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In 2007, University of Oklahoma political science professor Cindy Simon Rosenthal was elected mayor of Norman, Oklahoma, after having served as a member of its city council. Was her activity unique within the political science profession among female political scientists? Her election stimulated the curiosity of some of us in the women-and-politics-research community. To what extent had female political scientists attempted to move from the "Ivory Tower" to the "Public Square" as elective office holders? What had their experiences been like? We explore those questions with particular interest in a number of theoretical propositions from women and politics studies. For example, how did they decide to seek elective office? Were they self-starters or had they been recruited? What role did their families play in their campaigns? To what extent was gender perceived as a factor, and in what ways in their various campaigns? How successful were they, and what role did their academic credentials play in their campaigns? Did their quests for public office affect their academic careers? Did they use the findings from the women and politics literature to inform their quests? Perhaps, too, we thought, their campaigns might provide distinctive insights about running for and serving in public office and inform discussion about the role of gender in political life.

This article explores the impact of a quarter century of gender politics in presidential elections in the United States stressing the dual importance of differences between men and women, the gender gap, and women as a political force as they have come not only to exceed men in their voting numbers but also in their turnout rate. It reviews the way women's votes have affected presidential campaigns, drawing attention to the effect women's and men's votes have had on the Electoral College which is what counts in presidential elections. It raises the important question of what impact the attention to women voters has had on the public policies of administrations between elections. KEYWORDS. Women voters, gender gap, voter turnout, United States, status of women, single women, security moms, presidential elections, public policy doi: 10.1300/J501v27n01_03

Who makes public policy is important in democratic politics. Throughout most of its history, Western political theorists have ignored women or explicitly excluded them from public life. Aristotle, for example, [...]

The Presidency and Women: Promise, Performance, and Illusion by Janet M. Martin. College Station, Texas A & M University Press, 2003. 368 pp. $55.00. When we think about women's political [...]

This paper uses recent finds and reinterpretations (archaeological, epigraphic, and historical) to re-examine and place in a wider context Herod the Great's actions towards honoring Augustus in his realm. As a king formerly allied with Antony, Herod needed to placate Augustus quickly after Actium. At first he showered his new overlord with service, money, and supplies, but it may have been in imitation of cities like Pergamon in Asia that he established a festival in Augustus's honor in Jerusalem. We hear nothing of actual temples, however, until after Augustus granted Herod new territories; it was there, in non-Jewish areas, that Herod founded cities (which was what kings did), named them in honor of his sole superior, and built in them temples to Augustus and Roma, perhaps again on the model of Hellenic cities of Asia or Bithynia, or of Alexandria in Egypt. Herod did this not for the sake of Hellenization or Romanization, but to reify his relationship with Augustus before his kingdom and the world, enshrining him in the sole place in the hierarchy that a king could tolerate, and also, not incidentally, to show his own magnificence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public honored Emperor Hadrian's generosity, by building enormous temples dedicated to his worship. Hadrian's temples were archaeological wonders of the world, and thus more a display of Asia's great devotion than an argument of the emperor's modesty.

Though only founded in the second century B.C.E., Philadelphia in Lydia (modern Alasehir) used its claims to a deep and multicultural past to advance itself among its rivals in Roman Asia. The city constantly petitioned Roman emperors to raise its status, especially against its eminent neighbor Sardis. As a result, Philadelphia first became a judicial center, then neokoros for the Emperor Caracalla (identified with the Philadelphian version of Helios), and finally won the status of metropolis. Philadelphia's alliances with the chief cities of Asia were often maneuvered through its cults, documented by coins, sculpture, and inscriptions. Its chief goddess was the Persian Anaitis, often identified with Artemis, but sometimes with the Mother goddess. The Philadelphians manipulated her image depending on which culture they wished to claim kinship with. Thus a long-misinterpreted coin shows a scene derived from Euripides' Iphigeneia in Tauris and makes a remarkable claim: that Iphigeneia, Orestes, and Pylades came to Lydia, bringing the xoanon that would become the Artemis Anaitis of Philadelphia, but seen here as identical with the Artemis of Ephesos. Thus the Philadelphians not only allied themselves with a greater city, but grounded their history in the depth of mythological time.

Gender Dynamics in Congressional Elections. By Richard Logan Fox. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1997. 229p. $54.00 cloth, $24.95 paper. Research approaches that have examined electoral behavior by candidates and [...]

Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters from Children of the Great Depression. By Robert Cohen. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. 266 pp. Faith of Our Mothers. By Harold I. [...]

Sir,--In his review of Ancient Libraries (October 11), Glen Bowersock wrote that the Library of Celsus in Ephesus was 'funded by the affluent Celsus Polemeanus', and that the photograph of [...]

This study is the first to successfully address the identification of the botanical components of a garden in the 2000-year-old palatial courtyard of Herod the Great's Promontory Palace in Caesarea Maritima. Based on the extraction and identification of fossil pollen grains, we were able to reconstruct at least part of the garden's flora, which, we argue, could only have grown within the confines of a garden of this splendid seaside palace which was protected architecturally from salty sea spray. The palynological spectrum included, among other taxa, high percentages of Cupressaceae pollen (cypress) as well as pollen of the non-local treeCorylussp. (hazelnut), which was most probably introduced as an ornamental from the northeast Mediterranean or from Italy. These trees appear to have been accompanied by other ornamental plants (e.g.Salviaand various Rosaceae plants). The choice of flora to be planted in the garden is consistent with our knowledge of prestige Roman gardens dated to Herod's time. This exceptional and magnificent palace, with its luxurious architectural features and its impressive, well-maintained garden, symbolized the power and the abilities of King Herod, the greatest builder in ancient Jewish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses King Herod the Great's architectural legacies. Topics include author Flavius Josephus' books “The Jewish War" and “Antiquities of the Jews", Herod's regime which was occupied with suspicion and conspiracies subsequently leading to the First Jewish Revolt, and the state of Herod's archaeological works such as; Promontory Palace and Temple Mount after the war. Archaeologists facing debates and Herod's influence on Rome's archaeology and vice-versa are stated.

An obituary is presented for architect and archaeologist Ehud Netzer, who studied the building program of the leader Herod the Great.

The article offers archeological, historical and architectural information about a promontory palace believed to be built by King Herod in the ancient city Caesarea Maritima in Jerusalem. Based on the analysis of promontory ruins explored by the University of Pennsylvania, the authors suggest that the palace was constructed between 22 and 10 B.C. The palace is thought to be built in two phases. It is assumed that the original palace was created during the establishment of the harbor Sebastos, while the upper structure might be built in the latter part of Herod's rulership.

The lack of access to equal financial resources with male candidates has been viewed as a major contributing factor in women's inability to gain public office. Analysis of the campaign finance records for election to the U.S House of Representatives from 1972 to 1982 shows that although on the average women nominees have never raised or spent as much as men, the size of their disparity is curvilinear over these years, and the correlation between gender and campaign financing is weak. Within candidate status groups (incumbents, challengers, and open races) and within the parties female nominees have not been consistently disadvantaged. Women candidates of both parties even have outdistanced their male counterparts on occasion. Data from the 1980 and 1982 elections also indicate that the structure of male and female fund raising is similar in their support from large contributors, political action committees, and the parties. Further, for women challengers, expenditures have a larger impact on votes than for male challengers. The financial problem for women candidates would appear not to lie at the general election stage of the process. Earlier stages, however, may account for women's relative absence from the elected political elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in several relatively small-population and rural states in the 1970s show few differences in the types of state legislative races in which men and women are nominated and how well they do at the ballot box. This study extends our knowledge of the role of gender in state legislative campaigns, geographically and over time by exploring the comparative electoral experience of male and female candidates for state legislative office in a more urban setting in the 1980s. It expands the range of subject matter by considering women candidates' presence, primary campaign experiences, and fundraising. The data show that few women have run for office in the Massachusetts House of Representatives in the 1980s, but those who have run have done so strategically and with a comparable rate of success with male candidates. A gender gap does exist in campaign contributions to male candidates' advantage, but this has not kept women candidates from achieving equality at the ballot box. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of primary entry and outcome patterns in 1984 enlarges our understanding of the inability of women to increase their numbers in the U.S. House of Representatives. It shows the lack of a significant presence of female candidates, differences in entry patterns between male and female challengers working to women's disadvantage in obtaining a legislative seat, a mixed pattern regarding outcomes but equity in voter reactions for those who put themselves forward. Incumbency advantage plus absence rather than discrimination account for the small number of female members of Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares the performance of male and female candidates in open-seat primary elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1968 through 1990. Female candidates throughout this period tend to do as well as their male counterparts in acquiring votes and winning open-seat primaries. They are not appreciatively older than their male challengers, and they have had equal experience in public office prior to seeking a seat in the U.S. House. The fact that women hold few seats in the House is primarily due to the scarcity of their numbers in these races. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]