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This essay addresses the position satirical paper Naša krmača (and Bre! as its supplement and, later, an independent paper) occupied in the Serbian media landscape in the 1990s and early 2000s, both during Milošević's regime and after its toppling. It also discusses the legacy these newspapers created and their significance for today's Serbia and its media scene. Focusing on these satirical newspapers the essay touches upon three broader questions that are at the heart of debates about meanings, functions, and effects of political humor. The first question concerns the relationship between the serious and unserious/humorous content in media practices that employ humor, parody, satire, and related discursive means as a reaction to political circumstances perceived as oppressive or generally unacceptable. Secondly, it discusses the nature of the relationship between political humor and political change. And lastly, the time span that encompasses both the time of Milošević's rule and the post-Milošević period after October 2000 up to today and the temporal distance from the time of their publication allows me to analyze Naša krmača and Bre! not only as satirical newspapers, but also as a reflection of a specific period and a discrete generational experience. In the concluding part of this essay I discuss the importance of Naša krmača for media based on political humor in contemporary Serbia, in political and media circumstances different from those that prevailed in the 1990s. Despite Naša krmača's "unserious" character and short life span, its position among counter media in Serbia in the 1990s and its significance for those still involved in alternative and critical activism in Serbia suggest that the importance of this satirical newspaper goes beyond mocking the regime and "having fun in hard times" and point to visions, practices, and imaginations of moral citizenship and journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marketing (0354-3471) is the property of SEMA - Srpsko udruzenje za Marketing i Ekonomski fakultet Beograd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Facta Universitatis: Series Philosophy, Sociology, Psychology & History is the property of University of Nis, Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologija/Sociology: Journal of Sociology, Social Psychology & Social Anthropology is the property of MOD International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The socio-political context in Serbia is oversaturated with ideologically charged resources utilised in the construction of populist identities, such as the semiotic network around the concept of 'fascism'. The practices of signifying a 'fascist' threat have become more complex with the surge of multimodal digital platforms. The media combine various expressive repertoires in materialising the multiplicity of meaning. Thus, social semiotics serve as a fitting theoretical starting point. One of the objectives of the research is to identify the plurality of discourses floating around the constructed 'fascist' constellation. In this research, content published on the websites of Serbian daily newspapers Danas and Informer is examined. The label 'fascist' functions as an exclusionary strategy in both instances; however, there are differences in portraying 'fascist' actors and institutional responses to its destructive potential. Moreover, respective styles and presentations of information, such as tabloidisation, are used to further legitimise the reality of the 'fascist' threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study offers insights into articulations between the normative and the empirical in online journalists’ self-negotiations concerning their roles in people’s assimilation of information, the daily provision of news and their institutional status in online departments. In-depth interviews with online journalists from two leading newspapers, Delo in Slovenia and Novosti in Serbia, are used to investigate their negotiations with respect to their societal role. The analysis reveals troubled negotiation processes among interviewed online journalists when they consider what is regarded as “true” journalism, news production requirements and their institutional status. This indicates that rearrangements of political–economic relations in both post-socialist societies have increased journalism’s responsibility to the media owners and power holders and surpassed its normatively defined responsibility to the public. Both case subjects are compared through the prism of the processes of negotiation of normative principles of journalism in the social, national and institutional contexts of the two newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although it is generally acknowledged that national elites and the mass media play an important role in the way that societies come to terms with a legacy of war crimes, there is little empirical knowledge about whether and how the mass media actually do contribute to a process of ‘facing the past’. Based on the case of Serbia, this study examines press media coverage of war crimes and war crime judiciary during the country’s recent post-war period. Adopting a novel approach to the conceptualization and measurement of media frames, the article compares the reporting of war crimes issues in four Serbian newspapers during the period from 2004 to 2006. Five frames were identified: an injustice frame, a denial frame, a factual frame, a benefits frame, and a rejection frame. In conclusion, the study reveals a discourse that is both ‘perpetrator centered’ and – particularly for the nationalistic press – ethnically biased. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]