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El trabajo busca reconocer el sentido que adquiere la maternidad en las experiencias de vida de mujeres jóvenes que viven en contextos de vulnerabilidad estructural. El análisis se centra en el relato de cinco mujeres-jóvenes-madres que residen en barrios ubicados en la periferia sudoeste de Rosario, las cuales tienen en común haber sido madres entre los 14 y los 18 años. Los interrogantes versan sobre: ¿cuál es el sentido que adquiere la maternidad para las jóvenes? y ¿cómo se configura subjetivamente dicho sentido, teniendo en cuenta los condicionamientos estructurales que enmarcan a sus experiencias? El análisis vincula las desigualdades de género y de clase que atraviesan sus trayectorias de vida junto a las voces y significaciones de las propias jóvenes. Entre los hallazgos, puede afirmarse que el límite entre el mandato y el deseo se torna difuso, teniendo la maternidad un sentido oscilante, en tanto las jóvenes llegan a sus embarazos sin que medie su voluntad y permanecen reproduciendo roles típicamente patriarcales que fueron naturalizados desde pequeñas; y a su vez, porque dicho sentido da carnadura a un eje sobre el cual vertebran su existencia, brindándoles un lugar de pertenencia y un ancla emocional que las impulsa a sostenerse en la vida. The paper seeks to recognize the meaning of motherhood in the experiences of young women who live in contexts of structural vulnerability. The analysis focuses on the life story of five young womenmothers who live in neighborhoods located in the south-western periphery of Rosario. These young women have in common having been mothers between 14 and 18 years old. The questionnaire comprises two questions: what is the meaning of motherhood for those girls? And how is this sense subjectively configured, taking into account the structural conditioning that frames its experiences? The analysis links the gender and class inequalities that go through their life trajectories together with the voices and meanings of the young people themselves. Thus, it can be said that the meaning of motherhood varies between the fact that they arrive at their pregnancies without their will and they continue reproducing typically patriarchal roles that were naturalized since they were small; and in turn, this sense it’s internalized as the way they structure their lives, giving them a place of belonging and an emotional anchor that drives them to sustain themselves in life. Fil: Cena, Soledad. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales. Escuela de Trabajo Social; Argentina.

1980s are the period that women’s movement in Turkey gained momentum relative to the previous years. Although the women’s movement and its institutionalization period were a near-perfect though in theory, it still has an importance to review the historical background of the women’s movement in Turkey for the contemporary and future studies. The reason for this is that most of the studies can remain in the descriptive study dimension due to the fact that they do not refer to the previous period of women’s movement and that they do not have the knowledge of their roots. The purpose of this review work in this context is to put forth the historical roots of the institutionalization of the women's movement in Turkey in order to shed light on the contemporary studies by using the historical background and to develop new strategies for contemporary policy with the help of the past experiences. In explaining the development of feminism in Turkey, different periodization studies were used. Some of them are: According to Sirman (1989); (a) The Ottoman Period (b) The first periods of the Republic (c) 1980s are 3 periods. According to Tekeli (1986); (a) Before Tanzimat (b) Tanzimat Period (c) The first years of the Republic and the period of one-party regime (d) From 1950 to the present four periods. According to Nizam (1993); (a) Before the War of Independence (b) After the War of Independence (c) After 1980. In this study, the development of the feminist movement in Turkey has been differentiated according to the position of women in society. In this context, five chapters have been formed from the pre-Islamic period, which is conceptualized as a very controversial milestone. The Position of Women in the Pre-Islamic Society The Position of Women after Islam and in Ottoman Empire The Position of Women in Society in the Republican Period The Position of Women in the 1980s and 1990s Women's Movement in Turkey in 2000s ​Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file. Özet 1980'ler Türkiye'deki kadın hareketinin önceki yıllara göre ivme kazandığı dönemdir. Her ne kadar kadın hareketi ve kurumsallaşma süresi teoride mükemmele yakın olsa da çağdaş ve gelecekteki çalışmalar için Türkiye'deki kadın hareketinin tarihsel arka planını gözden geçirmek hala önemlidir. Bunun nedeni, çalışmaların çoğunun, kadın hareketinin önceki dönemine değinmedikleri ve kökleri hakkında bilgi sahibi olmadıkları için tanımlayıcı çalışma boyutunda kalabilmeleridir. Bu bağlamda yapılan bu derleme çalışmasının amacı, tarihsel arka planı kullanarak çağdaş çalışmalara ışık tutmak ve çağdaş politika için yeni stratejiler geliştirmek amacıyla Türkiye'deki kadın hareketinin kurumsallaşmasının tarihsel kökenlerini ortaya koymaktır. Türkiye'de feminizmin gelişimini açıklarken farklı dönemselleştirme çalışmaları kullanılmıştır. Bunlardan bazıları: Sirman'a göre (1989); (a) Osmanlı Dönemi (b) Cumhuriyet'in ilk dönemleri (c) 1980'ler 3 dönemdir. Tekeli'ye (1986) göre; (a) Tanzimat Öncesi (b) Tanzimat Dönemi (c) Cumhuriyet'in ilk yılları ve tek parti rejimi dönemi (d) 1950'den günümüze kadar olan dört dönem. Nizam'a (1993) göre; (a) Kurtuluş Savaşı'ndan önce (b) Kurtuluş Savaşı'ndan sonra (c) 1980'den sonra. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'deki feminist hareketin gelişimi kadınların toplumdaki konumuna göre farklılaşmıştır. Bu bağlamda, çok tartışmalı bir dönüm noktası olarak kavramsallaştırılan beş bölüm oluşturulmuştur: Kadınların İslam Öncesi Toplumdaki Konumu Kadınların İslam Sonrası ve Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Konumu Cumhuriyet Döneminde Kadınların Toplumdaki Yeri 1980’ler ve 1990’larda Kadınların Konumu 2000’li Yıllarda Türkiye’de Kadın Hareketi

Introduction. The case of ‘La Manada’ of the SanFermines begins in 2016, with the complaint of a woman for a crime of rape of five men. The media case supposes an unprecedented social, political and media reaction in Spain. The judicial procedure throws the debate about the concepts of consent, violence and intimidation. Objectives. The objective of this article is to provide an analysis of the data on rape in Spain and a framework of feminist interpretation of sexual violence, in order to avoid stereotyped accounts that make it difficult to see this crime as a structural issue. Methodology. The work is based on the function of the rape myths on the AMMSA scale applied to the ‘La Manada’ case. Rape myths in the case of ‘La Manada’. The debate on judicial procedure revolves around the distance between abuse and rape; between whether there was violence or intimidation. Secondary victimization occurs by not believing the victim's account; by hiring a detective to follow her life and by questioning her behaviour before the crime; as well as for the use of recording of the criminal act. Conclusions. Group rapes such as ‘La Manada’ provide a story in which, implicitly, the crime of rape is related to public space and unknown men. However, it has been found that homes are the first space in which rapes occur and the first victims in Spain are children (0-17 years old). Rape must be conceptualized as a structural issue; and put an end to the antagonistic distance between public and private space that still hides a historical patriarchal mandate: the home is the safe space for women. Introducción. El caso de ‘La Manada’ de los SanFermines comienza en el año 2016, con la denuncia de una mujer por un delito de violación de cinco varones. El mediático caso supone una reacción social, política y mediática sin precedentes en España. El procedimiento judicial trae al foco del debate los conceptos de consentimiento, violencia e intimidación. Objetivos. El objetivo de este artículo es aportar un análisis de los datos sobre la violación en España y un marco de interpretación feminista sobre la violencia sexual, con el fin de evitar relatos estereotipados que dificulten la visibilización de este delito como una cuestión estructural. Metodología. El trabajo se sustenta en la función que cumplen los mitos de la violación en la escala AMMSA aplicados al caso de ‘La Manada’. Los mitos sobre la violación en el caso de ‘La Manada’. El debate del procedimiento judicial gira en torno a la distancia entre abuso y agresión; entre si había existido violencia o intimidación. La victimización secundaria se produce al no creer la declaración de la víctima; al contratar a un detective para seguir su vida y al cuestionar su comportamiento antes del crimen; así como por el uso de la grabación del acto delictivo. Conclusiones. Las violaciones grupales como ‘La Manada’ arrojan un relato en que, implícitamente, se relaciona el delito de violación con el espacio público y con varones desconocidos. Sin embargo, se ha constatado que los hogares son el primer espacio en el que se producen las violaciones y que son las niñas (0-17 años) las primeras víctimas en España. Es preciso conceptualizar la violación como una cuestión estructural; y acabar con la distancia antagónica entre el espacio público y privado que, todavía, esconde un mandato patriarcal histórico: el hogar es el espacio seguro para las mujeres. &nbsp

Background Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is a public health concern with negative consequences on women’s health. It is a harmful practice which is recognized in international discourses on public health as a form of gender-based violence. Women are not only victims of this, but also perpetrators. The practice of FGM remains a social norm which is difficult to change because it is deeply rooted in tradition and is embedded in the patriarchal system. However, some women have managed to change their attitudes towards it and have spoken out against it. This study identifies and describes turning points that have been defined as significant and critical events in the lives of the women, and that have engendered changes in their attitudes towards the practice of FGM. Methods We have conducted an inductive qualitative study based on the life story approach, where we interviewed 15 women who have undergone FGM. During the interviews, we discussed and identified the turning points that gave the research participants the courage to change their position regarding FGM. The analysis drew on lifeline constructions and thematic analysis. Results Six common turning points relating to a change in attitude towards FGM were identified: turning points related to (i) encounters with health professionals, (ii) education, (iii) social interactions with other cultures and their own culture, (iv) experiences of motherhood, (v) repeated pain during sexual or reproductive activity, and (vi) witnessing the effects of some harmful consequences of FGM on loved ones. Conclusions The turning points identified challenged the understanding of what it means to be a ‘member’ of the community in a patriarchal system; a ‘normal woman’ according to the community; and what it means to be a ‘good mother’. Moreover, the turning points manifested in conjunction with issues centered on emotional responses and coming to terms with conflicts of loyalty, which we see as possible triggers behind the shift experienced by the women in our sample.

En el present estudi, ens centrem en l'anàlisi dels percentatges de custòdia compartida (CC) per realitzar una comparativa entre dues Comunitats En el presente estudio, nos centramos en el análisis de los porcentajes de custodia compartida (CC) para realizar una comparativa entre dos Comunidades In the current survey, we focus on the analysis of the joint custody percentages with the aim of carrying out a comparative study between two concrete

The study examined the constraints to accessing finance among women-owned small businesses in the Lower Manya Krobo Municipality in the Eastern Region, Ghana. We employed largely qualitative methods using the case study approach. The purposive and simple random sampling techniques were used to select 50 respondents. In-depth interview guide and focused group discussion were used to gather data from participants. The data were thematically analysed. The study revealed that there are constraints of poor market demand and lack of capital and credit. In furtherance, although collaterals exist for small businesses, they are being discriminated against women micro-entrepreneurs due to the patrilineal inheritance system of the area. Again, it was found that the financial institutions generally considered giving loans as risky as a result of lack of codified business strategy and plan, proper costing of business and informational asymmetries about business owners and their businesses. The study, therefore, recommends that the activities of women micro businesses in the private sector of the economy should be urgently recognised within the lending models and structures as they constitute a valuable area of economic growth. The National Board for Small Scale Industries (NBSSI) through the Business Advisory Centre (BAC) should organise educational and training seminars regularly to educate women micro-entrepreneurs on business management to be able to negotiate effectively on the various landed properties in such a patriarchal system to reduce high start-up mortality of women micro businesses. The study further recommends to the National Identification Authority to take cogent action to fast-track the identification system of citizens as it remains one of the major factors to reduce loan risks and interest rates.

Bu çalışma, toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri bağlamında erkekliğin nasıl inşa edildiğine ve şiddet sorunsalına nasıl dönüştüğüne odaklanmaktadır. Bu odak çerçevesinde erkek şiddetini, bireysel ya da fizyolojik kimi özelliklere bağlayan sığ ve yetersiz tartışmalardan arındırarak feminist perspektifte ele almak amaçlanmaktadır. Çünkü erkeklik inşası ve erkek şiddeti, eril toplumsal yapının bir amacı ve ürünü olarak ataerkil sistem tarafından yapılandırılmakta, geliştirilmekte ve sürdürülmektedir. Erkek şiddetini genelleştirip rasyonelleştirmeden, süregiden toplumsal yapı içindeki sorunlu noktalara vurgu yapılarak çözüm yönünde çeşitli öneriler getirilmektedir. Erkekliğin sosyalizasyon sürecindeki dönüm noktaları dikkate alınarak sunulan çözüm önerileri, en temelde toplumsal yapıdaki değişim ve dönüşümleri hedeflemektedir. Çünkü içinde bulunduğumuz yapı, tüm boyutlarıyla sorunludur ve şiddetin her türünü destekleyen unsurları içinde barındırmaktadır. Ancak makro düzeydeki çok boyutlu bir değişim ve dönüşümün, kadınlar ve çocuklar başta olmak üzere toplumda baskı altında olan diğer gruplar (engelliler, yaşlılar, lgbtqiler, sığınmacılar ve tabi ki hegemonik erkeklik dışında kalan ya da kalma ihtimali sürekli olan erkekler) için gerçekleştirilmesi gerekmektedir. This study focuses on how to build masculinity in the context of gender roles and turn into violence.Within this focus, it is aimed to address male violence with the feminist perspective excluded someshallow and inadequate discussions which are about individual or physiological characteristics.Because the construction of masculinity and male violence are configured, developed and maintainedby the patriarchal system as an aim and a product of masculine social structure. Some criticalrecommendations are presented towards addressing the trouble points in men violence withoutrationalization and generalized men violence. Considering the milestones in the process of masculinitysocialization and presented solutions are aimed to make changes in social structure. The structure isproblematic for all aspects and contains some elements which are supporting all forms of violence.Nevertheless, in macro level a multi-dimensional changes must be carried out for especially women andchildren and other groups that are under pressure in the society (like disabled, elderly, LGBTQI,asylum seekers and of course other men who are outside the hegemonic masculinity).

Durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX mexicano, la sociedad evidenciaba una desigualdad basada en el binomio dominación/subordinación entre los hombres y las mujeres como parte del sistema hegemónico patriarcal. Esta sociedad reproducía el sometimiento de las mujeres por medio de múltiples dispositivos de poder que naturalizaban la dominación de lo masculino sobre lo femenino y, en cierta forma, el uso de la violencia conyugal. A partir de homicidios contra mujeres se estudia cómo la sociedad y las instituciones judiciales permitían la violencia marital, hasta la muerte, como un elemento de control en una sociedad regida por valores patriarcales. During the first half of the Mexican nineteenth century, society evidenced an inequality based on the binomial domination / subordination between men and women as part of the patriarchal hegemonic system. This society reproduced the submission of women through multiple devices of power that naturalized the domination of the masculine over the feminine and, in a certain way, the use of conjugal violence. From homicides against women, it is studied how society and judicial institutions allowed marital violence, until death, as an element of control in a society governed by patriarchal values.

El investigador en este estudio trata la imagen del otro masculino en la novela Ana, hiya wa-l-ˀuḫrayāt de la novelista libanesa Ǧanà Fawwāz al-Ḥasan. El otro es el padre, el esposo y el amante, cada uno de los cuales forma una parte importante de la estructura semántica en esta novela, especialmente el padre y el esposo, que representan “El aspecto semántico” al interpretar la realidad contemporánea de muchas sociedades árabes. Este estudio explica y muestra las dimensiones de su evocación en la novela feminista comparando la imagen de la sociedad masculina en esta novela con otras novelas feministas surgidas en el siglo XX., In this study, the researcher studies the image of the other masculine in Ana, hiya wa-l-ˀuḫrayāt novel of the Lebanese novelist Janā Fawwāz al-Ḥasan. The other is represented in the father, husband and in the lover, where each one of them formed an important part in the semantic construction in this novel, especially the father and the husband who represent the “semantic aspect” in interpreting the contemporary reality of many Arab societies; therefore this study comes to explain that aspect and to show the dimensions of its invocation in the feminist novel, comparing the image of the male dominant society in this novel with other feminist novels that emerged in the twentieth century.

El investigador en este estudio trata la imagen del otro masculino en la novela Ana, hiya wa-l-ˀuḫrayāt de la novelista libanesa Ǧanà Fawwāz al-Ḥasan. El otro es el padre, el esposo y el amante, cada uno de los cuales forma una parte importante de la estructura semántica en esta novela, especialmente el padre y el esposo, que representan “El aspecto semántico” al interpretar la realidad contemporánea de muchas sociedades árabes. Este estudio explica y muestra las dimensiones de su evocación en la novela feminista comparando la imagen de la sociedad masculina en esta novela con otras novelas feministas surgidas en el siglo XX. In this study, the researcher studies the image of the other masculine in Ana, hiya wa-l-ˀuḫrayāt novel of the Lebanese novelist Janā Fawwāz al-Ḥasan. The other is represented in the father, husband and in the lover, where each one of them formed an important part in the semantic construction in this novel, especially the father and the husband who represent the “semantic aspect” in interpreting the contemporary reality of many Arab societies; therefore this study comes to explain that aspect and to show the dimensions of its invocation in the feminist novel, comparing the image of the male dominant society in this novel with other feminist novels that emerged in the twentieth century.

La population iranienne est restée pendant longtemps jeune d’un point de vue démographique. Cependant cette jeunesse n’a trouvé de représentation sociale que tardivement, au début des années 1970, avec les générations de jeunes qui ont été à l’origine de la Révolution de 1979. Sous la République islamique, la nouvelle génération de jeunes s’est construite dans un environnement socio-démographique très différent de celui qu’a connu la précédente. De plus en plus instruite et égalitaire entre les sexes dans l’accès au savoir, cette jeunesse en poursuivant ses études dans le but d’augmenter ses chances de décrocher un emploi stable, contribue au prolongement de la durée de cohabitation avec ses parents et par-là même à l’allongement de la durée de la jeunesse. Contrairement aux aînés, dont les revendications pour le changement et l’ouverture de l’espace social et politique s’étaient exprimées sous la forme d’une révolution, la nouvelle génération de jeunes, vivant un nouveau rapport au sein de la famille fondé sur le respect mutuel et le dialogue, a adopté les mêmes principes dans sa contestation politique, cherchant à initier un dialogue exigeant avec l’État islamique. Ces jeunes sont devenus les principaux protagonistes des changements et n’ont pas cessé de protester contre l’ordre moral et l’absolutisme de la République islamique. Les manifestations contestataires depuis juin 2009 constituent l’illustration par excellence des aspirations démocratiques de cette nouvelle jeunesse qui revendique l’établissement d’un État de droit en Iran. Mais la répression violente des manifestants qui a scellé le divorce entre les jeunes et l’État islamique a entraîné le pays dans une crise politique sans précédent. The Iranian population has remained young for an extended period of time from a demographic point of view. However, the social representation of the youth was constructed rather late in early 1970s by those who were at the center of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. The new generation of youth under the Islamic Republic was constructed under a socio-demographic environment very different from its previous generation. The new generation was more educated compared to their predecessors and the educational gap between the young men and women had shrunk further. The pursuit of education by this youth, in order to secure steady jobs, prolonged their cohabitation with their parents and therefore extended the “youth age”. Contrary to their predecessors, whose demands for change and openness of the social and political space had been expressed by the revolution, the new young generations, who had established a new relationship with their parents based on dialogue and mutual respect, had adopted the same principles in their political protests and that was seeking to initiate a serious dialogue with the Islamic State. They set themselves up as the main protagonist of change and continued to protest against the ethics and the absolutism of the Islamic Republic. The protests and rallies by the youth in Iran since June 2009 are the ultimate demonstration of the democratic aspirations of this new generation of youth demanding the establishment of a state based on law (État de droit) in Iran. But the violent repression of the protesters, which sealed a divorce between the young people and the Islamic State, led the country into an unprecedented crisis.

Subsequent to the demographic transition, Asian countries have been experiencing deep-rooted changes in family structures. In this context, the question of gender relations within the family, and more generally within society, is crucial, in view of the increase in discriminatory practices toward women, beginning at foetal conception and continuing through all stages of life. Asia is the “black continent” for women. Estimates place the deficit in the number of women in the world at between 60 and 100 million, the vast majority of which is found on this continent. This book focuses on the intensity of female discrimination, from a demographic perspective, in the earliest stages of life, and more specifically around birth, in China, India, Pakistan, the Republic of Korea and Taiwan. These societies share cultural characteristics that are not favourable to women: patriarchal systems, patrilineal families, socialization processes encouraging the submission of wives to their husband's family, etc. In these societies, a son is needed to perpetuate the family line and ensure social and biological reproduction of the family. These are among the reasons why they share a strong son preference, which is in some cases accentuated by economic constraints. A son is generally the only person to support his parents in old age, and as a rule help with work in the fields. Moreover, girls and women still occupy a marginal position in society, whereas a male heir offers countless advantages. La transition démographique suscite, en Asie, de profondes transformations dans les structures familiales. Dans ce contexte, la question des rapports sociaux des sexes au sein de la famille, et plus généralement au sein de la société, est cruciale, dans la mesure où elle entraîne l’augmentation des discriminations à l’égard des femmes dès la conception et à tous les âges de la vie. L’Asie est le “continent noir” pour les femmes. Ce livre traite, par une approche démographique, des discriminations des femmes aux jeunes âges de la vie, et en particulier autour de la naissance, en Chine, en Inde, au Pakistan, en République de Corée et à Taiwan. Ces sociétés d’Asie partagent des caractéristiques culturelles qui ne sont pas favorables aux femmes ; un fils est désiré pour perpétuer la lignée et assurer la reproduction biologique et sociale de la famille. Des contraintes économiques peuvent aussi expliquer la préférence pour les garçons.

Este trabajo plantea la pregunta por las causas de las resistencias femeninas a la recepción de los discursos de igualdad de género. En su hipótesis central afirma que tales resistencias obedecen a límites propios del discurso y que, en consecuencia, éste no puede ser considerado como universalmente aceptable. Los límites que se identifican en el texto se centran en las condiciones sociales y económicas de posibilidad, en las barreras que genera el discurso victimizante, en la pervivencia del privilegio de seguridad y en las consecuencias que sobre las estructuras sociales resultan del proceso de asimilación de los nuevos roles de género. This article raices questions about the causes of femine resistance and lack of acceptance of gender equality discourses. As its central hypothesis the article emphasizes the fact that such resistance is a result of the limits of the femine discourse and because of this, it can not be considered as a universal dissertation. The limits found in the text focus on: the possible social and economic conditions, barriers created by the victimization discourse, the survival of the security privilege, and the consequences caused by the establishment of new gender roles in social structures.