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In the book "Teuflische Allmacht: Über die verleugneten christlichen Wurzeln des modernen Antisemitismus und Antizionismus" by Tilman Tarach, the author argues that there is a tendency to overlook the Christian roots of antisemitism and anti-Zionism. Tarach traces the history of antisemitism back to early Christian pogroms and emphasizes the influence of Christianity on Nazi ideology. He also highlights the role of the Catholic and Protestant churches in perpetuating antisemitic beliefs. The book demonstrates that antisemitism has deep historical roots and remains connected to Christianity. [Extracted from the article]

"The 7 Deadly Myths: Antisemitism from the Time of Christ to Kanye West" by Alex Ryvchin explores the historical and contemporary manifestations of antisemitism. The book examines various myths surrounding the discrimination and persecution of Jews, including the blood libel, the belief that Jews are Christ-killers, and the myth of Jewish global domination. Ryvchin also addresses the concepts of Jewish chosenness, Jewish wealth, dual loyalties, and the perception of Jews as oppressors. The author concludes by emphasizing the importance of exposing and combating antisemitism to create a more inclusive and tolerant society. [Extracted from the article]

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted, in part, as a response to the horrific antisemitism leading to the extermination of millions of Jews in World War II. Yet, today, organisations that utilise human rights instruments to criticise Israel's laws, policies and practices are themselves being cast as antisemitic. How has the contemporary human rights regime come to be charged with antisemitism? The ostensible answer is that the meaning of antisemitism has expanded to include anti-Zionism and harsh criticism of Israel. While scholars have debated the validity of this expansion, this paper interrogates three types of abstractions: those deployed by traditional antisemites, those emanating from human rights, and those mobilised by the new antisemitism doctrine. An analysis of these abstractions helps clarify the new hostility between antisemitism and human rights. Whereas Zionism aims to protect Jews by asserting a right to Jewish difference within the context of a nation-state, human rights aim to protect Jews by promoting an egalitarian distribution of rights among the population. The crux of the matter is that the solution human rights offer to antisemitism also threatens the Zionist project, since it challenges the racialized mode of governance that this political ideology has implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an emerging debate in the field as to whether or not Holocaust education is effective in combating antisemitism. This paper aims to provide explanations for the frequently observed ineffectiveness of Holocaust education in reducing antisemitism by examining two cases that are in many ways diametrically opposed: Scotland as a former part of the Allied Forces and Austria as a post-Nazi state. The case studies focus on overlapping, contrasting and conflicting understandings of Holocaust education and the role of antisemitism within it. The perspective is primarily sociological, inspired by Critical Theory. Evidence is based on research papers and basic documents from the field of Holocaust education (curricula, websites of key actors and educational materials). It is interpreted according to the principles of qualitative content analysis. Findings suggest that in both cases opportunities to address and reduce antisemitism are being missed: In the Scottish case, the teaching of the Holocaust tends to downplay the specific Jewish experience and largely fails to address antisemitism, or does so in a very simplistic way. In the Austrian case, antisemitism is talked about, but in the context of widespread secondary antisemitism it risks being explained and understood in ways that are themselves antisemitic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the help of multi-sited ethnography in Israel and Pakistan, this paper looks at the history of antisemitism in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. I show that while antisemitism is widespread in parts of Pakistani society today, it was not the reason why most of Karachi's Jews left the country in the 1960s or the 1970s. In the paper, I explore possible explanations for the rise of antisemitism in parts of Pakistan's society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The treatment of Jews by the state and society in Russia is an important measure of Russia's civic and political character. The evidence presented in this paper indicates that Russian Jews now enjoy the greatest freedom from antisemitism in modern Russian history. The explanation for the decline of antisemitism is found in two categories: the political and the societal. At the level of "high politics," the post-Soviet Russian state has abandoned Soviet policies that promoted or condoned the persecution and discrimination of Jews. This development was preceded and reinforced by the bottom-up growth in Russian society of a more tolerant attitude toward Jews. The first two sections of the paper explain the decline in antisemitism at elite and mass levels in Russia, underscoring mutually supportive institutional, political, and socio-cultural changes. The final part of the paper suggests that public expressions of antisemitism may re-emerge due to the weakening of the factors that have thus far restrained this prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The racial census carried out by the fascist regime on 22 August 1938, represented the first act of discrimination towards the minority Jewish population in Italy. By means of an analysis of newly discovered archive sources regarding the city of Milan, this paper aims to reconstruct the endeavour, retracing the steps and going over the consequences. Furthermore, it aims to reconstruct the characteristics pertaining to the Jewish community in Milan. The census was an abrupt turning point both in the lives of individuals and in the history of the Kingdom of Italy. As the first collection of data based on the criteria of belonging to the so-called Jewish race, the census of 1938 was the preliminary and introductory act for what would be the largest persecutory action officially taken by the Fascist regime towards the Italian Jewish population. This was enacted through the royal decree law no. 1728 on 17 November 1938. The data collected for the census, were used by the fascist regime in order to have a general overview of the Italian Jewish population, as well as to put in place all persecutory operations leading to arrests and deportations to Nazi extermination camps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1972, the Ugandan dictator General Idi Amin Dada expelled the 70,000-strong Asian community from the country on charges of economic sabotage, corruption, and refusal to integrate with the majority. The accusations that Asian Ugandans faced at the time were reiterated almost half a century later in South Africa while the country experienced its worst civil conflict since the country's transition to democracy in the early 1990s. The coastal port of Durban, home to the largest population of Indians outside of India, became the epicentre of the violence and saw ethnic tensions between the Afro-Indian community explode with ferocity as racism reared its ugly head. Amid the violence and in the aftermath of it, strong anti-Indian sentiments characterized the entire narrative of the riots with one distinct characterization that Indians are the "Jew of Africa". Delving into this indictment, this paper analyzes this claim by exploring discrimination against the Jewish people and comparing this to the "Jews of Africa's" own predilection. At its crux, the research highlights the dangers of scapegoating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse on Jewish life in the German Democratic Republic has often offered a clichéd portrayal of a society in which Jewishness was subsumed into the antifascist founding myth of the GDR, leaving Jews as either self-hating (Stalinist) Jews or as citizens forced to deny their Jewish origins. In particular, Cold War narratives have often differentiated between Jewish communists who were in exile in the Soviet Union, and thus seen afterwards as more loyal, and those who were in exile in the West, and thus more likely to be suspected of disloyalty. This paper focuses on non-Soviet exiles and their descendants to explore the diversity of Jewish identity, politics and culture in the GDR, ranging from assimilationist communist identity to explicit engagement with Jewish traditions and even the Jewish religion. Surveying through the generations from pre-Nazi communist activism to the GDR-born children of such activists, it finds a diversity that belies monochrome portrayals of GDR life, while also establishing that, far from being mere passive instruments in the service of an SED-led (neo-)Stalinist society, Jews in the GDR were agents in the establishing of their own multi-faceted identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian preaching and teaching often presents Jews and Judaism as legalistic, obsessed with ritual purity, elitist, money-loving, militaristic, misogynist, and xenophobic. In much popular Christian imagination, Jesus emerges as the only Jew who proclaims the spirit over the letter of the Law, who finds the heart of Torah in compassion rather than in ritual, who demonstrates solidarity with the poor, who counsels peace, who shows respect for women, and who proclaims that God loves all people and not just Jews. Such caricatures of both Jesus and his context are not simply the purview of neo-Nazis and their ilk; they appear in the sermons and teachings of well-motivated Christians who would be appalled to think of themselves as purveying tropes that can inculcate or reinforce Jew-hatred. The problem with such bigoted views can often be traced to biblical passages: Matthew's invectives against scribes and Pharisees, John's "Jews" who are children of the devil, Paul's reference to the Jews "who killed the Lord Jesus," the "synagogue of Satan" in Revelation, etc. This paper briefly notes ongoing Jew-hatred, explains why Christian teachers and clergy are ill-equipped to address it, details why major approaches to problematic texts are not, and cannot be, fully successful, and then suggests ways for Christian preaching and teaching to move forward in preventing anti-Jewish messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism, one of the oldest forms of prejudice and oppression is surging throughout the world. It ranges from verbal abuse to the destruction of property to murder. In the last two years, attacks against Jews in the United States were the overwhelming target of religion-based hate crimes. Stereotypes and myths continue to fuel prejudice and antisemitism in society. Factors such as anti-Israel sentiments, remarks by persons in power, the use of social media, white nationalism, and even the Covid 19 pandemic have contributed to its escalation. As a result of the increasing violence, the U.S. legislature held a hearing on confronting antisemitic terrorism with one outcome being that social workers and community advocates were needed to join law enforcement in the effort to heal and work for justice. Social work with its mandate to promote social justice and human rights and challenge oppression cannot ignore antisemitism and its impact on individuals and societies. However, the subject is basically ignored in the curriculum. This paper offers a brief history of antisemitism and presents guidelines and models for integrating it into social work programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the failure and inability of the emerging Communist regime in post-war Romania to integrate and make the surviving Jewish community of more than 400,000 into a productive participant in the new socialist regime. Ultimately, both leading Communists of Jewish origin and Jewish activists of the Communist Party, acting through the Jewish Democratic Committee, were branded as 'cosmopolitans', removed and purged as unfit to enjoy the benefits of living in a new Romania. The paper traces the mutual images between Jews and Communists, the role of the Joint Distribution Committee in becoming the major agent of the Communists to communise the Jewish community and take over its leadership and elements of civil society, only to be disbanded at the end of the Stalinist era with its leaders purged as 'cosmopolitans' and 'Zionist agents'. The activities of high-ranking leaders of Jewish origin such as Ana Pauker, and their attitude towards Jewish emigration, are also examined in the light of documents available since 1989. In this context, the paper also examines the growing dilemma of the new regime. On the one hand it supported, based on the guidelines of Soviet foreign policy, the establishment of the State of Israel. At the same time, it tried to avoid mass emigration of Jews from Romania. Later, it would again shift policy according to the Soviet pattern and brand Israel as a 'Zionist state, supported by US imperialism'. By 1951-52 the Romanian Communists realised several facts - that the Jewish community is largely made up of 'middle class cosmopolitan' elements, that the regime should get rid of them, and that high-ranking Communist leaders of Jewish origin, soon to be purged themselves, promoted the idea that Jews were unfit to adapt to the new regime and had better leave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During 1878–1918, blood libels triggered frequent antisemitic riots throughout Bulgaria. In two towns, Vratsa (1891) and Yambol (1899), Jews were charged with murder and kidnapping, respectively, and tried and acquitted. In this paper, I examine two archival documents that address these events to add nuance to our understandings of how the variety of antisemitisms played out in particular lived, historical contexts. The first document is a 235-page copy of the indictment and includes correspondence from before the Vratsa trial, the proceedings, and the verdict. Two of the defendants in that trial were my grandfather, Jochanan Benbassat, and his mother, Sara. The authenticity of the document is confirmed by a report on the trial in theBulgarian Law Reviewand by the press coverage at that time. The second document is an anonymous six-page copy of the indictment in the Yambol trial. It is consistent with reports published at that time in theBulletin de l’Alliance israélite universelleand other newspapers. The two documents and the press coverage of the trials disclose some imprecisions in other published descriptions of these trials. The examination of the documents adds to the research on the involvement of local populations, courts of law, and the press in the murder and saving of Jews, as well as the distinctions between sporadic, popular (social), and state-inspired (political) antisemitism. The documents also underscore the need for further study of the social conditions that nurture the transition from sporadic to popular antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores D.F. Malan’s attitudes towards the Jews in the context of burgeoning Afrikaner nationalism and the challenge of the radical right in the 1930s and 1940s. Beginning with the Quota Act of 1930, Malan increasingly expressed hostility towards Jews. Fuelled by opposition towards German-Jewish immigration and subsequently calling for limitations on Jewish occupations and opportunities in South Africa, Malan denied any anti-Jewish animus. Yet his rhetoric was increasingly shrill through the 1930s. Was Malan simply an opportunist or was he genuinely hostile? While opportunism was a feature of his political style, and while some of his attacks were in all likelihood politically driven, too often he appeared consumed by imaginary Jewish machinations. Nevertheless, it needs to be acknowledged that Malan turned away from the “Jewish Question” soon after World War II and refused to kowtow to those wishing to maintain anti-Jewish policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates how educated Jewish observers struggled to understand the causes of the global immigration restriction that so impacted East European Jewry in the 1920s and 1930s, and uses their competing explanations, convictions, and uncertainties to reveal underlying structures of Jewish political understanding in the interwar period more broadly. Efforts to explain restriction, the ways in which it seemed both to target Jews and to be part of a general closure of the developed world, and questions of timing demanded reflection on the most fundamental questions of the interwar political order. Did state policies flow from economic reason, and did nationalisation, democratisation, and socialisation of domestic politics alter this causal pattern? In a world where closed borders were the default, what difference did statehood or statelessness make? What was the meaning and implication of the deployment of “race” in others' debates about restriction, and what role did global race-thinking play in determining population policies? What was the causal significance of specifically anti-Jewish animus, its nature, and the role of Jews' own choices in determining their situation? Analyzing a number of loci of Jewish social policy debate, the essay focuses particularly on the diasporist emigration activist Il'ya Dizhur, the Zionist sociologist Aryeh Tartakover, and the cooperative-movement activist Majer Pollner. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of Gross and Rutland's paper is to analyse the problem of antisemitic bullying in contemporary Australian state schools by investigating the case of Jewish children in those schools. The study is interdisciplinary, drawing on historical data and educational methodology, and employs a qualitative approach through semi-structured interviews conducted in Sydney and Melbourne with all the major actors: students (55), teachers (10), principals (4), parents (13) and Jewish communal leaders (10). Gross and Rutland argue that classical anti-Jewish stereotypes are perpetuated in the school playground, transmitted by children from one generation to the next. This finding provides an additional perspective to the general literature, which argues that racial prejudice and stereotypes are acquired primarily through home socialization, religious institutions and the media, and neglects the role of the school playground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to several international surveys Spain is among the western countries with the most negative views of Jews. While quantitative data on the topic accumulates, there is a significant lack of interpretative approaches that might explain the particular Spanish case. This paper presents the background, methodology and major results of a discussion group-based study on antisemitism, which was conducted in Spain in the autumn of 2009. The study identifies and locates in different socio-economic and ideological milieus the range of stereotypical discourses on Jews, Judaism and the Arab–Israeli conflict in Spain. Analysis of the group meetings shows that, despite growing secularization in Spanish society, the central explanatory variable for persisting and resurging antisemitism in this country is still religion in a broad cultural sense. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To what extent can one speak of “Jewish politics” in Hungary in the Dualist era? With emancipation in 1867, Hungarian Jewry officially ceased to exist as a legally and politically separate body. Naturally, at least one specific political interest still bound together Hungary's Jews; they all shared the common desire not to suffer on account of their being Jewish. Beyond that, however, Hungarian Jewry was not a politically undivided group. In terms of its relationship to Jewish tradition, levels of acculturation and socioeconomic status, the Jewish population, which had already been far from homogeneous before 1867, underwent a far-reaching polarisation in subsequent decades. Furthermore, since Judaism was officially defined on a purely denominational basis, Jews were theoretically non-existent on any level other than the strictly religious. Consequently, they could not fight for any specific political, social or economic interest. Nevertheless, from Orthodox Jewry to upper and middle-class Jews, each group in its own way fought for specific interests, according to its own well-understood needs. This paper examines how the different sub-groups of Hungarian Jewry strove - rather successfully - for the defence of their particular group interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their number in East Asia never exceeding 36,000 (currently around 10,000), Jews there are the subject of both distinctly strong positive and negative views. The presence of these attitudes is astounding not only because most of those who hold them have never come across a Jew, but also because the region misses most of the 'classical' motives for either philosemitism or antisemitism. An analysis of contemporary attitudes towards Jews in China, Japan and South Korea, including reactions to the still ongoing Israel–Hamas war, reveals that the distinctions between antisemitism and philosemitism are more blurred and nuanced than is often acknowledged. In East Asia, these two attitudes tend to reflect similar functions, and people often express both views without being aware of their historical and religious context elsewhere. Accordingly, this study by Kowner, Ainslie and Podoler calls for a reassessment of antisemitism beyond the Christian and Islamic spheres, to address this new and changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration, displacement, and flight are major worldwide phenomena and typically pose challenges to mental health. Therefore, migrants' mental health, and the factors which may predict it, have become an important research subject. The present population-based cross-national comparison study explores symptoms of depression, anxiety, and somatization, as well as quality-of-life in samples of ex-Soviet Jewish migrants settling in three new countries: Germany, Austria and Israel, as well as in a sample of non-migrant ex-Soviet Jews in their country of origin, Russia. In the current study, we investigate the relationship of perceived xenophobiа and antisemitism, acculturation attitudes, ethnic and national identity, as well as affiliation with Jewish religion and culture to the psychological well-being of these migrants. Furthermore, we consider xenophobic and antisemitic attitudes as well as the acculturation orientation of the new countries' societies, assessed in the native control samples. Our data suggest that attitudes of the new country's society matter for the mental health of this migrant group. We conclude that the level of distress among ex-Soviet Jewish migrants seems to depend, among other factors, on the characteristics of the new country and/or specific interactions of the migrant population with the society they are settling in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decolonization of Algeria with the Algerian War of Independence from 1954–1962 placed Jews in a vulnerable situation. The purpose of this study is to expose to what extent and in what way the French anti-racist organizations paid attention to the situation of Algerian Jews before, during, and after decolonization. The focus is on the Paris-based Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme (LICA, today LICRA), the Mouvement contre le racisme, l'antisémitisme et pour la paix (MRAP) and the Ligue des droits de l'homme (LDH). Although the organizations' attitudes differed, ranging from ignorance to commitment to the Jews in Algeria, they did not support the Jews in Algeria with any important campaigns or demonstrations. While the LDH largely ignored the Jewish dilemma, the MRAP tended to portray the future of Jews in independent Algeria as bright. The LICA was the only one of the three anti-racist organizations that openly denounced antisemitism in the Arab world, while it never initiated any anti-racist campaigns in favour of Jews in Algeria. Overall, the article argues that the lack of significant anti-racist responses is characteristic of the silent disappearance of Jewish culture and society from Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Second Vatican Council's rejection of that doctrine has allowed the Holy See to affirm today's Jewish people as the inheritors of the divine covenant and to legitimize the State of Israel as an important part of Jewish identity. Some traditionalist bishops also had their excommunications lifted, including Holocaust denier Richard Williamson, which prompted Israel's chief rabbinate to temporarily cut off relations with the Vatican.[20] Although the Holy See has recognized the State of Israel, on occasion some of its statements have also caused upset. The Holy See's Relationship with Israel Israel does not see itself as a theocracy, but as a "Jewish and democratic" state (even if this notion has been put to the test since the November 2022 elections that brought a hardline Likud-led coalition back to power). This anti-supersessionist theology affirms the covenantal relationship between God and the Jewish people and supports their claim to the land, at least to the extent that Pope Francis claimed that opposition to the existence of the State of Israel is a form of antisemitism condemned by the Church. [Extracted from the article]

Contrary to the commonly held misconception, Palestinian antisemitism is not a corollary of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict but the other way around: the perpetuation of the conflict is a direct result of the deeply ingrained Palestinian-Arab Jew-hatred and the attendant rejection of any form of Jewish statehood. From the onset of the conflict, a century ago to this day, Palestinian Arabs have been subjected to a sustained hate campaign of racial, religious and political incitement that has portrayed Jews (and Israelis) as the source of all evil, synonyms for iniquity, corruption and decadence, whose clear and present danger to human kind can only be removed through their complete annihilation. Small wonder that not a single Palestinian-Arab leader has ever recognised the millenarian Jewish attachment to the Land of Israel or evinced a true liking for the 'two-state solution' since it was first evoked in 1937. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses a series of 14 articles, published in the widespread daily Turkish newspaper Yeni Sabah in June 1949 under the title 'A Strange Country: Yeni Sabah's Correspondent Mehmet Ataker reports from Israel'. It shows that while Turkey was the first Muslim state to have recognised Israel, Yeni Sabah adopted a clear anti-Israel stance, transmitting the Palestinian narrative on the 1948 war to its Turkish readers and attempting to delegitimize Israel by questioning the idea of Jewish nationalism and using symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism to deride Israelis and Jews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has returned as a major issue across the Western world. But while concern about antisemitism is growing, agreement on what constitutes antisemitism is shrinking. Nowadays, charges of antisemitism are hotly disputed, often accompanied by accusations of bad faith, particularly when they concern criticisms of Israel or anti-Zionism. This article contends that one reason why antisemitism has become increasingly contested is because there are different ways of thinking about antisemitism and identifying it. We examine four common and contrasting approaches to identifying antisemitism, highlighting the challenges each presents when it comes to identifying antisemitism in practice. Since these alternative approaches yield different answers about whether something is antisemitic or not, disagreement and debate over allegations of antisemitism is unavoidable. Hence, we conclude by offering suggestions for how antisemitism claims should be addressed in a way that minimizes conflict and promotes greater awareness about the various ways that antisemitism can operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates Andreas Wimmer's theory of ethnic boundary making by applying it to the maintenance of Jewish ethnic identification in Sweden, as expressed in interviews with Swedish Jews. Wimmer proposes that ethnic conflict routinizes and entrenches perceptions of ethnic difference; we argue that the antisemitic persecutions of the twentieth century have entrenched the perception of the ethnic distinctiveness of Jews among Jews themselves. These persecutions also contribute to alienation from Swedish society, which does not share the same frames of understanding. These factors motivate the interviewees to maintain the ethnic boundary between Swedes and Jews and guard it against assimilation. We propose a nuancing of the debate between instrumentalist and primordialist conceptions of ethnic identity by arguing that while our interviewees express a taken-for-granted view of their ethnic identities, they advance ethnic discourse strategically in order to protect the Jewish community from losing its distinctness, especially through assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Michael Checinski's anonymously-published piece "USSR and the Politics of Polish Antisemitism, 1956-1968" from the first issue of Soviet Jewish Affairs in 1971 can be read as both an analysis of antisemitism in Communist Poland and as a scholarly artifact that illustrates the manner in which the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and Jewish communities in the region were studied and understood at the height of the Cold War, it also tells us much about the study of East European Jewry and other, related fields over the past fifty years. Indeed, key parts of Checinski's analysis including its focus on the Soviet Union's anti-Jewish policies, its emphasis on the corrosive if not inherently evil nature of the Soviet Union, and its examination of antisemitism in Poland remain central topics in the study of Soviet and East European Jewry. Moreover, while the Soviet Union has long passed into the annals of history, many of the same historical themes, narrative tropes and scholarly frameworks that once helped researchers frame the study of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe are now critical parts of scholarly efforts to construct and explicate another important sub-field in the realm of Jewish studies, the study of antisemitism, including debates regarding the "New Antisemitism." In this and other ways, Checinski's essay exemplifies not only the manner in which Cold War tensions, ideologies and anxieties shaped the study of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe for generations but also how they continue to influence the study of Soviet and East European Jewry and other, related fields to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1971, William Korey, a scholar of Russian history, a prolific author, and a senior leader of B'nai B'rith International, published a piece about the Soviet restrictions on Jewish emigration in the first edition of a small publication out of London, I Soviet Jewish Affairs i , the precursor to I East European Jewish Affairs i .[1] The early 1970s were a breaking point in the Soviet Union's attitude to Israel and Jewish emigration after the Soviet Union cut diplomatic ties with Israel in 1967 as a result of the June Six-Day War. After creating a list of Cold-War era Soviet repatriation agreements with Poland and Greece, Korey calls on the Soviet Union to let Soviet Jews emigrate. (Putin was not paying attention to the fact that in 2019, sixty-eight percent of all immigrants to Israel were from Russia and Ukraine.[7]) He proposed to the assembled leaders that European Jews "should come here, to Russia. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the holocaust remembrance and antisemitism in Germany since 1945. Topics include Germany is the only country that has seen a rise in antisemitism since the turn of the twenty-first century; Germany's approach has led to a number of problems, including new forms of antisemitism; and Germany's relation to the Jews would be the ‘real touchstone' of the new German democracy.

This article examines sensitivity towards antisemitism and Islamophobia1 within British Jewish and British Muslim communities respectively. It reports the analysis of data related to Jewish and Muslim respondents who were shown a series of statements and invited to report the extent to which the statements offended them. The study develops a growing body of empirical studies in two fields dominated by historical and theoretical perspectives. The analysis reveals differences between Jewish and Muslim respondents in terms of inclination to attach labels of antisemitism or Islamophobia respectively and their overall sensitivity. The analysis also reveals the differing effects of various demographic and socio-economic factors in determining sensitivity towards antisemitism and Islamophobia. The analysis focuses particularly on age, education and place of birth. It is the first known comparative study of antisemitism and Islamophobia to use statistics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the antisemitism and racism in statuary and text. It further discusses increase in the Black Lives Matter Movement; the age-old Jewish experience with intolerance, consideration of pervasive antisemitism in Western culture; the impetus for other forms of antisemitism, including expulsion, inquisition, ghettoization and restrictive laws; and portrayals of Jews in Christian painting.

Interfaith education appears to have a strong potential for prejudice reduction and for overcoming Islamophobia and antisemitism. Common in-group identity theory contends that awareness of interreligious similarities would reduce intergroup streotypes and anxiety. However, optimal distinctiveness theory assumes that pointing to similarities would actually pose an identity threat to learners, especially members of a minority. Jewish and Muslim Israeli adolescents who studied about similarities and inter religious influences between Islam and Judaism showed varied and contradictory reactions. Jewish students decreased prejudice while Muslim students slightly increased them. Findings are discussed in light of above theories, and point to educational implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Semites, Semitism, the Semitic, the Semite. We all know the terms: we've heard them many times. We know of Semitic languages, we know of growing antisemitism, and we are familiar with book titles about Semites and Semitic cultures. And yet, these terms, these words, these adjectives remain for us today somewhat misty, imprecise and ambiguous in a way they did not seem to be for readers of nineteenth-century philology, theology or travel journals. Who are the Semites? What makes a culture Semitic? These today are questions we find hard to answer. But perhaps the terms belong to the past. Indeed, is there any good reason to return to the Semite? To revive and revisit the concept of Semitism? Should we not just let it go, die, fade into oblivion, together with many other nineteenth-century colonial, imperial and racist terms? Hochberg's essay attends to these questions by engaging with several artistic projects that return to the figure of the Semite and revive it into current political contexts. Hochberg argues that today, perhaps more than ever, we must remember the Semite and, by the same token, re-remember the Semites: the Arabs and the Jews. This, she suggests, is important because it may be very useful to compare nineteenth-century European discussions of the Semitic mentality to today's discourse on refugees and immigrants (particularly Muslims), but also because 'the Semite' enables us to make historical connections between antisemitism and Islamophobia, as well as between Jews and Muslims/Arabs. These connections are particularly worthwhile in the European, Christian and western context in which Jews and Muslims/Arabs have been more recently positioned against each other, and often played against one another. Finally, to revive the figure of the Semite, or the so-called 'Semitic bond' between Jews and Muslims, is not to cling to anachronism and nostalgic fantasies about the past or to romanticize the relationships between these people. In fact, it has little, if anything, to do with the past or history altogether. This 'rememory', to borrow Toni Morrison's term, is not a historical project; rather, it is about returning to the present by rejecting its confining myths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Webb's article assesses the impact of the Nazi persecution of European Jews on black civil rights activism in the United States. It demonstrates how African Americans, motivated by genuine moral outrage as well as political opportunism, drew explicit analogies between their own oppression and the suffering of European Jewry. Black activists decried what they saw as the hypocrisy of white Americans for condemning Nazism while complacently ignoring the often violent racial discrimination that persisted in their own country. African Americans hoped that in highlighting this contradiction they would embarrass their own government into taking more interventionist action against white supremacists and thereby advance the cause of racial equality. This strategy persisted throughout the Second World War and the mass civil rights activism of the decades that followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neville Laski, president of the Board of Deputies of British Jews from 1932 to 1939, led Anglo-Jewry through the most challenging period in its modern history. Internally, the community was deeply divided, with half a century of mass immigration placing great strain on its pre-existing structures and institutions, and particularly the traditional elites who controlled them. Externally, it faced the unprecedented threat of an emerging domestic fascist movement, while also dealing with the consequences of growing antisemitic persecution in continental Europe. Despite playing a leading role in responding to these developments, Laski has received remarkably little attention from historians. Where he has, the consensus is that he failed to rise to the challenges of the 1930s, acting as an impediment to internal reform and remaining complacent and ineffective in his response to antisemitism. Drawing on a range of contemporary sources, Tilles's article offers a comprehensive reassessment of Laski's role. It argues that he acted as a transitional figure between the rule of the old, anglicized elites and the new immigrant community, seeking to balance the demands of competing factions. Meanwhile, his defence policy against antisemitism was not only active and effective, but eventually saw all major sections of Anglo-Jewry unite behind his leadership in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first article in the first issue of what was then called I Soviet Jewish Affairs i was not about Jews I in i the Soviet Union, per se, but about Jews getting I out i of the Soviet Union. Notes 1 Korey, "The "Right to Leave" for Soviet Jews", 5. 2 Beckerman, I When They Come for Us i ; Feingold ' I Silent No More': Saving the Jews of Russia, the American Jewish Effort, 1967-1989 i . 3 Ro'i, I The Struggle for Soviet Jewish Emigration 1948-1967 i , 166-168; Peretz, I Le Combat Pour Les Juifs Soviétiques i , 144; Martin, "William Korey, B'nai B'rith Lobbyist, Dies at 87"; AJHS, "Biographical and Historical Note"; Golden, I O Powerful Western Star i , 179-180, 455n448. 4 Martin, "William Korey, B'nai B'rith Lobbyist, Dies at 87"; AJHS, "Biographical and Historical Note"; Golden, I O Powerful Western Star i , 179-180, 455n448; United States Congress, Commission on Security and and Cooperation in Europe, "Implementation of the Helsinki Accords", 2-3. [Extracted from the article]

Is immigration - the right to leave one's place of birth and find refuge in another nation - a basic human right? US Cold War Immigration Policy, Human Rights, and the Soviet Jewry Movement: Reflections on William Korey's "The Right to Leave for Soviet Jews - Legal and Moral Aspects". Indeed, the United States government has told thousands of Central Americans since 2017 that it will refuse to recognize their right to claim asylum at the United States border despite this being, considered by international law a basic human right. [Extracted from the article]

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The article presents insights regarding antisemitic discourse in Poland. Topics include the passage of memory law restricting freedom of speech about Polish complicity in historical crimes, the right-wing group Reduta Dobrego Imienia also known as the Polish Anti-Defamation League, and the dominance of the subject of Jews on the national media.

This article will examine the interactions of Armenians and Jews as well as shared and dissimilar experiences in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey from the early 20th century to the present to compare how affinities and differences in political outlook have affected their relationship. It has been stated at times in academia, by politicians, and members of the press that the Armenian and Jewish Diasporas have had similar historical experiences mostly through hardships. Despite that being the case, this article will show that throughout their experiences as non-Muslim minorities in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey Armenians and Jews have never developed any coordinated collaboration; instead, they have pursued perceived respective ethnic interests, largely influenced by historical memory and geopolitics. At the same time, the Young Turks and later the Turkish state engaged in policies, especially toward non-Muslim minorities, that have been described as contradictory, ambivalent, or both in nature, influenced by changing perceptions of citizenship and identity as well as geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the motivations of activists involved in pro-Palestinian sports-based campaigns. The activists’ intention is to bring pressure to bear upon Israel until it complies with international law and supports the rights of Palestinian people under the universal principles of human rights. In response to expressions of pro-Palestinian solidarity, the Israeli state and its supporters are interpreting such activity as a ‘new’ manifestation of ‘old’ antisemitism. In seeking to assess whether such activity is informed by antisemitism, 10 semi-structured interviews were conducted with activists to examine their motives. Their political biographies were explored as were their views on the use of sport as platform to express support for the Palestinian people and/or their displeasure at Israeli participation in international sport. One central theme was the activists’ responses to the suggestion that they were motivated by antisemitism. A qualitative content analysis of the interview transcripts revealed a shared observation that the accusation of antisemitism was a ‘shameless tactic’ employed by those seeking to cover up the ongoing injustices experienced by the Palestinian people. Sport was seen as a legitimate platform for political activity, to raise public awareness and to put pressure on the Israeli state. The findings contribute to a better understanding of activist motivations, the use of sport as a political platform and the challenges facing sport and its governing bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes stock of the prime catalyst behind the shrinking and transformation of the Jewish populace in communist Poland – emigration. Over the course of four major waves, nearly a quarter of a million Jews left the country, most of whom headed to Israel. On the basis of recent scholarship and the author’s own research on migrations from communist Poland, he gauges the magnitude of and discusses key factors behind this exodus, not least Polish Jewry’s time- and place-specific considerations, the emerging shape of Warsaw’s relevant policies, and the social dynamics of these outflows. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is a commonplace assumption that, in the twentieth century, antisemitism was an exclusively right-wing phenomenon. However, there was a strand of socialism that equated Jews and capitalism and, to that extent, was antisemitic. When Algeria became a colony of France, French antisemitism was exported there. In the first two decades of the Third Republic, some socialists saw antisemitism as a stepping-stone to anti-capitalism, and thought they could combine forces to overthrow the ‘bourgeois republic’. It was not until the summer of 1898, as the Dreyfus Affair exploded throughout France and colonial Algeria, and they feared that antisemites and the right were about to stage a coup, that socialists rallied to save the republic. Those who became Dreyfusards did so in defence of human rights and the universalist principles of the French Revolution. The antisemitic origins of the charges against Dreyfus were downplayed and some Dreyfusards continued to accept stereotypes about Jews. Other socialists who never became Dreyfusards condemned antisemitism when they discovered the Jewish proletariat. Yet their ‘anti-antisemitism’ reinforced the antisemitic stereotype that imagined a uniquely Jewish form of capitalism that was more virulent than other forms of capitalism. This failure to reject antisemitism in principle and provide a solution to the ‘Jewish question’ other than assimilation would later prove to be disastrous, indeed fatal to the Jewish working class, and continue to be a serious problem for France to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Antisemitism in the Dutch labour movement has not been studied sufficiently. This is certainly true with regard to Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis and the early socialist movement of the nineteenth century. However, anti-Jewish propaganda needs to be taken into account in order to understand why the Jewish proletariat joined the socialist ranks at such a late stage, that is, only after the reformist wing split from Domela Nieuwenhuis's Social Democratic League (SDB) into the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDAP) in 1894. Stutje aims to address this lacuna, and demonstrates that Domela Nieuwenhuis had been using antisemitic stereotyping against the parliament-orientated reformists because the latter's main rival, P. J. Troelstra, was dependent on a modest group of Jewish diamond workers in Amsterdam. Once that conflict was over antisemitism faded into the background again. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

McGeever's essay offers an analysis of the Bolshevik encounter with antisemitism in 1917. Antisemitism was the dominant modality of racialized Othering in late imperial Russia. Yet 1917 transformed Jewish life, setting in motion a sudden and intense period of emancipation. In Russian society more generally, the dramatic escalation of working-class mobilization resulted not only in the toppling of the Tsar in February, but the coming to power of the Bolsheviks just eight months later. Running alongside these revolutionary transformations, however, was the re-emergence of anti-Jewish violence and the returning spectre of pogroms. Russia in 1917, then, presents an excellent case study for exploring how a socialist movement responded to rising antisemitism in a moment of political crisis and escalating class conflict. His article does two things. First, it charts how the Bolsheviks understood antisemitism, and how they responded to it during Russia's year of revolution. In doing so, it finds that Bolsheviks participated in a wide-ranging set of campaigns organized by the socialist left, the hub of which was composed of the soviets of workers' and soldiers' deputies. Second, the essay argues that antisemitism traversed the political divide in revolutionary Russia, finding traction across all social groups and political projects. As the political crisis deepened in the course of 1917, the Bolsheviks increasingly had to contend with the antisemitism within the movement. In traditional Marxist accounts, racism and radicalism are often framed in contestation. McGeever's article, however, offers a more complex picture in which antisemitism and revolutionary politics could be overlapping, as well as competing world views. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented in which the author talks about the topics discussed within the special issue including the relationship between socialists and Jews across Europe, socialist responses to antisemitism, and Jewish socialism of Jewish-American socialist newspaper editor Abraham Cahan.

Greece, especially after 1945, remains a terra incognita of antisemitism research. This is not only a scholarly problem but also affects contemporary Greek judicature, which in 2009 and 2010 – during the controversial trial against Konstantinos A. Plevris, the so-called intellectual head of contemporary Greek Nazism – determined Holocaust denial, ariosophic fantasies of racial superiority and the public demand for the extinction of European Jewry to fall under the definition of ‘freedom of the arts, science and research.’ Some of the central historical sources the Greek courts accepted to be allegedly authentic enough to scientifically prove the ‘Jew-Zionists’ [evraiosionistes, T.B.] aspirations to world power’ were excerpts from the book of a fanatic nineteenth-century blood-libel author in Russia along with the internationally known antisemitic forgery,The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The following article will argue that the origin of antisemitism in Greece is a phenomenon at the intersection of pre-Enlightenment and modernity, namely founded upon an ideological framework of nation, religion and race. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Marxists have had a complex and contentious relationship to the question of both cosmopolitanism and antisemitism. The difficulties and problems they have encountered with each may, however, be related. They can be traced back to a repeated failure to take seriously Marx’s initial critique of contemporary antisemites and his simultaneous adoption of a cosmopolitan approach to politics which set him apart from many of his peers. Rather than confronting antisemitism, many Marxists adopted the view that it contained some kind of rational kernel, whilst drifting towards an accommodation with forms of nationalism. Having ignored and largely failed to respond to the mortal threat that a radicalized antisemitism posed for Jews, the self-proclaimed Marxists ruling the Soviet Union then accused Jews of being both nationalists (of the wrong, Zionist sort) and cosmopolitans (now a term of abuse). There is, however, an alternative tradition that may be recovered, albeit on the margins of the Marxist movement, in the later work especially of Horkheimer and Adorno, and in some parallel way also of Hannah Arendt, that sees antisemitism from a cosmopolitan perspective as an inherently reactionary political force which (as it became genocidal) came to threaten both Jews and humanity at large. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines a spectrum of contemporary texts by Muslim essayists, scholars and activists based in the Arab world, in Europe and in the USA that comparatively analyzed Jewish experiences in the West as invaluable lessons for Muslim minorities. These included: anti-Semitism and the struggle against it; segregation from and integration into majority societies; and, political lobbying on behalf of the “greater nation”. The article argues that the diversity of Jewish realities, past and present, and the general sense that Jewish minorities in the West ultimately found ways to preserve their religious identity while amassing social-political influence, have rendered comparisons between Muslims and Jews an essential aspect of different (and at times contesting) arguments about the future of Muslim minorities in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article provides an analysis of how Jewish rituals and Jews as a minority group are represented and debated in the Norwegian press: How is “news about the Jews” framed by the media? Which discourses dominate the debates? Are notions of what it “takes to be Norwegian” put forward in these cases? The article is also an analysis of Jewish voices in the press, and based on the fact that Jewish advocates refer to minority-based legal rights suggests that the Jewish minority benefits from the use of a broader international human rights discussion in the press. I claim that a multicultural discourse provides the Jewish minority with language that makes it possible to argue for cultural rights without referring to Jewishness; offering protection against a general fear of anti-Semitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]