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This special edition introduces eight papers at the intersection of design, oppression, and liberation. These papers refer to social structure as a common leverage point to criticize and transform different oppression relations, namely racism, gender, marginalization, epistemic injustice, and colonization. The contributions follow recent moves in social movements and social sciences that recognize that tackling different oppression relations enables seeing oppressive structures more clearly. Nurturing solidarity bonds across different oppression struggles becomes an urgent task in this new field of research we call Oppression Studies of Design. Building upon anti-colonial views on oppression, this field connects design research with the history of changing social structures through liberation struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the discursive strategies used by #EndSARS protesters in their tweets and Facebook comments to construct SARS officers, hold the Nigerian government accountable and demand social change. Informed by social media critical discourse analysis (SMCDA) and social movement theory, the analysis revealed three strategies: constructing SARS as oppressors, representing the Nigerian government as insensitive and issuing a clarion call for action. The analysis shows that these strategies enabled the protesters to construct the victim-aggressor categorisation, thereby legitimising their resistance to police brutality and demand for change. The study also highlights how the protesters deployed local linguistic resources and ideologies to appeal to the emotions of other Nigerians to join the protest. The study demonstrates how digital political mobilisation can galvanise reform in Nigeria, where leaders and law enforcement agencies are held accountable for their (in)actions. This study contributes to the developing interdisciplinary studies on SMCDA and digital activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the cultural dynamics underpinning platformization by unpacking the emergence of the sharing economy—a vital terrain of platformization—as a culturally significant category. Drawing on online archival data, our study reveals the important role of social movement organizations (SMOs) in establishing the sharing economy as a prominent cultural category and infusing it with powerful social meanings. We outline the discursive strategies used by SMOs to articulate this macro-market category, and to frame platform technology as a benevolent enabler of social change. Our study contributes to platformization research by turning attention to how cultural dynamics (i.e., the discursive strategies giving rise to the emergence of sharing economy) shape platformization. In addition, we contribute to market system dynamic research by expanding the focus of investigation from singular industries to the macro economy level, shedding light on new discursive dynamics (e.g., discursive strategies for articulating and technologizing the emergent economy), and by the extending previous work on the role of SMOs and social movements in market shaping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social innovation (SI) continues to raise interest among scholars and policymakers, as a potential panacea for social disenfranchisement and civic dysfunction. What is troubling is diverse perspectives of SI abound, creating inconsistencies in methodological approaches which confound theory development. This paper clarifies that discussion by considering the locus of initiation and locus of benefit as informing characteristics that differentiate grounded social innovation from other types of well-recognized socially beneficent endeavors. The notion of 'from community e for community' is presented to aid understanding of the unique nature of authentically grounded social innovation. This paper is significant as it presents a practical approach to help researchers and practitioners consider where opportunities for targeted policy support, institutional involvement, and agency action can aid community development and wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although culturally oriented consumer research has examined the impact of consumer movements and consumer activism on lifestyle and group consumption, the interrelationships between consumer culture theory and new social movements has remained unexplored. Contrasting and critically discussing the activities and aims of consumer and new social movements, this study indicates that new social movements have both a subtle and direct impact upon the central theoretical pillars of Consumer Culture Theory. Exploring two urban social movements, as mini-case studies, this paper shows and critically discusses how protesters' activities shaped a) spaces of marketplace cultures, b) consumer ideology and c) the macro-institutions that influence consumption. The findings can prompt scholars to rethink and re-imagine CCT through the prism of politics and collective demands for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the #MeToo social movement begun in 2017 raised awareness around sexual violence and its role in masculinity, its larger impact on masculine ideology is difficult to gauge. Employing an ideologically rich genre--the covers of men's lifestyle magazines-- and concepts from Rhetorical Genre Studies (RGS), this paper investigates #MeToo's impact on the (re)production of masculinity in the genre, further considering the extent to which social movements and the resulting public anxiety can impact ideological (re)production in genres. Comparing covers from before and after #MeToo, this paper argues that patterns in the genre represent a sidestepping of the issues raised by #MeToo and a covert resistance to the movement rather than a fundamental shift in American masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Anti-Extradition Bill protests in 2019 culminated in an unprecedented level of violence that departed from the established peaceful social struggles in Hong Kong. This paper examines the evolution of protest repertoires by analysing the interactions between protesters and state actors on a local and global scale. A dataset is presented to show the type, frequency and distribution of tactics. This paper reveals that structural and cultural changes as well as activists' cognitive, affective and relational transformations at the micro- and meso-levels were pertinent to tactical radicalization. Cognitively, militant tactics were pragmatic responses to state-sponsored violence and police violence. They were also the affective outcomes of grief and anger. These processes were intertwined with the relational dynamics that advocated horizontal mobilization and that shaped, and were shaped by, the political-economic interactions between China and the West. The result was an extensive use of violent tactics alongside innovations in non-violent tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the literature concerning Marx's Capital II, the question of its systematic connection with Capital I has received limited attention. The present paper is an attempt to fill this gap. Tracing the widening contradictions between capital as it manifests itself in circulation and capital in production, as well as between the total social capital and individual capital, contradictions that transpire as the investigation of the process of production of capital unfolds throughout Capital I, the paper shows that their solution depends on research proceeding forwards from production to the realm of circulation. This already provides a subjective justification for the transition between Capital I and II, but it does not yet grasp the actual necessity that capital itself follows as the actual subject of the movement of our present process of metabolism as human beings. The paper then goes beyond that subjective point of view to show why and how capital necessarily prompts itself forward from the realm of production into the cycle which constitutes the circulation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social structure of an animal population can often influence movement and inform researchers on a species' behavioral tendencies. Animal social networks can be studied through movement data; however, modern sources of data can have identification issues that result in multiply-labeled individuals. Since all available social movement models rely on unique labels, we extend an existing Bayesian hierarchical movement model in a way that makes use of a latent social network and accommodates multiply-labeled movement data (MLMD). We apply our model to drone-measured movement data from Risso's dolphins (Grampus griseus) and estimate the effects of sonar exposure on the dolphins' social structure. Our proposed framework can be applied to MLMD for various social movement applications. Supplementary materials accompanying this paper appear online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the question of transcending reactiveness in social movements. By analyzing the square movements, it teases out three ideas with which the movements engaged in theory and practice: (1) refusal, (2) destituent power and (3) creative resistance. These concepts did not operate as part of an explicit ideology but were rather enacted in the encampments, public assemblies and protest actions. Philosophy drew from practice. The first two concepts (refusal and destituent power) have been salient subjects of debate in the square movements and similar movements of resistance in the last twenty years. However, creative resistance is the least documented of the three, and I argue that it is the key to transcend the reactive stagnation (the "anti" stage) that social movements often face. The paper explores the question of how to escape the trap of shaping movements of resistance in function of the powers that are being contested. Going further, it analyzes the role of affirmative personal transformation and everyday life politics in social change. It draws from a two-year fieldwork and participation in the square movements (in Barcelona, New York, Paris, Montreal and Mexico City) and engages with texts and debates on the movements. It contextualizes these debates - historically and philosophically - in order to draw lessons for future social struggles. The square movements showed the importance of outrage as a triggering factor for social struggles, but also raised questions about the dangers (and ultimate futility) of dwelling in reactiveness. The article proposes that striving for creativity and engaging in proactive experimentation could be crucial attitudes to go beyond the sole acknowledgement of injustice. Ten years after the coming about of the square movements and with the prevalent culture of reactiveness and outrage, these questions are more important than ever in contemporary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why develop leaders? What politics are implicit in our practice? This paper uses the history and practice of Popular Education as a comparative framework to survey the politics of intentional emergence leadership pedagogy, surfacing potential alliances for building social change movements. Using a case analysis, the article elucidates the ways the classroom embodies an opportunity to explore and enact a prefigurative politics of significant social change that upends traditional relationships to authority, hierarchy, and decision‐making. Exploring the opportunities and dangers of connecting the classroom to broader social movements, the article concludes by advocating that such connections could offer a firmer and more explicit stance to the question: why develop leaders? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This research explores how protest events can change and develop over time, through an analysis of stakeholder perceptions of the EXIT festival in Serbia. In doing this, it builds on previous research into protest events from a critical events studies perspective and has implications for the management and understanding of events linked to social movements. Design/methodology/approach: This research took a neo-institutionalist perspective and is based on 18 stakeholder interviews, which were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis. Purposive sampling in the highly-networked city of Novi Sad, Serbia, allowed for the inclusion of diverse participants from politics, NGOs, media and the festival itself. Findings: The findings reveal that the EXIT festival has departed significantly from its original protest roots. Although it is now perceived as part of the dominant political culture in Serbia, it still has the potential to campaign on issues of relevance to the region, which is unrealised. This research demonstrates that the neo-institutionalist perspective can offer fresh insights for research into protest events. Taking this perspective suggests practical implications for the managers of events with protest roots and for social movements seeking to use protestival-style methods to achieve social change. Originality/value: This paper provides a new theoretical perspective on protest events and proposes a new model that can be used in future research into protest events that persist over time. It also suggests implications for the management and development of protest events within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a type of written discourse without guaranteed readership and response, protest graffiti nonetheless projects a participation framework in which protesters address different participants, including not only the government but also other potential 'participants' in the social/cultural/political context. This paper studies a dataset of graffiti associated with a protest movement in Macao, China. A survey of the longitudinal data reveals that the contents and visual representation of the graffiti have changed to reflect evolving participation frameworks which are in response to different stages of social movements. While graffiti in earlier stages tends to be more accusatory and anti-governmental, graffiti in later stages shows a shift of protesters' position more in alignment with patriotism and allegiance to authority. Instead of presenting views competing with mainstream political discourse, our data, with their multimodal resources, draw heavily on Chinese cultural discourses which are supposedly shared among the protesters and addressees in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many view cancellation as a method for holding influential personalities accountable for bad behavior, while others think cancelling amounts to censorship and bullying. I hold that neither of these accounts are worth pursuing, especially if the aim is social progress. In this paper, I offer a situated account of cancellation and cancel culture, locating the phenomenon in our exclusionary history while examining the social dynamics of belief. When we situate cancel culture, we can see how problematic instances of cancelling are embedded in ignorance. While combatting ignorance appears to call for a remedy rooted in feminist standpoint epistemology, there are risks in adopting naive practices of deference. Applying criticisms of epistemic injustice and adopting Táíwò's elite capture framework, I explain how well-intentioned cancelling can work against social movements. Since epistemic trust mechanisms discourage self-reflection and belief revision, the relevant tactics for enacting social change—coalition politics and education—seem out of reach. I conclude by sketching cancel culture as a diagnostic tool: cancellation can be used appropriately in marginalized communities, but when it comes to combatting ignorance among privileged folks, we should view cancel culture as a method for determining where our social institutions are failing us. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As social entrepreneurship gains maturity, research has begun to explore the less alluring aspects of the field, including the heroic stance of social entrepreneurs, the assumed moral superiority of their intentions, and the misleading emphasis on solutionism. In this paper, we explore a central component of this criticism, which is the construction of un-realistic venture ideas in social entrepreneurs' pitches for social change. We analysed social venture business plans and the written feedback provided by judges during a social venture competition, and we used speech act theory to analyse the claims and promises triggering judges' disbelief. We discovered three linguistic artefacts that underlie the construction of un-realistic venture ideas in social entrepreneurship, which we label holism, devotion, and enlightenment. While these artefacts trigger disbelief, they also play an expressive role as they channel both contestation and dreams. We leverage magical realism to forward an alternative explanation of how venture ideas in social entrepreneurship can act as a cultural form of social protest, which can be seen as a historically contingent, modern revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is no shortage of sociological research that explores the successes and failures of various sport-related social movements. However, a more capacious approach to understanding the significance of sport-related social movements, their imaginative actions and collective labor, and their impacts on social change, is one that shifts its focus away from binary categories of "success" and "failure". In this paper, we explore the formation of the short-lived Edmonton Community Benefits Coalition, which emerged in 2016 to oppose the lack of a legally binding Community Benefits Agreement associated with a new publicly financed National Hockey League arena in Edmonton's gentrifying city center, an area of spatially concentrated racialized poverty. Drawing from our ethnographic research, we examine how coalition members engaged in the collective labor of building solidarity, including the collaborative development of political strategies, while recognizing that the odds of successfully penetrating neoliberal capital and municipal governance were virtually impossible. Finally, given that the coalition ultimately "failed" to secure more significant institutional impacts, we offer an analysis of how this failure engendered several effects, including the cultivation of new relationships and political strategies in the ongoing struggle against gentrification and its related displacements in Edmonton, Alberta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth have been, and continue to be, at the forefront of radical positive social change that advances the human condition. Historically major social movements seeking change, equality, and social justice have been driven by youth. The role of youth in facilitating social change is particularly relevant today more than half of the world's population is currently under 25, and a third under 15. While some see this "youth bulge" demographic as uninformed and vulnerable to extremism and exploitation, we reject this deficit model and see them as a population capable of, and already engaging in, transformational social thought and action. This paper argues that the broad field of youth engagement would benefit from examining youth contributions to upholding or challenging the social status quo through varying forms of civic engagement. We seek to guide research and practice in ways to distinguish types of youth engagement to better reflect its potential for positive change. Therefore, this article does three things: (1) distinguishes regimented and radical youth involvement from extremism; (2) distinguishes the contexts and environments where regimented and radical engagement operate; and (3) provides a conceptual framework to study and apply the key aspects of both, radical and regimented, youth engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources. The 2019 election was the first national legislative election to be held after Indonesia's new disability law was passed in 2016, and many more people with a disability competed than in it compared to previous elections. Most candidates who ran did not have any previous experience running for public office, but the majority did have experience with disability activism. Candidates were motivated to run for office to build on the previous successes of the disability movement, to make sure people with disability had a voice within parliament and to use the electoral campaign to raise awareness about disability rights within the community. Candidates with a disability struggled with physical accessibility, social stigma, and costs during campaigning. Ultimately, it was the skills, networks and resources that candidates previously acquired through their links with the disability movement that helped them to negotiate these limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we reflect on the creativity and social change nexus in urban Poland by focusing on the recent religion-linked materialities in Kraków. Such materialities, or religious icons, are directly involved with transformations and the emergence of a new type of Polish civil society and activism. Therefore, we elaborate on the notion of religious icons involved in the recent re-emergence of the protest culture in Poland. We reframe them in terms of powerful socio-religious mediators that open the way to re-imagining and claiming new (re)configurations between social and religious fields in Poland. We acknowledge the role played by affective, creative, and semantic modalities of aesthetics vis-à-vis social change and suggest rethinking the link between creativity and religion, which we consider emblematic of current epistemologies of post-secular urbanities in Poland. We claim that the religion-creativity nexus should be included in the analytical framework examining contemporary developments of Polish civil society in general and social movements in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on some specific features of animation–anthropomorphism, animated space, and plasmaticness – this article is a textual analysis from an ecocritical viewpoint on Academy Award-winning animated short films (1939–2019). It examines how these films have represented the relationship between human and nature over the past 90 years. The aim of this paper is to contribute to our understanding of changes in people's attitudes towards nature as represented in popular culture. Linking changes in representation to the analyzed animations' historical-cultural context, three eras of animated shorts can be distinguished. Findings indicate that changes related to social and environmental movements, as well as changes in the structure of the animation industry are shaping shifts in representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research article is devoted to the exploration of women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society. The exploration of the current situation of the women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society includes two components. Firstly, through an analysis of documents (the Soviet state’s first codes of different years), the study examines the evolution of the women's rights protection social movement from the Soviet Union. This investigation illustrates how the Soviet Union’s political system had formed and shaped the women’s movement, which also affected the further development of the movement in modern Armenian society. Secondly, this research paper is based on an analysis of 34 in-depth interviews performed in Yerevan city from 2020-2023, with informants engaged in different types of women’s rights protection activism during the last 20 years in Armenian society. Information gathered from interviews allowed us to split the history of the development of the movement into two time-lapses in modern Armenian society. Triangulation of qualitative document analysis and in-depth interviews, equally contributed to the understanding of the main features of the women’s rights protection social movement as a whole social phenomenon in Armenian modern society. One of the key findings of the research is that despite the existence of diverse groups of women’s rights protection activists and just individuals coping with social system gender inequalities, there is difficulties in establishing social movement in modern Armenian society. The most prevailing definitions of social movements assume non-institutionalized collective actions with a clear set of goals. Instead, what currently exists in modern Armenian society is a form of street activism organized by efforts of different institutionalized organizations, where people engage in sporadic protests to raise awareness about gender issues and gender inequality. The paper also sheds light on social obstacles that prevent the initiative from becoming an institutionalized social movement for women’s rights protection in Armenia. The main social-cultural obstacles can be seen as a combination of factors including the absence of a general feminist agenda, lack of structural strain pushing for mobilization and social conservatism, etc.

This paper examines the multi-actor making of the ruralscape in Hong Kong. I critically adopt the theoretical framework of Ingold's concepts of walking to understand how different "wayfarers", including but not limited to farmers, residents, land activists, agriculture learners, researchers, journalists, leisure practitioners and government officials, walk to make a multi-sensorial landscape. This paper encapsulates the observation outcomes of multiple times of walking by different individuals and groups recorded during my ethnographic fieldwork between 2008 and 2021. I shed light on the local practices and perspectives of hang cyun (walking in villages) and hang tin (walking in fields) to illustrate my observations. By analyzing the wayfarers' walking experiences and embodied movements, I consider the ruralscape as a vibrant space where people configure its meanings and materialize their lifestyle. The wayfarers' embodied experiences reflect the continuity and changes of a rural Hong Kong. Their making of ruralscape helps alleviate people's anxiety and enhance people's hope concerning the current Hong Kong society that faces food safety issues, environmental degradation, social class disparity and spoon-feeding education. I consider that being an agent who exercises his/her subjectivity during the walking in the ruralscape, a wayfarer makes the ruralscape meaningful in various aspects. My explanation contributes to the theoretical discussion of embodied movement and space making particular to the construction of a politicized nature telling us stories of (in)equality, (in)justice, and hope (lessness). • Walking is a political and socio-economic process that produces a multi-sensorial ruralscape. • Embodied movement and space making alleviates anxiety and enhances hope in rural Hong Kong. • Actor-actant interactions in Hong Kong's ruralscape entails stories of (in)equality, (in)justice, and hope (lessness). • People configure meanings and materialize lifestyle in walking in villages and fields. • Wayfarers's experiences reflect the continuity and changes of social movement, education, and agro-economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between online civic participation and their real-life civic participation among Hong Kong young people. Online participation and social media were found to be conducive for possibilities of civic engagement among young people. Hong Kong saw several big social movements in recent years, and the wide participation of young people has caught worldwide attention. There are speculations that online civic participation has led to their real-life participation. Attempting to explore this question, this study utilized a validated questionnaire to investigate the relationship between online and offline civic participation among 1,057 Hong Kong young people in 2020, when the mass participation in the anti-extradition bill was just over. The result found that internet political activism and online critical perspective have a possible statistically significant effect on young people's interest in politics, interest for social and civic participation, off-line citizenship self-efficacy, and active participation for social change. Generally speaking, this study confirmed online civic participation has an effect on offline civic participation, though young people tend to engage themselves online rather real-life participation. Our findings also support the correlation between youth's offline and online civic participation. Other emergent social and education questions such as digital citizenship education can be followed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista FORUM is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik is the property of Waxmann Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iniciação Científica Cesumar is the property of Iniciacao Científica Cesumar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contentiousness of markets has recently been assessed by the social movements literature. Activists can use a broad range of tactics to compel corporations to change their practices. This paper examines the outcomes of this contentiousness. It draws on an empirical study of a disruptive tactic used by anti-corporate activists: the shame-on-you prize. I propose to adopt an economic sociological perspective to understand the mechanisms by which social movement organizations seek to undermine the values that underpin the economic order. Activists provide new categories for valuating economic activities that challenge the existing ones. Social movement organizations legitimate these valuations as coming from civil society and reflecting public expectations about what should count in valuations of economic activities. As such, they may encourage public decision-makers to undertake regulatory action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims the viability of building an ecological citizenship, understood as a response to the environmental crisis, a product of the advance of symbols of the instrumental rationality of modernity. The confluence of diverse theoretical, cultural, educational, philosophical and social movements gave rise to the emergence of a political ecology, which was built on the utilitarian foundations established by Western logos, while allowing a holistic, complex and heterogeneous understanding of relationality man/naturalness. However, the environmental problem was not resolved with the political emergence of ecology; it required entering into sustainable development, with the presence of an ecological citizenry, whose fines are placed on the responsibility and active role of the citizen in favor of the environment, to the communities in the processes of transformation of society. However, to consolidate this proposal, it cannot be achieved without environmental education, thought, in the bureaucratic terms of the academy, as a life training, which must be carried out from birth to death, promoting axiological training and a culture sustained, fair and sustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details three developments of the last decade that have had significant effects on the cultural status and sociopolitical functioning of sport in the United States: (1) an unprecedented wave of sport-based protest and athlete activism; (2) new norms and conventions in the sporting establishment for dealing with athletic protest and social issues, especially with respect to media coverage and commentary; and (3) recent Right-wing ethnonationalist engagements with sport, including targeted criticism of both activist athletes and sport as well as populist mobilizations around sport. I summarize these developments and argue that they have made social issues in, and the symbolic significance of, sport more explicit, contested, and polarized than in earlier eras. This new era of contestation and polarization, in turn, has destabilized longstanding cultural norms and ideals about sport and its relationship to politics and social change. While questions remain about how lasting these changes will be, I suggest these new conditions and the cultural politics that come with them call for a reinvigorated critical, dramaturgical theory of sport—one which sees sport as a site of ongoing social struggle that has public meaning and symbolic significance well beyond the boundaries of sport itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements like BLM and Rhodes Must Fall have recently re-emphasized the need for "working through" our collective past. I argue that we must be careful to distinguish two distinct and sometimes conflicting understandings of what it means to work through the past. An "idealist" understanding which sees "working through" as a process of self-enlightenment and moral learning through uncovering and acknowledging past moral failures and incorporating them into our collective self-image. The "materialist paradigm", in contrast, understands "working through" as a process of uncovering the ways in which the structural causes of past moral catastrophe have endured into the present. It rejects idealist calls for reconciliation with the past and present and aims at the negative goal of preventing future moral catastrophe through changing tainted social structures. I argue, finally, that effective processes of working through the past have to engage in both idealist myth-building and materialist deconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has demonstrated ways in which community events help to establish age-friendly community initiatives and strengthen their impact. We extend these insights by discussing how the design and implementation of a statewide event – the New Jersey Age-Friendly Virtual Fair – exemplifies this practice theory and extends its applicability beyond local community development toward broader state-level age-friendly ecosystems. We describe how events that are deliberately multi-organizational, multi-sectoral, and multi-level can help to further propel the Age-Friendly Movement toward systems change for aging in community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements, NGOs and other political actors often mobilise the law for social change. Strategic litigation and collective legal mobilisation can be key instruments to face current political challenges like the climate crisis, human rights violations against refugees or the exploitation of workers along global supply chains. Although these struggles are framed by a societal context and have impacts on the political and juridical fields, the literature about legal mobilisation still does not decidedly engage with a social-theory-based perspective on such struggles. By developing the concept of legal struggles, the article proposes a conceptual framework to analyse both the ambivalence and the emancipatory potential of progressive struggles in the juridical field. Critical Theory, Materialist Theory and the Theory of Social Fields by Pierre Bourdieu are combined to investigate the specific form of collective legal struggles carried out in this arena. We examine repertoires and strategies of collective actors as well as the emancipatory potential of these mobilisation strategies. Our conclusions point to the structural distinctions and selectivities which define the juridical field in capitalist societies and also the conditions of possibility of political struggles using the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements challenge incumbents and drive institutional change by introducing market alternatives—new products and organizational forms that embody an alternative institutional logic. Research has shown that in response to market alternatives, incumbents resist through heterogeneous behaviors: incumbents maintain their commitment to the dominant logic, effectively marginalizing challengers, while also ostensibly endorsing the alternative logic and often successfully coopting challengers. Although incumbents' strategic responses to pioneering market alternatives are well documented, we do not know how their heterogeneous behaviors affect new waves of challenger mobilization and how these mobilizations may differently address the hazards of cooptation and marginalization. We investigate the rise of the B Corp (Certified B Corporation) movement against the backdrop of both ongoing shareholder supremacy and rising corporate social responsibility (CSR) among incumbent corporations. Our multi-method, multi-stage investigation reveals that heterogeneous incumbent behaviors encourage new waves of challenger mobilization by seeding divergent mobilizing frames. This variety can lead to a paradoxical form of mobilization in which challengers dynamically balance the tension between their movements' focus on expansion and purity, rather than prioritizing one over the other. The B Corp movement demonstrates how achieving this balance may help challengers avoid cooptation or marginalization, sustain their challenge against incumbents, and achieve more-transformative change. For incumbents, our findings show that both resistance to and the ostensible embrace of alternative logics may stave off immediate challenges but can also invigorate future challenges that pose substantive threats to the dominant logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, the capitalist statist system has engulfed the planet as a whole. There are fundamental ecological, economical and socio-political contradictions and antagonisms. At each frontier, the apparatuses of big money and capital have hit a threshold. In the process the two driving forces of life, human-activity and nature, are exploited and exhausted to a catastrophic end. Despite this, the collective labour, thought and desire to regulate or cease the system is at odds with the power and the persistent subjective and objective violence of this structure. A precursory look at the composition of the collective consciousness and condition of humanity demonstrates this. It seems the political spirit of our world, directed by or corrupted by property owners and hoarders of power, is split between a sharp antagonistic duality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Gayatri Spivak's journey of subalternity, demonstrating the empirical and sociological salience of this category beyond its theoretical and epistemic features, by highlighting its potential for increasing our understanding of society and bringing about social change. This argument contests assumptions in the literature about an epistemic/empirical fracture in Spivak's work, recasting her theoretical frameworks as sociologically relevant. Moreover, it demonstrates that this sociological reading, although it goes 'against the grain' of Spivak's own reticence about understanding subalternity sociologically, is well-founded: the theoretical-epistemic aspects of Spivak's subalternity contribute to analyses about the situation of subaltern groups under colonialism and neoliberal globalisation and the means by which that subordination can be challenged. This illustrates that her conceptions of subalternity maintain sociological specificity vis-a-vis vague characterisations of subordination (e.g. oppression). Spivak's later reflections on subalternity then grapple with the sociological deadlocks of her early approach: the disentanglement between subalternity and class exploitation. Her work thus delineates an explanatory matrix, interweaving sociological, philosophical and literary tools to explore entangled aspects of the subaltern condition. This systematic reading of Spivak's approach expands and contests current scholarship, highlighting its sociologically compelling aspects and indicating the analytical and transformative potential of her matrix for future sociological debates on subalternity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement organisations and unions can be spaces of transformative learning in which organisers research, debate, create, and put into action frameworks for social change. In this article, I engage with themes from Aziz Choudry's writings to explore learning and knowledge-making within and through the United Caucuses of Rank-and-File Educators (UCORE) network. This network has brought together organisers from nearly thirty social justice caucuses from across the United States, fuelling the development of contemporary educator movements. Drawing on over five years of research as a movement ethnographer, I argue that informal and non-formal processes of learning and knowledge production drive the growth of the UCORE network and, with it, broader educator movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, emerging digital technologies have created spaces for youth-led activism to flourish across the world. These spaces have facilitated civic engagement and bottom-up political participation from children and young people that are grounded in their specific interests and needs. Since the participatory practices granted by digital activism have been at the core of how younger generations are fighting for and advancing social change, it is essential for development education (DE) to explore the pedagogical possibilities of this particular type of participation. This article analyses youth-led mobilisations in Brazil connected to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and their corresponding social media activity as a way to explore digital activism experiences and practices. The mobilisation is the Brazilian school occupations under the hashtag #OccupaTudo and #EscolasEmLuta that address SDG 4 Quality Education. Through a digital ethnography that explores the social media discussions associated with this movement and what can be perceived as the lack of long term impact, the article demonstrates the relevance of political action as a pedagogy and a tool for teaching children and young people about their rights, how to uphold them and how to overcome existing barriers for their civic engagement and participation. Building upon Hannah Arendt's theory of action, the article proposes an approach to digital political action as pedagogy and not only as an expected outcome for development education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the uptake of social justice and climate change as focal issues among the largest U.S. environmental nonprofits. We use 2016 Internal Revenue Service (IRS) filings to identify 5,413 large environmental nonprofits of which 8% attend to issues of climate and 10% to issues of social justice. Larger organizations are more likely to attend to issues of climate change and social justice, as are groups founded more recently. Latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modeling of organizational mission statements and descriptions of major activities is used to assign groups to six distinct issue categories. Results highlight the divide between wildlife groups that are decidedly unlikely to attend to issues of either climate or justice, and the rest of the national environmental movement. Energy and natural resource groups, while strongly vested in climate issues, rarely attend to social justice. These findings have clear implications for climate and justice advocates seeking change in the environmental advocacy sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It remains to be seen whether the American Psychological Association's new apology and resolutions on racism will help redress longstanding inequities in the field. To be sure, critiques of psychological science vis-à-vis racism have been around for decades, despite being ignored by psychological science, even when spoken by Dr. King—in his profound meditation on science, psychology, and racism in a speech delivered to the APA—or by psychiatrist Frantz Fanon—who has had a foundational influence on the broader history of anti-racism scholarship but remains relatively disregarded in his own psy-fields. This article addresses the viewpoints of these and other people of color on psychological science, which have yet to be adequately incorporated into the perspectives of psychological science. We also address traditions of communities of color that have become absorbed or consumed by psychological science but often after their cultural and historical origins are erased, like Buddhism. We locate these racial and scientific dynamics, and associated patterns of neglect and erasure, within a longstanding aversion in and by psychological science—here understood as a collective actor unto itself—to perspectives of people of color. Consequently, the promise not only of diversity, but of desegregation, has yet to be fulfilled within psychology. We conclude by discussing the psychosocial power of social movements—including South Africa's apartheid-related Truth and Reconciliation process as personally experienced by our second author—to suggest elements of pathways forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What characterizes the administrators (or admins) of social media groups dedicated to social change and protest against institutional injustices? The article analyses the characteristics of such admins using the activism for justice for Roman Zadorov in Israel as a case study. The findings demonstrate a phenomenon of 'ad-hoc activism': The background of the admins is heterogeneous, with most having no history of activism before their involvement in the activism for justice for Zadorov. In addition, these admins have negligible involvement other activism causes – they gather 'ad hoc' only through justice for Zadorov activism. The socio-demographic and other characteristics of the admins are discussed. Implications regarding the character of contemporary online activism and of the people leading it are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is increasingly being used by academics to address urban health and inequity. While its foundational literature emphasizes CBPR's role in eschewing the traditional balance of power between communities and institutions, some scholars and grassroots activists note that it has not consistently delivered community-led, action-oriented strategies. Here we examine gaps between theory and current practice of CBPR. First, we assess its fundamental practices through social movement theory. Second, we examine narratives from grassroots leaders who have utilized CBPR in their environmental justice efforts. Three key facilitating factors are often cited for authentic applications of CBPR: (1) grounding research within community-specific opportunities for change, (2) collaborating with a strong community partner, and (3) facilitating flexibility in research processes. Building on previous scholarship, we investigate the complexity of CBPR implementation that may dampen its potency as a social change strategy and highlight the need for nuanced and critical application of best practices to suit local contexts. This is accomplished by pairing the theoretical framework with the experiences of four community leaders who are members of the Moving Forward Network (MFN). Narratives from their experiences with partnering with academic institutions speak to how theoretical complexities with CBPR occur in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Following the landmark Urgenda case, European social movements and legal networks have increasingly turned to courts to compel governments to more ambitious mitigation policies. The rapid proliferation of Urgenda‐like cases in the most diverse European jurisdictions, makes a compelling case to investigate the motivations and goals animating European climate litigators, especially when facing high legal barriers. While timely legal analyses of high‐profile climate litigation abound in the literature, an emerging body of research has focused on the genesis of climate cases , their strategies, and societal impacts. To contribute to this latter thread, the article investigates how legal barriers and considerations, and social movements' motivations and goals,have shaped a diverse range of legal strategies in high‐profile climate lawsuits inspired by Urgenda in Europe. The article shows that courts might turn into very different arenas to pursue social change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the legal system and tradition they refer to, but also their vision and objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the linguistic innovation and phrase overtourism was used in an online news report to describe excessive tourism in Iceland in 2016, legacy and social media soon following with in-depth articles and visual representations of perceived excessive tourism in other locations around the world. Given the growing calls for action on overtourism, this study takes a social network analysis (SNA) approach, using a network analysis and visualization software package called NodeXL Pro, to better understand the 10,325 tweets which used the hashtag 'overtourism' between July 2013 and September 2020. By exploring central users, conversation starters, gatekeepers and influencers, the analysis indicates that an ad hoc network was built around #overtourism on twitter. The analysis indicates that this network is held together by a small number of experts, who play a key role in presenting, distributing and circulating information about this controversial topic. While the studies practical contribution is the use of NodeXL Pro for advanced social media network analysis, the findings also indicate that the ability of these experts to influence perceptions of overtourism inside and outside twitter will depend on whether it can engage broader publics as the tourism sector recovers from a global pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local food movements rely on engaged farmers, gardeners, and shoppers to challenge the conventional food system through consumer-based tactics by advocating food systems change to reduce social injustice and environmental harm. While much literature engages in debate over the efficacy of such "lifestyle movements" to effect change, little analysis to date considers the rationale for and contexts in which lifestyle politics are used as an approach to address the socio-ecological impacts of conventional food production and consumption. Using interview data and participant observation collected from 57 leaders in eat-local initiatives in three Canadian cities, we analyze why leaders in the movement rely on consumer-based strategies to both initiate and sustain engagement from actors that might not otherwise engage in social movement mobilizations for food system change. We found that many "eat-local" leaders are aware of the political limitations of shopping for change tactics, but withhold explicit critiques of power in the food system from public debate. They do so in order to maintain a perception of optimism that they perceive as central to maintaining and increasing engagement of consumer actors in eat-local initiatives. This study advances research on informal participation in food movements by demonstrating how convivial engagement at the everyday level can sustain political participation and simultaneously obscure critical political talk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research examined the perspectives of both White and Black racial justice activists on the roles of White allies in the struggle for justice for Black people in the United States. Study 1 used Q methodology, a mixed‐methods approach, which identified four distinct perspectives about the role of White allies from a sample of activists (33 White and 22 Black Americans): (1) mobilize to support Black leadership, (2) interpersonal activism, (3) avoid dominating Black people's efforts, and (4) lifelong learning. In Study 2, we interviewed activists (22 White and 12 Black Americans) to understand their evaluation of, and preference for, each of perspective identified in Study 1. Thematic analyses showed that each perspective had its pros and cons regarding considerations of how to best use ingroup advantages without dominating the movement. Our findings contribute to our understanding of potential tensions in solidarity‐based social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]