after 2003. The article first outlines the main tenets of the two approaches (trauma theory and semiotics), then assesses their suitability for historical interpretation via a brief analysis of Andres no quiere dormir la siesta , a 2009 Argentine film on the country’s last dictatorship. Resumen Este articulo se propone examinar dos aproximaciones al cine postdictatorial: la teoria del trauma, que ha sido especialmente popular para leer este corpus, y la semiotica, un acercamiento que ha vuelto a ganar popularidad en el analisis filmico en general pero que no es frecuentemente utilizado en la interpretacion de este tipo de peliculas. El articulo argumenta que la teoria del trauma, aunque productiva en los anos noventa, se ha vuelto menos fructifera despues de varias decadas de produccion academica constante y de la emergencia de gobiernos que, como el kirchnerismo en Argentina (2003–2015), han puesto la representacion de la dictadura en el centro de sus politicas publicas. Mientras que la teoria del trauma resulta insuficiente para leer historicamente el cine postdictatorial, una lectura semiotica de como los componentes indiciales, iconicos y simbolicos se combinan en la imagen cinematografica resulta mas apropiada para llevar a cabo una interpretacion historica, especialmente despues del 2003. Luego de delinear estas dos aproximaciones, el articulo las reevalua mediante un breve analisis de una pelicula argentina reciente sobre la dictadura militar, Andres no quiere dormir la siesta.

Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders “back home,” are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. Moreover, emigrants and individuals in the country of origin do not vary in the extent to which ideological preferences are used to judge presidents, which is a key marker of political sophistication. These results suggest that in the context of Mexican and Colombian politics, living abroad does not markedly diminish the potential for effective democratic engagement. Resumen Si bien gran numero de democracias han extendido derechos politicos a los emigrantes, se sabe relativamente poco sobre el compromiso politico transnacional. ?Que tan atentos son los emigrantes a la politica del pais de origen? ?Cuando se juzga a los lideres de este pais, la evaluacion que les hacen los emigrantes se basa en las mimas consideraciones que los ciudadanos del pais de origen? Este estudio aborda estas preguntas utilizando encuestas originales realizadas durante las elecciones presidenciales en Mexico (2006) y en Colombia (2010) y donde ambos, emigrantes y ciudadanos dentro del pais de origen, fueron parte del muestreo. El resultado indica que en los dos casos de Mexico y Colombia el vivir fuera del pais no esta asociado con una baja de la atencion a lo politico, y que el tiempo vivido por fuera no reduce por si solo esta atencion desde la distancia. Aun mas, emigrantes e individuos en el pais de origen no difieren en la forma de usar las preferencias ideologicas para juzgar a los presidentes, lo que es una marca clave de sofisticacion politica. Estos resultados sugieren que en el contexto de la politica de Mexico y Colombia, vivir afuera no disminuye el potencial de compromiso politico democratico.

This essay reviews the following works: Political Landscapes: Forests, Conservation, and Community in Mexico. By Christopher R. Boyer. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xix + 337 pages. $27.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358329. Dictablanda: Politics, Work, and Culture in Mexico, 1938–1968. Edited By Paul Gillingham and Benjamin T. Smith. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. vii + 444. $28.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356370. The War Has Brought Peace to Mexico: World War II and the Consolidation of the Post-Revolutionary State. By Halbert Jones. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 296. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780826351302. Mexico’s Once and Future Revolution: Social Upheaval and the Challenge of Rule since the Late Nineteenth Century. By Gilbert M. Joseph and Jurgen Buchenau. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. $23.95 paper. Pp. x + 252. ISBN: 9780822355328. Instituting Nature: Authority, Expertise, and Power in Mexico’s Forests. Andrew S. Mathews. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011. Pp. xii + 304. $32.00 paper. ISBN: 9780262516440. The Logic of Compromise in Mexico: How the Countryside Was Key to the Emergence of Authoritarianism. By Gladys I. McCormick. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. xiv + 284. $32.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469627748. Myths of Demilitarization in Postrevolutionary Mexico, 1920–1960. By Thomas Rath. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 256. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780807839294.

Twenty-five years have passed since Haiti’s first free and fair elections. In that time, democratization has been slow and there have been many setbacks. This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament. Resumen Han pasado veinticinco anos desde las primeras elecciones libres y justas en Haiti. Desde entonces, la democratizacion ha sido lenta y ha sufrido muchos contratiempos. Este articulo ofrece algunas observaciones con respecto al proceso de democratizacion en este momento. Al hacerlo, examina como el gobierno ha introducido un extenso parque industrial en el noreste del pais, el que requirio el desplazamiento de un gran numero de campesinos. Los resultados son mixtos. En una divergencia de la historia, cuando se enfrento con la oposicion, el gobierno envio sus fuerzas de seguridad con moderacion. Por otra parte, los niveles de transparencia y el compromiso de la sociedad civil no eran pasables. Aunque puede resultar insuficiente y superficial, el proceso democratico parece ir avanzando en la direccion correcta. Por otro lado, puede ser que los oficiales del gobierno local hayan perdido posicion y legitimidad durante el proceso, lo que puede impedir la democratizacion. Finalmente, el involucramiento de extranjeros en este proyecto era masivo, lo que confirma que la democratizacion de Haiti es transnacional. Asi, seguir el desarrollo democratico es algo extremadamente desafiante pero necesario ya que este pais no esta solo en esta situacion.

Resumen Se presenta un analisis tematico de tres debates parlamentarios claves para el tema de la libertad de expresion en el ambito mediatico en Chile desde la vuelta a la democracia: la discusion en torno a la Ley de Prensa 1993–2001, el Informe de la Comision Especial sobre las Libertades de Pensamiento y Expresion 2007–2010 y el debate de la Ley de Television Digital 2008–2014. En todos ellos, la batalla principal se ha librado por el significado mismo de la libertad de expresion, por su contenido meramente negativo —como la libertad de “injerencia” estatal— o el positivo que supone un Estado activo. Los ganadores de los debates argumentaron en contra de la regulacion viendola como una intromision estatal limitante para el mercado, y reduciendo asi la nocion de la libertad de expresion a la libertad de empresa. Abstract This article presents a thematic analysis of three parliamentary debates that are key to the topic of freedom of expression in the Chilean media since the return of democracy: the debate on the Press Law, 1993–2001; the Report of the Special Commission on Freedom of Thought and Freedom of Expression, 2007–2010; and the debate on the Digital Television Law, 2008–2014. In all three cases, the debates turned fundamentally on the central issue of the very meaning of the concept of freedom of expression: whether it should be understood in a merely negative sense—as freedom from state “interference”—or as a positive right to expression (presupposing an active state). These debates were all won by those who argued against regulation, viewing it as state intrusion against the market and thus reducing the notion of free expression to that of free enterprise.

This essay reviews the following works: Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman. By Jeremy Adelman. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013. Pp. xv + 740. $39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780691155678. Kalman Silvert: Engaging Latin America, Building Democracy. Edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal and Martin Weinstein. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016. Pp. vii + 195. $24.50 paper. ISBN: 9781626375550. Disciplinary Conquest: U.S. Scholars in South America, 1900–1945. By Ricardo D. Salvatore. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. Pp. xii + 329. $94.95 cloth. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822360957.

This essay reviews the following works: Del proceso de paz a la masacre de Alaska: Guatemala 1994–2012. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 1. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2013. Pp. xvii + 424. ISBN: 9789929663022. Cuadros sueltos que prefiguran el siglo XXI: Honduras 1993–2001. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 2. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar, 2014. Pp. xxxi + 448. ISBN: 9789929663046. Ixcán: el campesino indígena se levanta: Guatemala 1966–1982. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 3. Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2015. Pp. xxxviii + 600. ISBN: 9789929663053. Ixcán: Masacres y sobrevivencia: Guatemala 1982. By Ricardo Falla. 'Al atardecer de la vida … Escritos de Ricardo Falla, SJ', Volume 4 (a and b). Guatemala: AVANCSO, Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala; IEHR, Instituto de Estudios del Hecho Religioso de la Universidad Rafael Landívar; Editorial Universitaria de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, 2016. Pp. xxxix + 703. ISBN: 9789929663077.

This essay reviews the following works: Chavez’s Legacy: The Transformation from Democracy to a Mafia State. By Ari Chaplin. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2014. Pp. vii + 230. $35.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780761862659. Dragon in the Tropics: Venezuela and the Legacy of Hugo Chavez, 2nd ed. By Javier Corrales and Mark Penfold. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 237. $27.00 paper. ISBN: 9780815725930. Poder, petroleo y pobreza. By Jose Antonio Gil Yepes. Caracas: Libros Marcadores, 2015. Pp. 367. Paper. ISBN: 9789804080395. Venezuela: What Everyone Needs to Know. By Miguel Tinker Salas. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 241. $16.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199783281. We Are the State! Barrio Activism in Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution. By Cristobal Valencia. Tucson: University of the Arizona Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 229. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780816531561. Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of Modern Venezuela. By Alejandro Velasco. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 344. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520283329.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Race in Modern Argentina. Edited by Paulina Alberto and Eduardo Elena. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xviii + 373. $120.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107107632. Reimagining Black Difference and Politics in Brazil: From Racial Democracy to Multiculturalism.By Alexandre Emboaba Da Costa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. vii + 233. $105.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137386335. Racial Subordination in Latin America: The Role of the State, Customary Law, and the New Civil Rights Response. By Tanya Kateri Hernandez. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 247. $35.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107695436. The Color of Love: Racial Features, Stigma, and Socialization in Black Brazilian Families.By Elizabeth Hordge-Freeman. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 311. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781477307885. Blackness in the Andes: Ethnographic Vignettes of Cultural Politics in the Time of Multiculturalism. By Jean Muteba Rahier. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. ix + 243. $110.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137272713. Land of the Cosmic Race: Race Mixture, Racism, and Blackness in Mexico. By Christina A. Sue. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 234. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199925506. Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latin America. By Edward Telles and the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. xiii + 320. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469617831.

This essay reviews the following works: Sons of the Mexican Revolution: Miguel Aleman and His Generation. By Ryan M. Alexander. Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 239. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780826357397. A Sentimental Education for the Working Man: The Mexico City Penny Press, 1900–1910. By Robert M. Buffington. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 287. $25.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822358824. Radio in Revolution: Wireless Technology and State Power in Mexico, 1897–1938. By J. Justin Castro. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 270. $30.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780803286788. Working Women, Entrepreneurs, and the Mexican Revolution: The Coffee Culture of Cordoba, Veracruz. By Heather Fowler-Salamini. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013. Pp. vi + 403. $45.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780803243712. Industry and Revolution: Social and Economic Change in the Orizaba Valley, Mexico. By Aurora Gomez-Galvarriato. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013. Pp. 351. $49.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780674072725. For God and Revolution: Priest, Peasant, and Agrarian Socialism in the Mexican Huasteca. By Mark Saad Saka. Albuquerque: University of Mexico Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 177. $50.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826353382. Pesos and Politics: Business, Elites, Foreigners, and Government in Mexico, 1854–1940. By Mark Wasserman. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 249. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780804791540.

This essay reviews the following works: Reflections on Uneven Democracies: The Legacy of Guillermo O’Donnell. Edited by Daniel Brinks, Marcelo Leiras, and Scott Mainwaring. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. viii + 422. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421414607 . Problems Confronting Contemporary Democracies: Essays in Honor of Alfred Stepan. Edited by Douglas Chalmers and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012. Pp. xii + 487. $75.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780268023720. The Resilience of the Latin American Right. Edited by Juan-Pablo Luna and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 377. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421413907. Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall. By Scott Mainwaring and Anibal Perez-Linan. Pp. xiv + 353 pages. $35.99 paper. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. ISBN: 9780521152242. Democracy in Latin America: Between Hope and Despair. By Ignacio Walker. Translated by Krystin Krause, Holly Bird, and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 262. $38.00 paper. ISBN: 9780268019723.

This essay reviews the following works: Rhythms of the Pachakuti: Indigenous Uprising and State Power in Bolivia. By Raquel Gutierrez Aguilar. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 284. $25.24 paperback. ISBN: 9780822356042. State Theory and Andean Politics: New Approaches to the Study of Rule. Edited by Christopher Krupa and David Nugent. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015. Pp. v + 328. $56.56 hardcover. ISBN: 9780812246940. Embodied Protests: Emotions and Women’s Health in Bolivia. By Maria Tapias. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 160. $21.67 paperback. ISBN: 9780252080746.

This article examines the clandestine connections between participants in the illicit drug trade and members of state security forces to understand how they impact everyday understandings of the law. Drawing on a unique combination of long-term ethnographic fieldwork in a poor, high-crime district in Argentina and wiretapped conversations drawn from a court case involving a drug trafficking group active in the same area, we find that traffickers use illicit relationships to maintain economic control of the territory, and that collusion fosters widespread cynicism about law enforcement among residents. This article expands the literature on the covert relationships between drug trade participants and agents of the state by detailing the inner workings of collusion. Furthermore, it analyzes residents’ perceptions of police complicity as an underexplored source of legal cynicism. Finally, it offers a methodological blueprint of how to access and analyze data that capture state actions usually hidden from public view. Resumen Este articulo examina las conexiones clandestinas entre participantes en el trafico de drogas ilegales y miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad del estado a los efectos de entender como esas relaciones impactan en la manera en que la ley es entendida en la vida cotidiana. Combinando trabajo etnografico en un barrio pobre con altos niveles de criminalidad y escuchas telefonicas registradas en un expediente judicial que involucra a un grupo de traficantes de la misma zona, encontramos que: a) los traficantes utilizan esas relaciones clandestinas para mantener control economico del territorio, y b) la colusion entre agentes del estado y traficantes alimenta un cinismo legal generalizado entre los residentes de la zona. Este articulo hace tres contribuciones. En primer lugar, expande la literatura sobre relaciones encubiertas entre participantes en el mercado de drogas ilicitas y los agentes del estado al detallar el funcionamiento de la colusion. En segundo lugar, analiza las percepciones sobre la complicidad policial como una fuente no estudiada de cinismo legal. Por ultimo, ofrece una estrategia metodologica para acceder y analizar datos sobre acciones del estado que suelen estar ocultas.

This essay reviews the following works: The Strange Career of William Ellis: The Texas Slave Who Became a Mexican Millionaire. By Karl Jacoby. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2016. Pp. xxvii + 304. $27.95 hardcover; $16.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780393239256. Jalos, USA: Transnational Community and Identity. By Alfredo Mirande. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 221. $27.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780268035327. How Race Is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts. By Natalia Molina. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 207. $27.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780520280083. Latinos in the United States: Diversity and Change. By Rogelio Saenz and Maria Cristina Morales. Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2015. Pp. vi + 265. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780745642727. Indian Given: Racial Geographies across Mexico and the United States. By Maria Josefina Saldana-Portillo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 336. $26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822360148. Mestizaje and Globalization: Transformations of Identity and Power. Edited by Stefanie Wickstrom and Philip D. Young. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 284. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780816530908.

This article analyzes how the narrative of Bolivia construcciones, a novel by Sergio Di Nucci (under the pseudonym Bruno Morales), takes up the debate about the concept of plagiarism, and points to rewriting and copying as important elements in contemporary literature. In addition, the narrative calls into question some traditional concepts of modern literature and criticism, like originality and author as creative foundations aspects of literary creation. I also consider the ambiguity in the narrative language associated with the changes in enunciation during the discursive event put forward by Di Nucci in the novel. The disputes over plagiarism in Bolivia construcciones are associated with the ambivalence of writing and reading mechanisms, which brings Di Nucci’s novel up to date with the shifts and frequent indecision in the arts today. Resumen Este articulo analiza como la textualidad de la novela Bolivia construcciones, del argentino Sergio Di Nucci (seudonimo Bruno Morales), trae a colacion el debate en torno al concepto de plagio, asi como apunta a la productividad de la reescritura y de la copia en la literatura contemporanea y, ademas, pone en tela de juicio ciertos supuestos modernos de la literatura y la critica, como los conceptos de originalidad y autor, en tanto fundamentos creativos. Asimismo, se investigan los procesos de opacidad del lenguaje en la narrativa de la novela, relacionados con los cambios de la enunciacion en el evento discursivo promovido por Di Nucci. Se sostiene que la querella en torno al plagio en su textualidad se asocia a la ambivalencia de mecanismos escriturales y de lectura que ponen la novela de Di Nucci al tanto de los desplazamientos y la indecidibilidad frecuentes en las artes del presente.

On March 14, 2008, 'Granma' started publication of a new section entitled 'Cartas a la dirección', which printed letters to the editor containing complaints, criticisms, and suggestions. The section rapidly grew in popularity and became the most closely read portion of the Friday paper. This essay engages with three related questions that have theoretical relevance beyond the specific case of Cuba. First, why would the flagship newspaper in a communist regime solicit citizen letters? Second, why would some of these letters be printed? And third, why would news media seek out responses to the letters and comment on unsatisfactory responses? This essay argues that in Cuba, as in other communist regimes, published complaint letters have two functions: the simple printing of select letters facilitates the collective letting off of steam, whereas the publication of responses to the letters by the authorities that were responsible for the infractions outlined in the initial complaint allows the regime to demonstrate that it takes popular input seriously. Therefore, 'Cartas a la dirección' serves as a nonelectoral mechanism of accountability. Resumen El 14 de marzo de 2008, 'Granma inició' la publicación de una nueva sección titulada 'Cartas a la dirección', que publicaba cartas conteniendo quejas, críticas y sugerencias. La sección rápidamente creció en popularidad y se convirtió en el segmento más leído del periódico del viernes. Este ensayo plantea tres preguntas que tienen relevancia teórica más allá del caso específico de Cuba. Primero, ¿por qué el periódico oficial en un régimen comunista solicitaría cartas a los ciudadanos? Segundo, ¿por qué se publicarían algunas de estas cartas? Y en tercer lugar, ¿por qué los medios de comunicación responderían a esas cartas y comentarían las respuestas insatisfactorias? Este artículo argumenta que en Cuba, al igual que en otros regímenes comunistas, las cartas de queja publicadas cumplen dos funciones: la simple publicación de cartas seleccionadas facilita la descarga colectiva de tensión, mientras que la publicación de las respuestas de las autoridades responsables por las infracciones señaladas en la queja inicial permite al régimen demostrar que toma en serio la opinión del pueblo. Por lo tanto, 'Cartas a la dirección' sirve como un mecanismo no electoral de rendición de cuentas.

This essay reviews the following works: Spectacular Mexico: Design, Propaganda, and the 1968 Olympics. By Luis M. Castaneda. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 293. $35.00 paper. ISBN: 9780816690794. Religion and State Formation in Postrevolutionary Mexico. By Ben Fallaw. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xx + 329. $27.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822353379. Deco Body, Deco City: Female Spectacle and Modernity in Mexico City, 1900–1939. By Ageeth Sluis. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 396. $35.00 paper. ISBN: 9780803293823. Portrait of a Young Painter: Pepe Zuniga and Mexico City’s Rebel Generation. By Mary Kay Vaughan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 279. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822357810.

En abril del ano 2015 se promulgo la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil en Chile. Este articulo investiga las principales ideas discutidas en el debate legislativo y del rol que cumplieron profesores de derecho de familia invitados como expertos al mismo. Proponemos que la participacion de estos abogados fue marginal dentro y fuera del Congreso. Como consecuencia, la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil presento serias falencias. En este articulo proponemos considerar las batallas intra-profesionales por el reconocimiento de un saber experto, como un factor clave en la formulacion de politicas en materia de genero y sexualidad. Y de paso, esperamos abrir un debate desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que reimagine al derecho de familia desanclado de relaciones diadicas, centradas en la atraccion sexual y orientadas a la procreacion. In Chile, a bill recognizing civil unions for same-sex and opposite-sex couples was signed into law in April 2015. In this article, we analyze the parliamentary debate on the civil union’s law and the role of law professors invited as experts in the debate. We conclude that their position as experts was marginal inside and outside the Congress. As a result, the parliament approved the law with several shortcomings. The contribution of this research is twofold. First, we propose that intraprofessional battles over expertise are a crucial factor to understand better the formulation of gender and sexual policies in Latin America. Second, from an interdisciplinary approach, we propose to reimagine family law decoupled from norms centered on dyadic and romantic relationships and oriented to procreation.

This essay reviews the following works: Private Wealth and Public Revenue in Latin America: Business Power and Tax Politics. By Tasha Fairfield. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 333. $99.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107088375. Evo’s Bolivia: Continuity and Change. By Linda C. Farthing and Benjamin H. Kohl. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 227. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780292758681. The State and the Private Sector in Latin America: The Shift to Partnership. By Mauricio A. Font. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Pp. vii + 291. $100.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780230111400. Partisan Investment in the Global Economy: Why the Left Loves Foreign Direct Investment and FDI Loves the Left. By Pablo M. Pinto. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 288. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107617360. Enduring Reform: Progressive Activism and Private Sector Responses in Latin America’s Democracies. Edited by Jeffrey W. Rubin and Vivienne Bennett. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 261. $15.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822963165. Reinventing the Left in the Global South: The Politics of the Possible. By Richard Sandbrook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 294. $34.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107421097. Democratic Chile: The Politics and Policies of a Historic Coalition, 1990–2010. Edited by Kirsten Sehnbruch and Peter M. Siavelis. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2014. Pp. vii + 375. $69.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781588268730.

This essay reviews the following works: In Harm’s Way: the Dynamics of Urban Violence. By Javier Auyero and Maria Fernanda Berti. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 239. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780691164779. Violence at the Urban Margins. Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 323. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780190221454. Bruno: Conversations with a Brazilian Drug Dealer. By Robert Gay. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 219. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358497. The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. By Erika Robb Larkins. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 231. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520282773. Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. By Eduardo Moncada. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 219. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780804794176. Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela: Urban Violence and Daily Life. By R. Ben Penglase. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2014. Pp. ix + 197. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780813565439.

This essay reviews the following works: Mobilizing Democracy: Globalization and Citizen Protest. By Paul Almeida. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 191. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421414096. Nicaragua: Navigating the Politics of Democracy. By David Close. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016. Pp. vii + 254. $59.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781626374355. The Politics of Modern Central America: Civil War, Democratization, and Underdevelopment. By Fabrice Lehoucq. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Pp. viii + 193. $29.99 paper. ISBN: 9780521730792. A History of Violence: Living and Dying in Central America . By Oscar Martinez , translated by John B. Washington and Daniela Ugaz. London: Verso, 2016. Pp. xv + 257. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9781784781682. Enabling Peace in Guatemala: The Story of MINUGUA. By William Stanley. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2013. Pp. xx + 325. $25.00 paper. ISBN: 9781588266811. Women in War: The Micro-Processes of Mobilization in El Salvador. By Jocelyn Viterna. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 288. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199843657. Captured Peace: Elites and Peacebuilding in El Salvador. By Christine J. Wade. Athens, OH: Ohio University Research in International Studies, 2016. Pp. ix + 273. $27.96 paper. ISBN: 9780896802988.

Este ensaio resenha os seguintes filmes: Justica/Justice. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Jan de Ruiter, Luis Vidal, Niek Koppen, and Renee Van Der Grinten. Brazil/Netherlands, 2004, 107’. DVD. Film is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qUWZHNWcj7U. Juizo/Behave. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Diler Trinidade. Brazil, 2007. 90’. DVD. Film is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UymNRVuilnA. Morro dos Prazeres/Hill of Pleasures. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Eduardo Ades and Daniela Santos in association with Imagem-Tempo. Brazil/Netherlands, 2013, 90’. DVD. Film is available by contacting the distributor at atendimento@bretzfilmes.com.br. O Processo/The Trial. Dir. Maria Augusta Ramos. Prod. Leonardo Mecchi. Brazil, 2018, 100’. Not yet released in DVD. Contact the distributor at http://www.vitrinefilmes.com.br/site/.

This essay reviews the following works: The Cambridge History of Religions in Latin America. Edited by Virginia Garrard-Burnett, Paul Freston, and Stephen C. Dove. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xii + 830. $250.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780521767330. Native Evangelism in Central Mexico. By Hugo G. Nutini and Jean F. Nutini. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014. Pp. vii + 197. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780292744127. New Centers of Global Evangelicalism in Latin America and Africa. By Stephen Offutt. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. viii + 192. $80.18 hardcover. ISBN: 9781107078321. The Roots of Pope Francis’s Social and Political Thought: From Argentina to the Vatican. By Thomas R. Rourke. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2016. Pp. vii + 220. $80.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781442272712.

In order to analyze the gender performance and empowerment of Brazilian female drug traffickers, this article compares the character of Marta in Patrícia Melo’s novel 'Inferno' (2000) with the testimonies of four real female drug traffickers collected in MV Bill and Celso Athayde’s book 'Falcão: Mulheres e o tráfico' (2007). It argues that while female drug traffickers highlight their experience and use their kinship relations, Marta’s access to power and gender transgression are temporary because her community and other drug traffickers do not support her. The article also proposes the term “the most desired positions” to replace “hegemonic masculinities” because of the prominence that cisgender and trans women have begun to have in the world of drug trade. Resumo Com o propósito de analisar a performance de gênero e o empoderamento de mulheres traficantes brasileiras, este ensaio compara a personagem de Marta no romance 'Inferno' (2000) da autora Patrícia Melo com os testemunhos de quatro mulheres traficantes que foram recolhidos no livro 'Falcão: Mulheres e o tráfico' (2007) de MV Bill e Celso Athayde. O ensaio argumenta que, enquanto as mulheres traficantes salientam sua experiência e uso de relações de parentesco, o acesso de Marta ao poder e sua transgressão de gênero são temporários porque sua comunidade e outros traficantes não a apoiam. O ensaio também propõe usar o termo “posições mais desejadas” para substituir a expressão “masculinidades hegemônicas” devido à prominência que as mulheres trans e cisgênero começaram a ter no mundo do tráfico de narcóticos.

Research in advanced industrialized democracies on social attitudes toward same-sex marriage suggests that intergroup social contact and positive media coverage play an important role in promoting tolerance and support for same-sex marriage. Using AmericasBarometer survey data for eighteen countries in 2010, 2012, and 2014, this article examines the ways in which individual-level Internet use interacts with news exposure, country-level quality of democracy, Internet penetration, and their association with support for same-sex marriage. The results suggest that not only is Internet use associated with greater support for same-sex marriage, but that among those who both use the Internet and pay more attention to the news, the positive effects are amplified. In addition, national level of democracy, economic development, and Internet use are also associated with overall higher probabilities of supporting same-sex marriage. We find that Internet use has a strong positive association with the probability of supporting same-sex marriage as the percentage of the national population on the Internet increases. These findings extend our understanding of social and political tolerance of same-sex marriage in Latin America. Investigacion en paises industrializados sugiere que el contacto entre grupos sociales y la cobertura positiva de los mismos en medios de comunicacion juegan un papel importante en la promocion de tolerancia y en aumentar apoyo al matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. Basandonos en las encuestas del AmericasBarometer de 2010, 2012 y 2014, este articulo examina como el uso de la Internet interactua con el consumo de noticias, la calidad de la democracia en el pais, el grado nacional de penetracion de la Internet, y su asociacion con mayor apoyo al matrimonio igualitario. Estos resultados sugieren que no solamente existe una asociacion entre el uso de la Internet y apoyo al matrimonio igualitario, pero que esta asociacion amplifica los efectos positivos entre las personas que usan la Internet y prestan atencion a las noticias. Ademas, la calidad de la democracia al nivel nacional, niveles de desarrollo economico, asi como el uso de la Internet estan tambien asociados con probabilidades mayores de apoyo. Encontramos que existe una fuerte asociacion positiva entre el uso de la Internet y probabilidades de mayor apoyo conforme aumenta el porcentaje de la poblacion con acceso a la Internet.

This article explores Latin American genomic studies of mestizaje and the way mestizaje’s inherent contradiction between equality and hierarchy—a contradiction typical of liberalism—is managed in genomics. In Latin America, ideologies and practices of mestizaje may be seen as an antidote to hierarchies of race and class, but also as a terrain for the enactment of these hierarchies. Mestizaje mediates this contradiction between equality and hierarchy first by deploying the idea of sexual intimacy and family kinship across racial difference, and second by representing blackness and indigeneity as spatially peripheral and temporally backward-looking, thus naturalizing them as other. Multiculturalism can be seen as a recent variant on these themes, as well as a departure from them. Recent genomics research in Latin America strongly reiterates these ideas, while also adding some new twists. Despite its apparent connection with progressive politics and policies (antiracism, better health for all, protection of human rights for victims of oppression), genomics here appears as a mainly conservative force. Resumen Este articulo aborda las investigaciones genomicas latinoamericanas del mestizaje y como la contradiccion inherente del mestizaje entre la igualdad y la jerarquia—una contradiccion tipica del liberalismo—se maneja en la genomica. En America Latina las ideologias y practicas del mestizaje pueden ser entendidas como un antidoto a las jerarquias de raza y clase, pero tambien como el terreno en el cual se reproducen estas jerarquias. El mestizaje media esta contradiccion entre la igualdad y la jerarquia primero al usar la idea de que la intimidad sexual y el parentesco atraviesan las diferencias racializadas; y segundo al representar lo negro y lo indigena como espacialmente perifericos y temporalmente atrasados, de esta manera naturalizandolos como Otro. Se puede entender el multiculturalismo como una variante reciente de estos temas, asi como una divergencia de ellos. En la ciencia genomica latinoamericana, investigaciones recientes reiteran fuertemente estas ideas, a la vez agregandoles nuevas acepciones. A pesar de su aparente vinculo con las politicas sociales progresivas (anti-racismo, mejor salud para todos, proteccion de los derechos humanos para las victimas de la violencia), en este caso la genomica se presenta como una fuerza mas que todo conservadora.

Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples in Latin America face higher poverty rates and are disproportionately represented among the poor. The probability of being poor is between two and three times higher for indigenous and Afro-descendants than whites. Using comparable fiscal incidence analyses for Bolivia, Brazil, and Guatemala, I analyze how much poverty and inequality change in the ethnoracial space after fiscal interventions. Although taxes and transfers tend to reduce the ethnoracial gaps, the change is very small. While per capita cash transfers tend to be higher for the nonwhite population, spending on these programs is too low, especially when compared with the disproportionate number of poor people among nonwhites.

This essay reviews the following works: Awukan ka kuxankan zugu Wajmapu mew: Violencias coloniales en Wajmapu. Edited by Enrique Antileo Baeza and others. Temuco: Ediciones Comunidad de Historia Mapuche, 2015. Pp. 331. $20.00 paperback. ISBN: 9789569761003. Thunder Shaman: Making History with Mapuche Spirits in Chile and Patagonia. By Ana Mariella Bacigalupo. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 275. $ 26.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781477308981. The Mapuche in Modern Chile: A Cultural History. By Joanna Crow. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2013. Pp. ix + 281. $74.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780813044286. Ta in fijke xipa rakizuameluwun: Historia, colonialismo y resistencia desde el pais Mapuche. Edited by Hector Nahuelpan Moreno and others. Temuco: Ediciones Comunidad de Historia Mapuche, 2013. Pp. 378. $14.60 paperback. ISBN: 9789563533330.

The results of a multisited ethnography developed between 2015 and 2016 among the Saraguros indigenous group of Ecuador allow for the description of nine factors that intervene, paradoxically, in Andean mystical tourism. Essentialist “neo-Incaism,” the concept of pristine nature with “energetic” places, the rise of the ancestral medicine, the idealization of the community as opposite the Western way of life, the institutional recognition of the interculturality and indigenous cultures, the international growth of a “neo-Indian” network, New Age syncretism, the cultural capital of 'yachaks' (shamans), and the possibility of marketing the spiritual in a “fast ritual” format, all these show the multidimensionality of a tourism that eludes a simple categorization as authentic or simulacrum to help us understand—in light of the “glocal” phenomenon—the place in the world that many indigenous groups in Latin America currently occupy. Resumen Los resultados de una etnografía multisituada desarrollada en 2015 y 2016 entre los saraguros, indígenas del Ecuador, permiten describir nueve factores que intervienen, con paradójicas relaciones, en el turismo místico andino. El neoincaismo esencialista, la concepción de una naturaleza prístina con lugares 'energéticos', el auge de la medicina ancestral, la idealización de lo comunitario como opuesto al estilo de vida occidental, el reconocimiento institucional de la interculturalidad y las culturas de los pueblos originarios, la ampliación internacional de las redes de la galaxia neoindia, el sincretismo 'new age', el capital cultural de los 'yachaks' y la posibilidad de mercantilizar lo espiritual bajo formatos de 'fast rituals' muestran la multidimensionalidad de un tipo de turismo que escapa a su simple categorización como auténtico o simulacro, y nos hace comprender —a la luz de un fenómeno 'glocal'— el lugar en el mundo que ocupan actualmente muchos grupos indígenas en Latinoamérica.

Under new democratic regimes, civil society organizations (CSOs) alter their political strategies to better engage public officials and citizens as well as to influence broader political debates. In Brazil, between 1990 and 2010, CSOs gained access to a broad participatory architecture as well as a reconfigured state, inducing CSOs to employ a wider range of strategies. This article uses a political network approach to illuminate variation in CSOs’ political strategies across four policy arenas and show how the role of the state, the broader configuration of civil society, the interests of elected officials, and the rules of participatory institutions interact to produce this variation. Data for this article’s analysis come from a survey of three hundred CSO leaders in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte. The survey identified the strategies they employed to promote policy change and direct resource allocation in the arenas of participatory budgeting, health care, social services, and housing. Sociographs generated from survey results reveal a distinct clustering within each policy arena of the strategies employed by CSOs, providing further support to the usefulness of the analytical framework.

Many Bolivians engage in corruption through intermediaries, like civil society representatives and lawyers, instead of paying officials directly. People vocally resent that intermediaries add an extra layer of costs and opaqueness to corruption but still choose to pay bribes through intermediaries that knowingly take advantage of them. Why do intermediaries facilitate corruption? While other studies on corrupt intermediaries find that they reduce uncertainty and transaction costs, this study contributes to corruption research by finding that intermediaries engage in cartel-like behavior by disproportionally helping officials and intentionally increasing uncertainty and costs for the average citizen. Ethnographic evidence from street markets in La Paz demonstrates that civil society actors like street vendors’ union representatives advance their careers by collecting and delivering bribes to specific bureaucrats. Collusive relationships between bureaucrats and intermediaries hide and perpetuate corruption, while giving the appearance of a transparent government that is responsive to civil society. Resumen Bastante bolivianos se involucran en la corrupcion a traves de intermediarios, como lideres de la sociedad civil y abogados, en vez de pagar funcionarios directamente. Ciudadanos no les gustan que los intermediarios agregan costos extras y opacidad a la corrupcion, pero aun asi eligen pagar coimas a traves de intermediarios que se aprovechan de ellos. ?Por que los intermediarios de la sociedad civil facilitan la corrupcion? Mientras otros estudios sobre intermediarios corruptos encuentran que los intermediarios reducen la incertidumbre y los costos de transaccion, este estudio encuentra que los intermediarios participan en carteles de coimas, porque ayudan desproporcionadamente a los funcionarios y aumentan intencionalmente la incertidumbre y los costos para ciudadanos. Evidencia etnografica original de los mercados populares de La Paz demuestra que los actores de la sociedad civil, como los lideres sindicales de los comerciantes populares, avanzan en sus carreras colectando y entregando coimas a funcionarios. Las relaciones colusorias entre los burocratas y los intermediarios de la sociedad civil ocultan y perpetuan la corrupcion. Al mismo tiempo, les dan la apariencia de un gobierno transparente que responde a la sociedad civil.

This essay reviews the following works: Ancient Maya Pottery: Classification, Analysis, and Interpretation. Edited by James John Aimers. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2013. Pp. vii + 293. $79.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780813042367. The Huasteca: Culture, History, and Interregional Exchange. Edited by Katherine A. Faust and Kim N. Richter. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 241. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780806147048. Excavations in Residential Areas of Tikal: Group 7F-1. By William A. Haviland. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2015. Pp. xi + 133. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781934536810. Politics of the Maya Court: Hierarchy and Change in the Late Classic Period. By Sarah E. Jackson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 248. $29.95 hardback. ISBN: 9780806143415. The Ancient Maya Marketplace: The Archaeology of Transient Space. Edited by Eleanor M. King. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 325. $60.54 cloth. ISBN: 9780816500413. The Spectacle of the Late Maya Court: Reflections on the Murals of Bonampak. By Mary Miller and Claudia Brittenham. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 285. $54.05 cloth. ISBN: 9780292744363. Maya Lords and Lordship: The Formation of Colonial Society in Yucatan, 1350–1600. By Sergio Quezada. Translated by Terry Rugeley. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 248. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780806144221. Place and Identity in Classic Maya Narratives. By Alexandre Tokovinine. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection/Harvard University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 180. $39.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780884023920.

This article explains why some indigenous communities in Mexico have been able to resist drug cartels’ attempts to take over their local governments, populations, and territories while others have not. While indigenous customary laws and traditions provide communal accountability mechanisms that make it harder for narcos to take control, they are insufficient. Using a paired comparison of two indigenous regions in the highlands of Guerrero and Chihuahua—both ideal zones for drug cultivation and traffic—we show that the communities most able to resist narco conquest are those that have a history of social mobilization, expanding village-level indigenous customary traditions into regional ethnic autonomy regimes. By scaling up local accountability practices regionally and developing translocal networks of cooperation, indigenous movements have been able to construct mechanisms of internal control and external protection that enable communities to deter the narcos from corrupting local authorities, recruiting young men, and establishing criminal governance regimes through force. Resumen Este artículo explica por qué algunas comunidades indígenas en México han podido resistir los intentos de los cárteles de la droga de conquistar sus gobiernos locales, poblaciones y territorios y otras no. Aunque los sistemas normativos indígenas dotan a las comunidades de mecanismos internos de 'accountability' que le dificultan al narco tomar el control, estas instituciones resultan insuficientes para contener al narco. A partir de una comparación de dos regiones indígenas de las sierras de Guerrero y Chihuahua –dos zonas ideales para el cultivo y tráfico de drogas– mostramos que las comunidades más capaces de resistir la conquista del narco son las que han sido parte de una larga historia de movilización social, mediante la cual han logrado expandir los sistemas normativos locales para construir regímenes de autonomía étnica regionales. Al escalar las prácticas locales de 'accountability' a nivel regional y desarrollar redes trans-locales de cooperación, los movimientos indígenas han desarrollado los mecanismos de control interno y de protección externa que les permiten a las comunidades evitar que los narcos corrompan a sus autoridades locales, recluten a sus jóvenes y establezcan regímenes de gobernanza criminal a través de la fuerza.

Books of etiquette emerged in Cuba during the nineteenth century as a tool that the creole class used to impose themselves as the model of an imagined national subject. Also known as manuals of urbanity and good manners, these texts projected the aspirations of the creole elite. They served as technologies to craft a kind of body—bourgeois, white, heterosexual, Cuban—molded to inhabit the new urban spatial configurations that the modernizing tendencies of the early century brought forth. I examine the synergistic ways in which manuals of conduct and their driving ideology, urbanity, developed in close relationship with the ornate—another major technology of government and differentiation of bodies through space. Politics of the ornate aimed to transform Havana into an elegant capital which was modern and colonial at once, and make its image “decent,” that is, clean from sensory references to black and female marginal bodies. I examine the discursive connections between the ornate and urbanity to unpack how modern bourgeois respectability was negotiated in a symbolic realm and through the regulation of sensations and emotions. Resumen Los manuales de conducta surgieron durante el siglo XIX cubano como un instrumento de la elite criolla en ascenso, para imponerse como modelo de un sujeto nacional imaginado en construccion. Estos textos, tambien llamados de “urbanidad y buenas maneras” fueron importantes simbolos de las aspiraciones de la elite criolla, en tanto tecnologias para la conformacion de un tipo de cuerpo —burgues, blanco, heterosexual, cubano— moldeado para habitar las nuevas configuraciones espaciales urbanas que trajeron consigo las tendencias modernizadoras de inicios de siglo. El presente articulo examina las formas sinergicas en que los manuales de conducta, y su ideologia motora, la urbanidad, se desarrollaron en estrecha relacion con otra importante tecnologia de gobierno y diferenciacion de cuerpos en el espacio: el ornato. Bajo la premisa de adecentar, las politicas de ornato tenian como objetivo transformar La Habana en una elegante capital, colonial y moderna a la vez, concebida como una imagen limpia de referencias sensoriales a cuerpos negros y femeninos marginales. Al examinar las conexiones discursivas entre el ornato y la urbanidad se evidencian las formas en que la respetabilidad moderna burguesa se negociaba, no solo en un plano simbolico sino tambien a traves de la regulacion de las sensaciones y emociones.

This essay reviews the following works: Salsa Crossings: Dancing Latinidad in Los Angeles. By Cindy Garcia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xxv + 181. $23.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822354970. Salsa World: A Global Dance in Local Contexts. Edited by Sydney Hutchinson. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2014. Pp. viii + 229. $30.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781439910078. Spinning Mambo into Salsa: Caribbean Dance in Global Commerce. By Juliet McMains. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. xii + 409. $35.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780199324644.

This essay reviews the following works: Heaven, Hell, and Everything in Between: Murals of the Colonial Andes. By Ananda Cohen Suarez.Austin:University ofTexas Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 304. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781477309551. Of Love and Loathing: Marital Life, Strife, and Intimacy in the Colonial Andes, 1750–1825. By Nicholas A. Robins. Lincoln:University ofNebraska Press, 2015. Pp. x + 280. $60.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780803277199. Revolution in the Andes: The Age of Tupac Amaru. By Sergio Serulnikov. Translated by David Frye. Foreword by Charles F. Walker.Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 155. $22.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822354987. The Tupac Amaru Rebellion. By Charles F. Walker.Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press ofHarvardUniversity Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 341. $29.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780674058255.

In 2011, Chilean students mobilized in the largest demonstrations since the country’s return to democracy. Students in some other Latin American countries have also carried out mass demonstrations in recent years. What explains students’ participation in mobilizations in Latin America? This article argues that financial grievances generated by neoliberal education policies and the massification of higher education are major causes of student protest participation. In addition, it shows how weak organizational linkages with ruling political parties increase the likelihood of mobilization. The theory is explored through a case study of higher education policy, student-party linkages, and student mobilization in Chile from 1990 to 2011. A statistical analysis of a survey of Chilean students demonstrates that a working-class background, using debt to finance education, and weak programmatic connections to parties in power are associated with higher levels of protest participation. En el ano 2011, los estudiantes chilenos se movilizaron en las protestas mas grandes del pais desde el retorno a la democracia. Los estudiantes en otros paises latinoamericanos tambien han realizado movilizaciones masivas en los ultimos anos ?Que explica la participacion de los estudiantes en protestas en America Latina? Este articulo sostiene que los malestares financieros generados por politicas educativas neoliberales y la masificacion de la educacion superior son causas importantes de la participacion estudiantil en protestas. Asimismo, el articulo demuestra como las conexiones debiles con los partidos politicos oficialistas aumentan la probabilidad de movilizacion. La teoria es explorada a traves de un estudio de caso de politicas de educacion superior, conexiones entre estudiantes y partidos, y movilizacion estudiantil en Chile entre 1990 y 2011. Un analisis estadistico de una encuesta de estudiantes chilenos demuestra que un origen de clase trabajadora, el uso de creditos para financiar la educacion, y las conexiones programaticas debiles con los partidos en el poder estan asociados con mayores niveles de participacion en protestas.

Since the mid-1990s, some rightist governments in Latin America have adhered to a strict market orientation while others have shown less attachment to doctrinaire neoliberal policies, a puzzle as rightists are expected to favor minimal government intervention in the economy. In an environment over the past two decades in which market-oriented policies, in general, have grown increasingly unpopular with many Latin Americans, we contend that rightists have less political cover to endorse neoliberal policies. Using panel data for eighteen Latin American countries from 1995 to 2015, we find that, because of the clarity of responsibility that occurs under political mandates and the unpopularity of market reforms, mandate-holding rightist governments will tend to go against their ideological preferences and decrease neoliberal policies. Our findings indicate that as presidential vote margins increase and responsibility for unpopular economic policies becomes clearer, rightist executives will be less willing to support such policies, but only to a point. The results suggest that clarity of responsibility can influence presidential decision-making concerning unpopular policies, especially microeconomic policies, but this influence diminishes as presidents become more electorally secure. Resumen A partir de mediados de la decada de los 90, algunos gobiernos latinoamericanos de derecha han adoptado politicas estrictas de apertura comercial, mientras que otros se han mostrado mas alejados de adoptar politicas neoliberales. Esto es un elemento relevante de analisis ya que se espera que los gobiernos de derecha esten en contra de la intervencion del gobierno en la economia. Usando una base de datos panel sobre 18 paises latinoamericanos para el periodo de 1995 a 2015, encontramos que los gobiernos de derecha actuan en contra de sus preferencias ideologicas disminuyendo politicas neoliberales por dos razones: la claridad que los mandatarios tienen sobre sus responsabilidades y la impopularidad de las reformas de libre mercado en Latinoamerica. Nuestros hallazgos indican que, si el margen de votos en las elecciones presidenciales incrementa y el sentido de responsabilidad sobre la adopcion de politicas economicas impopulares es claro, los gobernantes de derecha estaran menos dispuestos a adoptar este tipo de politicas de libre mercado.

This article studies the low presence of women in Brazilian politics. We test whether the election of a female mayor increases the number of women running for the next mayoral election in the same municipality. The analysis of this contagion effect engages in a dialogue with other research focusing on the presentation and selection of female candidates as one of the decisive filters hindering the election of more women in popular elections. This study is based on the municipal elections for mayor in Brazil between 2000 and 2012. We conclude that in the municipalities in which a female mayor was elected, the probability of having first-time female candidates in the next election is 1.8 times higher than in the last electoral contest. Another finding is that men who contest elections react differently to the election of a female mayor. The research also suggests that, in addition to well-known factors such as institutional arrangements or socioeconomic constraints, key events such as victory of women in majority elections trigger feedback mechanisms that result in the expansion of women’s presence in politics. Resumo O presente artigo se insere na linha de estudos sobre a baixa presenca de mulheres na politica brasileira. Nesse trabalho, testamos se a eleicao de uma prefeita aumenta o numero de mulheres disputando o proximo pleito para a prefeitura no mesmo municipio. A analise deste efeito contagio dialoga com outros trabalhos cujo foco e o momento da apresentacao e selecao de candidatas como um dos filtros decisivos para viabilizar a eleicao de mais mulheres em disputas eleitorais. Esse estudo tem como base de dados as eleicoes municipais para prefeito no Brasil entre 2000 e 2012. Chegamos a conclusao de que nos municipios em que houve a eleicao de uma prefeita a probabilidade de ter candidatas lancando-se pela primeira vez na proxima eleicao e 1,8 vezes maior em comparacao com a ultima disputa eleitoral. Outra constatacao e a de que os homens que concorrem ao pleito reagem de forma diferente a eleicao de uma mulher. A pesquisa sugere tambem que, alem de fatores mais conhecidos, como arranjos institucionais ou condicionantes socioeconomicos, eventos chaves, como a vitoria de mulheres em eleicoes majoritarias, desencadeiam mecanismos de retroalimentacao que resultam na ampliacao do espaco das mulheres na politica.

This essay reviews the following works: Afro-Latin America: Black Lives, 1600–2000. By George Reid Andrews. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016. Pp. i + 123. $24.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780674737594. From Shipmates to Soldiers: Emerging Black Identities in the Rio de la Plata. By Alex Borucki. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 306. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780826351807. Conceiving Freedom: Women of Color, Gender, and the Abolition of Slavery in Havana and Rio de Janeiro. By Camillia Cowling. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 326. $36.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469610887. Crossroads of Freedom: Slaves and Freed People in Bahia, Brazil, 1870–1910. By Walter Fraga. Translated and with an introduction by Mary Ann Mahony. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. 2016. Pp. vii + 313. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822360902. The Work of Recognition: Caribbean Colombia and the Postemancipation Struggle for Citizenship. By Jason McGraw. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. xii + 328. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469617862. Mestizo Genomics: Race Mixture, Nation, and Science in Latin America. Edited by Peter Wade, Carlos Lopez Beltran, Eduardo Restrepo, and Ricardo Ventura Santos. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. vii + 304. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356592.