Search

In this paper, I discuss how the earthquake risk is exploited by 'disaster capitalism', in order to convert Istanbul to a massive construction site. The shock of the 1999 Marmara Earthquake has been effectively used by the neoliberal market and government as 'a shock therapy' to implement a construction‐led development model for Turkey and to favour the construction sector by introducing new incentives, exceptional rights and interventions, which otherwise might be challenged. The current Turkish government justify the ongoing massive urban transformation and new mass housing projects as an improvement of the housing stock to make residential buildings stronger and more resilient to earthquakes. However, areas actually under earthquake risk do not match the areas that are officially declared under disaster risk by the government. The Disaster Law #6306 that granted the government the absolute right to expropriate land based on the justification of 'protecting residents against earthquakes and other natural disasters' was applied in a selective way to seize valuable land in Istanbul. In the paper I explore how the disaster was quickly converted to an opportunity for economic growth. To do that I introduce stories of three different neighbourhoods in Istanbul, namely Moda, Tozkoparan and Fikirtepe, each of which experience the ongoing massive urban transformation differently based on the land value of the neighbourhoods, class position of the residents, and residents' capacity to organise in order to protect their rights. I describe, how disaster capitalism is lived and experienced differently in these three neighbourhoods. Although the massive construction projects are indifferent to life's sustainability, those projects are justified as interventions in terms of public health and safety through making housing resilient to earthquakes. I critically discuss how in each case biopolitics presents disaster capitalism's massive urban transformation projects as a manifestation of liveliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the role of the 1948 currency and economic reform in West Germany for growth and social cohesion in Germany and Europe. It describes the theoretical foundation by Walter Eucken and the implementation and defense of the new economic order by Ludwig Erhard. The paper stresses the positive impact of the market economy on growth and welfare in Germany and Europe. Then, it is shown that Eucken's constituting principles of the market economy were gradually eroded after euro introduction in course of crises, with the negative repercussions on growth and equality being explained. The policy conclusion is that only the reconstitution of price stability in the euro area can prevent a further decline of welfare in Europe. The 1948 economic reforms provide an important blueprint for the necessary reform process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the construction of London's West India Docks in 1802, I argue that this project established a feedback loop with conditions of production in the Caribbean. Through an analysis of committee minutes, letters, parliamentary papers and visual art, I move beyond economic accounts of slavery's impact to demonstrate how geographies of security and surveillance—first developed on the sugar plantation—were imported into the design and function of London's port. As such, I argue that London's docks produced a geography of segregation which offers a unique insight into the workings of racial capitalism and its exploitation of group‐differentiated vulnerabilities. Positioning my discussion alongside London's contemporary landscape, I excavate Britain's repressed memories of slavery to illustrate how they still scar the urban environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the growing connections between the Persian Gulf states and the heavily militarised Israeli innovation ecosystem. The Gulf actors now play an increasing role in support of Israel as a globally expanding 'Start‐up Nation', and are involved in transforming Palestinian land into a regional frontier of technology in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Israeli‐Gulf cooperation and its impact on Palestinians, however, has not been thoroughly researched. Drawing from fieldwork among Palestinian and Israeli innovation elites, we map these growing connections between Gulf state actors and Israel and analyse how the occupied Palestinian territories are further enmeshed in complex networks of financial capitalist and settler colonial security interests. Theoretically, the paper advances the critique of the contemporary settler colonial frontier, venturing beyond its usual Eurocentric and binary geographies. We conclude that 'innovation' is both (a) the terrain of expanding structures of Israeli colonisation and (b) the site of productive ambivalences and novel forms of resistance in an evolving regional and global reality. This article explores the growing connections between the Persian Gulf states and the heavily militarised Israeli innovation ecosystem. The Gulf actors now play an increasing role in support of Israel as a globally expanding 'Start‐up Nation', and are involved in transforming Palestinian land into regional frontiers of technology in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Drawing from fieldwork among Palestinian and Israeli innovation elites, we map these growing connections between Gulf state actors and Israel and analyse how the occupied Palestinian territories are further enmeshed in complex networks of financial capitalist and settler colonial security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper foregrounds the centrality of reproductive politics in constituting the spaces of migrant activism. Addressing social reproductive issues as racial issues, it exposes how "premature death" and questions of survival shape migrants' lives throughout the uneven geographies of racial capitalism. Drawing on the political experiences of the "No Evictions Network"—a migrant and activist‐led group campaigning for asylum seekers' rights in Glasgow (Scotland)—the paper suggests the concept of "political reproduction", grasping the interchange between care, trust, empowerment, political subjectivation, and the overcoming of barriers towards political action that take place within spaces of migrant activism. Building upon migrant voices and Black and Brown histories of organising, the paper explores the racialised, gendered, and classed character of reproductive activist labour in these spaces, evidencing the ways the notion of "political reproduction" breaks racialised and gendered constructions of political work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the nature of bank money on two complementary levels. The first level deals with theoretical considerations. Here, the departure point is Social Positioning Theory, which provides a framework to investigate the nature of money. Within the theory, the paper situates bank money in credit‐debt relations, that are themselves integral part of a wider productive‐consumptive nexus of the economy. In this perspective, bank money is the relation, accounting economic positions of participating members, resulting from their economic activities realized within the context of the overall society. The second level uses the methods of Oral History and Memory Studies and, through semi‐structured interviews, provides empirical material illustrating ideas about the nature of money in a specific historical form. The article thus explores the contrasting experiences of banking in the context of a centrally planned economy and banking in the transformation to a market economy. These two contrasting episodes are illustrative because of the significant change in the form of bank money, which brings to light various aspects of its nature. Moreover, the article utilizes interviews that present the lived experience of bankers with years of involvement in the sector, enriching the perspective on the issue under study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has recently emerged as a hotspot in a burgeoning global surrogacy bio‐economy. On the grounds that any commercial trade in reproductive capabilities would result in the exploitation of marginalised women willing to sell their eggs and wombs, Canada's Assisted Human Reproduction Act (AHRA) bans commercial surrogacy, allowing only for altruistic arrangements. Drawing together analysis of the AHRA and related legal, regulatory, and policy documents, feminist political economic theory, and a growing body of critical social scientific scholarship on surrogacy, this paper troubles altruism as a means of insulating surrogacy from market‐based exploitation. It contributes to the extant literature an explicit focus on the law as a key site in the reproduction of the gendered division of labour. Acknowledging the serious concerns that dog commercial markets in reproductive biology, it argues that the legal constitution of gestational work as altruistic is part of a broader juridico‐economic apparatus that has systematically devalued reproductive labour under capitalism. Efforts to insulate surrogacy from the market by legally designating it as a gift freely given facilitate the ongoing appropriation of reproductive labour, which is assigned, once again, to the realm of non‐value. A feminist political‐economic critique of altruism, this paper does not forward an argument in favour of commercialisation. Rather, its aim is to upend the commercial/altruistic binary that has circumscribed so much of the thinking and legislating around surrogacy. This paper explores the role of the law in devaluing reproductive labour under capitalism. It does so via an examination of Canada's burgeoning surrogacy bio‐economy and the legislation – the Assisted Human Reproduction Act – designed to regulate it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates the ideological foundations of contemporary capitalism and its organizational models in Brazil. Our analysis considers three positions present in the literature: the thesis of the new spirit of capitalism; the literature about financialization and the shareholder value model; and the configuration of a managerial mode of domination. A content analysis was conducted to investigate normative business content from Brazilian “top voices” on the LinkedIn network. A total of 180 influential texts from 32 authors composed our corpus and were assessed based on an abductive approach that had as references the economies of worth model and a related framework for assessing the dynamic configuration of capitalism justifications. Results support the idea that contemporary capitalism is characterized in ideological terms by the fluidity of normative references restricting the market logic, configuring a complex or managerial mode of domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greenwashing is a well‐understood concept, describing the use of false or misleading claims and symbolism to give an impression of a company or organisation's commitment to environmental protection and sustainability. While many environmental groups use the concept widely to criticise the 'optics' strategies of organisations wanting to improve their image while maintaining a business‐as‐usual approach, it has largely been ignored in Geography and related disciplines. This paper argues that we need to take greenwashing seriously. It develops a broad concept of greenwashing, suggesting that the processes of obscuring social and ecological relations via greenwashing are central to the (dis)functioning of contemporary capitalism. A critical theory of greenwashing, therefore, is not simply about challenging 'bad actors', but is an essential part of a wider critique of 'green' capitalism and Sustainable Development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of capital, field and habitus were originally used to understand inequalities in education in the 1970's. Today they are readily applied in other disciplines and contexts. This paper firstly explores the author's understanding of the concepts of capital, field and habitus as a depiction as a set of lenses, and suggests the application of this framework to further understand the experiences and trajectories of pre‐registration nursing students to contribute to improvements in policy and service provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically examines how a free market, a governance quality (GQ) and their interaction simultaneously affect income inequality in 23 Asian developing countries over the period 2000–2019. Especially, different dimensions of a free market proxied by various components of economic freedom (EF) are analysed. Results show that the overall EF and three of its components, including labour freedom, trade freedom and investment freedom, reduce income inequality; but other components, including business freedom (BF), monetary freedom (MF) and financial freedom (FF), widen income inequality. Meanwhile, the GQ not only decreases income inequality but also intensifies the beneficial impacts of the overall EF and those respective components of EF on income equality. Notably, at certain thresholds of GQ, the detrimental impacts of BF, MF and FF on income equality turn into the advantageous ones. The findings consolidate the appropriate combination of free market with specific dimensions and the GQ in boosting the equality of income distribution in Asian developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at a case of rural‐to‐rural movement of agrarian capital in southern India and the ways in which capital–labour relations are reworked to maintain oppressive forms of exploitation. Faced with an agrarian crisis, capitalist farmers from affluent communities of Wayanad, Kerala, take large tracts of land for lease in the neighbouring state of Karnataka and grow ginger based on price speculation. Landless Adivasis from Wayanad have served as labourers on these ginger farmlands for the past three decades. Recently, farmers have shifted to employing labourers from a Scheduled Caste (SC) from Karnataka. The change happened not just because of the lower wages the SC labourers were willing to work for but also because of the farmers' inclination to move away from Adivasis who have been resisting the poor working conditions on the farm. The story resonates with the broader dynamics of agrarian–labour relations amidst capitalist expansion and highlights the centrality of socio‐political factors at play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: German is exceptional in its use of noun capitalisation. It has been suggested that sentence‐internal capitalisation as in German may benefit processing by specifically marking a noun and thus a noun phrase (NP). However, other cues, such as a determiner, can also indicate an NP. The influence of capitalisation on processing may thus be context‐dependent, that is, dependent on other cues. Precisely this context dependency is investigated in the current study: Is there an effect of capitalisation on reading and is this affected by the presence of other cues such as a determiner (specifically, an article)? Methods: We ran an eye‐tracking study with 30 German‐speaking adults, measuring fixations during sentence reading. Critical NPs either contained correctly capitalised nouns or not and were presented either with or without a determiner. Results: The results show that both the presence of capitalisation on the noun and the presence of a determiner led to faster reading. When no determiner was present to signal the NP, the presence of noun capitalisation aided reading most. Conclusions: From these results, we conclude that the influence of capitalisation is indeed context dependent: Capitalisation aids processing most when no other cue is present. Thus, different cues play a role in NP recognition. Based on these findings, we argue that noun capitalisation should not be studied in isolation. We argue that a better understanding of capitalisation as a reading aid is relevant for teaching reading strategies. Highlights: What is already known about this topicGerman has the quite exceptional characteristic of sentence‐internal capitalisation of all nouns.The function of sentence‐internal capitalisation is controversial. What this paper addsThis study experimentally shows that capitalisation and presence of an article conspire in NP recognition in German.We find that capitalisation aids processing. This effect is strongest when no determiner is present. Implications for theory, policy or practiceWe argue that possible reading aids for NP recognition (like capitalisation, articles and adjectives) should not be studied in isolation.Investigations of these aids and how they may interact should also be done for other languages.A better understanding of capitalisation as a reading aid is relevant for teaching reading strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concept of the non‐encounter for geography in the context of the changing experience of gig economy work during COVID‐19. Supplementing political economy insights with a cultural geographic sensitivity to embodiment, we explore the fluctuating bodily capacities of food delivery drivers during the first year of the COVID‐19 pandemic in Melbourne, Australia. We reflect on fieldwork with gig workers which drew our attention to how the practice of doorstep food delivery became 'contact‐free' during the pandemic. In dialogue with cultural geographical literatures on boredom and interruptions, our paper highlights the deleterious impacts of repetition without interruption on workers' bodies. We argue that the felt absences of previously enjoyed light‐touch interactions with customers and other delivery drivers has created a strange kind of 'non‐encounter' for gig workers, intensifying feelings of boredom and a sense of detachment. We speculate on what this means for the future of gig work and for cultural geographers. This paper develops the concept of the non‐encounter for geography in the context of the changing experience of gig economy work during COVID‐19. In dialogue with cultural geographical literatures on boredom and interruptions, our paper highlights the deleterious impacts of repetition without interruption on workers' bodies. We argue that the felt absences of previously‐enjoyed light‐touch interactions with customers and other delivery drivers has created a strange kind of 'non‐encounter' for gig workers, intensifying feelings of boredom and a sense of detachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical intervention into recent geographical debates on racial capitalism, interrogating the role that Housing Associations (HAs), the main form of UK social housing, play in its (re)production. Housing Associations are institutional, third‐sector spaces within which novel forms of financialisation and bordering take place. Race is central to these processes, but insufficient critical attention has been afforded to the intersections of class, race, and migratory status in extant research on UK HAs. Moreover, existing research into housing and racial capitalism is provincial in its North American focus, typically examining home ownership and private renting. We argue this is a significant lacuna given that new and multiple forms of racialised exclusion, inequality, and extraction cohere in social housing. There is accordingly a pressing need for a robust interrogation of racial capitalisms through UK HAs, and of the role of HAs via the conceptual lens of racial capitalism. In concluding, the paper argues for a new focus on 'actually existing' racial capitalisms, and the need for detailed analyses of the logics and practices of racial capitalisms across a variety of sites and scales, helping debates move beyond their conceptual heartland in North America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging debates on the contemporary reconfigurations of work question previous understandings of the relationships among and between waged, unwaged, and reproductive labour, situated processes of value formation and/or enclosure, and the constitution and limits of contemporary capitalism. Taking Cindi Katz's notion of countertopographies and Gillian Hart's notion of relational comparison as inspirations, this Symposium draws attention to new and existing conceptual frames and modes of analysis to situate contemporary permutations of work within the shifting dynamics of uneven development in specific state, local, and institutional contexts. This Introduction summarises the interrelated and overlapping contributions that papers in this Symposium offer methodologically, analytically, and politically. The open‐ended aspiration that emerges from these contributions is that close attention to heterogeneous formations of work outside the wage might help to multiply forms of vigilance and critical praxis necessary to resist the co‐optation and enclosure of people's creative energies, and move toward realising the latent liberatory potentials that several of the contributions suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the digitisation of the ocean reconfigure capitalist, colonial, and environmental relations? What analytic tools allow us to trace their intersecting dynamics? These are the central questions that we take up through an examination of smart oceans governance along the west coast of Canada, where the state is developing new institutional partnerships to manage the expansion of fossil fuel infrastructure across unceded Indigenous lands and waters. In this context, laden with environmental risks and resurgent anti‐colonial politics, state actors are implicating smart oceans governance in efforts to harmonise capitalist growth with sustainability mandates and the 'recognition' of Indigenous self‐determination. Our analysis draws on environmental state theory, critical indigenous studies, and human geographies of the ocean, to analyse interviews, Access to Information requests, scientific studies, and policy reports. Our findings suggest that smart oceans governance poses novel risks to Indigenous peoples and their distinctive 'seascape epistemologies'. At the same time, we observe in this medium new limits to the state's ability to consolidate settler colonial authority and extend possessive colonial entitlements to Indigenous lands and waters. First Nations are also engaging with smart oceans governance in ways that assert 'Indigenous data sovereignty', help chart their own political and territorial ambitions, and carve out meaningful spaces of Indigenous marine stewardship. A comprehensive overview of the politics of smart oceans ‐ that is, ensembles of data intensive sensing tools and associated marine governance practices. The paper draws examples from the west coast of Canada where it finds new risks to First Nations governance but also moments where smart oceans governance is being leveraged by communities to support their political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global fisheries sector has undergone both rapid industrialization and considerable resource depletion. Unlike fisheries in the Northern Hemisphere, the Indonesian (and indeed Southeast Asian) sector is still largely dominated by small‐scale producers, who are partially embedded within a subsistence economy. Changes in the nature of production and livelihoods in the fisheries sector appear similar to those in land‐based agriculture but have received far less attention in the literature and demand further analysis given the distinct characteristics of the natural resource base. Using national datasets complemented by insights from a two‐month period of fieldwork in South Sulawesi, this paper presents the process of capital intensification underpinning national fisheries growth and how it is transforming small‐scale production systems. Despite increasing market integration, we found that smallholders have persisted across coastal production systems to an even stronger degree than land‐based agriculture. We suggest some reasons why this is so. However, we also observed evidence of internal class differentiation within coastal communities. Such differentiation, combined with resource degradation and depletion, exposes the poorest in the community to enhanced livelihood vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current discussion on coloniality dismantles structures embedded in neoliberal capitalism that maintain and perpetuate social pathologies. Theories and praxes emerging from Abya Yala (North, Central, and South America) provide academic and nonacademic contributions to co‐construct community psychologies de otra manera (otherwise). These accountable ways of knowing and acting in cultural context and local place, become ways of making counterculture to inform decolonial community psychologies. The epistemologies of the Global South have produced invaluable teachings for transformative revisions of community psychology within frameworks that go beyond liberation and toward decoloniality. Activist women and decolonial feminists from the Global South, contest patriarchal rationality and universalism and co‐construct new ways of being, thinking‐feeling, sentipensar, and acting. Decolonial paradigms weave networks of solidarity with communities in their struggles to sustain Indigenous cosmovisions, delinking from western‐centric ideologies that are not anthropocentric and promote sustainability, epistemic and ecological justice, and Sumak Kawsay/Buen Vivir (wellbeing) that includes the rights of the Earth. This paper deepens into decolonial community psychologies from Abya Yala that are making the road caminando (walking) de otra manera by applying methodologies of affective conviviality with communities, sentipensando, and co‐authoring collective stories that weave pluriversal solidary networks within ecologies of praxes into colorful tapestries of liberation. These are the proposed coordinates to sketch pathways toward decoloniality. Key points: Committing to work with Indigenous communities means making community psychologies otherwise.This paper describes legacies and contributions from community psychologies in Abya Yala, epistemologies from the Global South, Indigenous psychologies, and feminist contributions.Decolonial community psychologies are co‐created with sentipensar, and affective conviviality.Building webs of solidarity with communities' struggles, sustaining their cosmovisions, and co‐authoring stories that delink from western‐centric ideologies within pluriversal ecologies of praxes.These are the proposed coordinates to co‐construct decolonial community psychologies to promote collective wellbeing that includes the rights of the Earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we survey the expanding body of literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Chinese and Anglophone geography, and locate the main lines of development. The emerging scholarship approaches the BRI as a spatial discourse and examines the production of geographical reasoning in statecraft. It also links up with studies of the BRI as both a material project and an everyday experience. We argue that it is in this combined understanding of BRI's multiple registers, as discourse, project, and experience, that a trilectical approach for future geographical engagement can be identified as the BRI edges to its second decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though densification and social mixing are declared objectives of many nowadays urban planning paradigms, their simultaneous implementation is usually questioned by different actors and is not frequent in practice. In a market economy, understanding potential demand for this class of development, from different types of households, is essential to define public policies oriented to achieve both compact development (CD) and social mixture. To understand the preferences of households and potential demand, we implement a location choice model based on a bid–rent framework and spatial latent classes (LC), using census data and location attributes. By using spatial LC, we do not impose exogenous definitions of which zones are perceived as CD or suburban, rendering a robust method to identify variation in preferences. We apply the model to Santiago de Chile, where social mixing in dense and well‐located areas is being intensely discussed. We find strong differences in households' valuation of attributes between spatial classes. Results show that social mixing is more difficult in dense, well‐connected areas than in suburban areas because higher‐income households are more sensitive to the socioeconomic context of the location in compact areas. Besides showing evidence on household preferences and their implications for social‐mixing policies, this paper also provides a proof of concept for the use of spatial LC (proposed in previous work by the authors), showing this is a robust methodology allowing to generate behavior‐based classifications for urban areas. The paper also contributes methodologically, by deriving the elasticity formulation for bid‐auction location choice models, which allows quantifying the importance of location attributes in location probability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contract violations are critical issues determining the success and sustainability of contract farming (CF). This paper challenges the common portrayal of the "powerful" company versus the "powerless" landowners/smallholders by using the literature on labour agency in global value chains to understand minor contract violations of contract farmers such, as side‐selling, refusal to harvest, and burning/felling of oil palm trees. This paper conceptualizes these violations as acts of minor agency or everyday acts of resistance. The analysis highlights how CF has created chains of dependency, in which smallholders are integrated into the modern market economy through new relations of debt and power. In response, contract farmers attempt to influence and shape the CF relation by using these different acts of minor agency. This paper finds that acts of minor agency, in the aggregate, can have important effects on contract relations, governance, and organizational structure of the chain and has the potential to lead to broader changes in the underlying social relations of contract. It highlights how individual acts of minor agency may contribute to the development of a consciousness of collective opposition to the contract relation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Gøsta Esping‐Andersen, using decommodification as a basis, classified advanced capitalist countries into liberal, conservative‐corporatist, and social‐democratic welfare regimes. Subsequently, Ann Shola Orloff deemed his approach gender blind, and dimensions such as access to paid work and the capacity to form and maintain an autonomous household were added to the existing variables of state–market relations, stratification and social citizenship rights. Based on Orloff's theoretical propositions, this paper develops the decommodification measures to classify middle‐income countries (MICs). The paper classifies MICs into five clusters based on hierarchical cluster analysis using variables such as GDP per capita, female labour force participation, availability, duration and wage replacement levels and providers of maternity leave benefits and availability of childcare services, legislation on sexual harassment, marital rape and domestic violence, protection orders, the availability of legal aid for civil and criminal matters and the proportion of seats held by women in parliaments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the right‐wing populist rule of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) in Turkey, focusing on the crisis of capitalism, emerging discontent in the rural populations, and opportunities for and obstacles to a successful left‐wing populist mobilisation. We put forward three arguments. First, through an examination of the historical evolution, class‐based and social‐demographic foundations of the ruling right‐wing populist alliance between the AKP and the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP), we argue that the MHP is a more classical case of far‐right populism, whereas the AKP is a "heterodox" case that borrows several elements from the left. These "heterodox" features of the AKP, together with the interlinked crisis of the 1990s, played a significant part in the support the AKP received from the subordinate majority. Second, we argue that the success of the AKP's hegemonic right‐wing populism from 2002 to 2013 was linked to an unusually favourable macro‐political‐economic climate that helped the AKP counterbalance its neoliberal policies with pragmatic social assistance programmes. However, together with the disappearance of this macro‐political‐economic climate in the second decade of its rule (2013‐present), the disastrous consequences of the AKP's neoliberal policies became more explicit, and the AKP's populism moved from a hegemonic to an authoritarian right‐wing populist type. Third, we claim that today, due to the deepening of the current economic crisis (further exacerbated by the Covid19 pandemic), the AKP's cross‐class alliance began to break down, and the rural movements in the Turkish countryside have been playing a major role in unmaking the AKP's hegemony. However, in the absence of a strong left‐wing populist movement with a stronghold in the Turkish countryside, emergent possibilities for a radical progressive transformation are not utilised. Instead, the groundwork is being laid for another wave of right‐wing populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research and policy advice by international development organizations have, by their own account, sought to reverse a prior neglect of conditions in agriculture and rural areas. In pursuit of this, they have developed a vision of dynamic but incremental development in rural areas, anchored in a smallholder‐based and economically diversified market economy. This vision, articulated in the World Bank's 2008 World Development Report and continuing to animate research and policy advice today, presents itself as a solution to persistent poverty in the world's least developed countries. This paper adopts a historical sociological lens to use the case of Japan, in the period from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the opening decades of the twentieth, to assess how realistic this vision is. This analysis shows that the lessons of Japan's experience are chastening for this vision of rural development. The mechanisms of growth in Japan were remarkably similar to those advertised by the World Bank's vision. However, its rural economic dynamism was based on deep socioeconomic inequalities and brought improved material conditions and greater economic security to agricultural households only with excruciating slowness, if at all. Rather than demonstrating the potential of incremental, market‐oriented rural development to offer a path towards widespread poverty reduction, Japan instead serves as a warning of this development model's limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antiblackness, anti‐Black racism and other oppressions work within systems such as capitalism, white supremacy and globalization. As a system, Canadian higher education institutions are complicit with the oppression of Black, Indigenous and racialized peoples. Anti‐oppressive and antiracist pedagogies attempt to challenge institutional power and oppression but face resistance within the academy and wider society. This paper articulates Black Affirming Pedagogy as an additional anticolonial, antiracist, pro‐Black teaching praxis aimed at furthering educators' resiliencies and capacities for cultivating transformations and social change. Pro‐Black affirmations of Blackness, allyship/solidarity, humanity, diverse knowledge, and action are discussed alongside strategies for praxis. Risks of engaging in Black Affirming Pedagogy and suggestions for overcoming them are also highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A wave of urban uprisings swept the planet from 2018 to 2021, throwing protesters into violent collisions with police, confrontations fought out both in the streets and on digital platforms. This paper proposes successive cycles of digitally‐mediated social unrest are passing into a phase marked by protesters' assemblage of "riot platforms". It examines the development of such platforms by movements in France, Hong Kong, Chile, Lebanon, Ecuador and elsewhere, and the responses of a police power which is itself increasingly digitalised, examines how these contending dynamics played out in 2020 Black Lives Matter rising, discusses the alt‐right's Capitol Hill seizure as a digitally‐organised reactionary counter‐riot, and concludes by situating "riot platforms" in planet‐wide processes of political recomposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As today, it is more and more the digital that groups and amasses us, this paper turns to Sigmund Freud's Mass Psychology and the Analysis of the 'I' to address a range of questions: what is the social (the group); what is its relation to the herd (or the mass); what is an individual; what is the latter's relation to the social and/or to the mass; and what, if anything, changes on all these levels in digital times? To answer these questions, the following claims are made: psychoanalysis is not an individual psychology, psychoanalysis is not a social psychology—psychoanalysis is a mass psychology. The paper first scrutinises how Freud's subversion of the traditional question 'how does a mass become a group?' eventually positions the figure of the Leader at the junction of subjectivity and intersubjectivity. From here we move to Jacques Lacan and two of his early writings in which he tries to conceive of leaderless groups and of subjectivation beyond the reference of the Father ('Logical Time and the Assertion of Anticipated Certainty: A New Sophism' and 'British Psychiatry and the War'). On the one hand, this allows to assess the current digital massification processes. On the other hand, the fact that we conclude that psychoanalysis itself cannot offer an algorithmisable model of the becoming on (inter)subjectivity, should be our prompt to take a political stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years, scholars have directed our attention to the gender gap in domestic labour. Even when women engage in paid employment, they nevertheless perform the majority of the household labour in most wealthy countries. At the same time, disasters and crises both expose and exacerbate existing social inequalities. In this paper, we ask: in what ways has the COVID−19 pandemic contributed to the gender gap in household labour, including childcare? How do women and men feel about this gap? Using data from the Canadian Perspectives survey series (Wave 3), conducted by Statistics Canada three months into the pandemic, our analyses consider the task distribution that made household labour intensely unequal during COVID−19, with women ten times more likely than men to say childcare fell mostly on them, for example. Yet, in nearly all of our models, women did not ubiquitously report being more dissatisfied with the division of domestic tasks within the house, nor were they more likely than men to say that the household division of labour "got worse" during COVID; however, parents did feel that it got worse. We discuss what these findings mean for women's mental health, long‐term paid labour, and interpersonal power, and raise questions about why it is we are not seeing a decrease in women's reported satisfaction with this division of labour. These findings spotlight gender inequality and the family as ongoing pillars of capitalism, and how the structural and interpersonal weathering of the pandemic comes at a particularly great expense to women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time in generations prairie capitalism has come to rely on migrant labor. Specifically, a global division of labor that intersects with the constellation of Canada's foreign worker programs has shaped the contemporary political economic character of the "New Saskatchewan." These programs function to construct labour markets for growing low‐wage industries that exist alongside high‐wage resource sector employment in Western Canada. Along with these developments, the provincial government has attempted to mitigate the "unfreedom" experienced by foreign workers through the development of the Foreign Worker Recruitment and Immigration Act. The paper draws from data obtained through government access to information requests and unpacks the enforcement of migrant labor rights and efforts to confront status‐induced precarity in Saskatchewan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies insights from global value chains (GVC)/global production networks (GPN) frameworks to explore the economic geographies brought into being by digital labour platforms. In particular, these perspectives facilitate analyses of power imbalances and value extraction across territories—an under‐theorized aspect within platform studies. We theorize this dynamic by introducing the descriptor 'digital value network' (DVN): a digitally mediated nexus of platform operations that produce and distribute value between territories, on the basis of labour transactions. Empirically, we draw on a multi‐year action research project, assessing the operations of platforms and the experiences of platform workers in 54 countries. Our analysis highlights that platforms as lead firms extend GVC/GPN logics of coordination and drivenness in DVN to (i) optimize production capabilities while externalizing ownership and costs, (ii) accumulate both monetary and non‐monetary forms of value, and (iii) concentrate power at the global scale in both existing and new sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically explores the notion of academic citizenship, evaluates its importance and argues that faculty have shifted away from engaging in collegial activities to behaviour that is purposefully targeted towards the attainment of academic performance metrics. We highlight the significant implications and challenges for the academy of a gradual retreat from academic citizenship in an era characterised by academic capitalism. We argue that university management urgently need to foster a culture of collegiality that fully appreciates and nurtures academic citizenship, particularly amongst junior faculty as they represent the future of the academy. Furthermore, we call for academic citizenship activities to be explicitly recognised in academic performance metrics and workloads to facilitate prioritisation by faculty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that green growth/economy strategies directed at the global South through ideas such as the circular economy (CE) can maintain and reproduce predatory practices that aggressively exploit racialised groups, while simultaneously cannibalising their environments. These green strategies facilitate transfers of wealth from the global South to the North through new socio‐spatial frontiers for wealth creation, global South cities, and their expanding, dispossessed, unhoused, and racialised army of informal labour. Green growth/economy strategies—mechanisms that attempt to "green" capitalism—are portrayed as a chimera that can reproduce racial forms of exploitation and accumulation in discursive and material ways. Green campaigns that attempt to reconstruct notions of waste and value, and re‐imagine informal waste work as good and safe, neglect an accounting of race and the historical, political, and economic factors that make possible waste recycling as a viable economic strategy for sustainable development in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hypothesis of psychological egoism is a commonplace in disciplines like economics, psychology, and biology. As an explanatory model it includes prosocial behaviour such as providing aid for distant strangers. But the inclusion of self‐interest in humanitarian appeals can prove difficult because the moral economy of charitable work is regulated by different standards than the liberal market economy. This paper analyses the use of self‐interest in appeals for humanitarian aid during the Russian famine of 1921–23 through the lens of modern philanthropic studies, while simultaneously assessing theories of philanthropic behaviour from a historical perspective. It points out the need for the systematic inclusion of historical experience in philanthropic research and concludes that the specific conditions surrounding the international campaign favoured the widespread use of appeals to donors' self‐interest. An ideal–typical categorisation of such appeals into four groups—national, economic, group‐specific, and psychological—is proposed as an analytical tool for similar studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To problematize the idea of peasant autonomy in old capitalist societies, this paper will explore the evolution of two phenomena in present‐day France: peasantry, commonly understood as relatively autonomous small family farms that rely on subsistence farming, and the neorural movement, that is, urban‐to‐rural migration that has a counter‐cultural connotation. While peasantry is believed to be disappearing, the neorural movement is charged with "deradicalization" because it distances itself from subsistence farming. The juxtaposition of both phenomena shows that capitalism has transformed the countryside, making it difficult to live from agriculture. In old capitalist countries, peasant autonomy is no longer about subsistence farming but about achieving an economic equilibrium that increases autonomy from market pressures created by high input prices and low output values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As is well discussed in the literature, paid domestic workers become like kin through living with and caring for their employers. Exploring two disparate cases, aging Asian domestic workers in Singapore and African eldercare workers in the United States, the article focuses on two critical junctures when these kin relations are disavowed: the care worker's retirement and the death of a patient. We argue that the flexible registers of kinship that characterize care workers' relationships with their employers revert, at the end of employment, to fixed notions of kinship based on blood and marriage. These essentialist understandings of kinship arise around inheritance and the worker's care in older age and in illness, enabling employers, states, and private care agencies to avoid post‐employment obligations to domestic workers. The fluctuation between kinship‐as‐doing and kinship‐as‐essence marginalizes domestic workers in a globalized economy as disposable kin, denying their belonging as citizens or social equals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on archival research and theoretical work to articulate the specific histories, processes, and structures of primitive accumulation in British Columbia. Such processes of accumulation appear differently here than in the comparably more well‐theorized contexts of imperial colonialisms. As we highlight the agents and infrastructures of dispossession, our research also aims to foreground the importance of agents and infrastructures of resistance. Different dispossessions generate different antagonisms, and we argue that Indigenous subjects are situated antagonistically to capital not only as laborers partially or wholly subsumed into capitalist social relations, but as Indigenous peoples as such, whose Indigeneity has been 'in the way' of development from the 1850s onward. Private property requires before all else the deterritorialization of those whose relations with the land do not revolve around its commodification. Violence against Indigenous nations, and especially Indigenous women, is not incidental to capitalist development but is a prerequisite to capitalist subsumption in the settler‐colonial context. In requiring the death of either Indigeneity or the person, capital constitutes Indigenous struggle as an antagonist, interrupting both the subsumption of labor and the circulation of capital (even as such struggles may also self‐constitute themselves in a variety of ways). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capitalism is an immense machine for churning out surplus life. Its long war of enclosure has captured, controlled, and pauperised human life, and laid waste to nonhuman life. This paper argues that surplus populations—people rendered as economically redundant—are central to the future politics of our planet. Yet the ruling classes still fight to preserve capitalism in all its horror: "you must work, even if there are no jobs!" How we diagnose this dilemma is a vital task of our age. We respond with a beyond‐capitalist politics that challenges centuries of capitalist world‐alienation, pauperism, and indignity. We present a radical alternative, centred on the interlocking ideas of alter‐worlds, alter‐work, and alter‐politics. Each is based on building, sustaining, and connecting new spaces of geographic justice and autonomy for all. We must make the end of capitalism easier to imagine than the end of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of institutions in regional industrial dynamics has been a long‐lasting issue in economic geography and regional studies. This paper seeks to examine this issue in the context of transitional economies, where the market economy is embryonic, by using China as an example. Specifically, we examine how regional industrial dynamics have been shaped by China's peculiar institutional context in general and by its new round of economic reform in particular. One key part of the new reform is the establishment of administrative approval centers (AACs) to streamline official procedures that regulate business start‐ups and existing business. Empirical results show that the establishment of AACs has boosted new industry creations. However, in the first 3 years after the establishment of AACs, the effect of AACs on new industry creation is not evident and becomes significant afterwards. Furthermore, the effect varies across regions and industries. It is especially evident in less marketized cities. Labor‐intensive industries benefit more from the establishment of AACs than do capital‐intensive industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In evaluating the contributions to this issue, this chapter questions the predictable co‐occurrence of cities with markets and states, a long‐held position in western social theory. However, an extreme relativism is also flawed, and the projection of anti‐capitalist fantasies on past, other peoples have equally distorted interpretations of the archaeological record and blinded researchers to the reality of market economies in societies including the Maya. Ultimately, the power of the comparative method entails more than the identification of commonalities between different market traditions. It can also serve to illuminate how market economics were embedded in distinct cultural, ideological, and material worlds. Calculating self‐interest, supply‐and‐demand, and impersonal exchange do not operate according to a single behavioral logic but are shaped by ideologies of identity and desire specific to distinct regimes of value. Therefore, attention to the cultural and spatial context of economic transactions—in the original spirit of Polanyi—remains indispensable to interpreting how markets may have shaped historically particular constructions of personhood, community, inequality, place, and the ontological status of commodities. In the end, I argue that archaeologists also need to investigate the political affordances of markets as specific urban places and not simply as epiphenomena to a priori political or economic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polanyi's categorical models of exchange systems (reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange) have provided a powerful tool for characterizing ancient (and modern) economies. While such models are useful in some respects, they obscure variations within each economic system and similarities between different systems. This chapter explores different dimensions of exchange, including market exchange, as a methodological framework for assessing the nature of exchange systems. Then, it examines the nexus of economy and social relations and provides a more nuanced understanding of the variations and commonalities of economic systems using a case study from Teotihuacan, the capital of a regional state in pre‐Contact Mesoamerica (150–600 CE). [exchange, market economy, Polanyi, consumption approach] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of Teotihuacan in the first millennium CE entailed the development of an extensive, dynamic, and multifaceted economic system. Teotihuacan's economy likely included forms of market exchange, making it an important case study for research concerning the origins of market economies. The settings in which goods changed hands and the social significance of economic interactions are not well understood, however. Here, I discuss how contexts of exchange may be reconstructed through the study of domestic artifacts. I focus on ceramics associated with Teotihuacan's neighborhoods and outlying communities, emphasizing recent data from settlements south of the capital. Compositional analyses are important for tracing exchange networks; macroscopic analyses of assemblage content and stylistic variation are also needed to estimate the scales at which goods circulated and to comprehend the social aspects of economic transactions. Finally, I consider the diverse kinds of physical settings in which market exchange may have occurred. Tendencies to view marketplaces primarily as large, architecturally formal, permanent, and centrally located may constrain our ability to identify and assess the significance of those that were small, informal, and situated within communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]