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Copyright of Opuntia Brava is the property of Universidad de Ciencias Pedagogicas de Las Tunas, Centro de Documentacion e Informacion Pedagogica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Custom and Border Protection (CBP) border security policy was explicitly presented by former Acting Commissioner of CBP, David Aguilar, in testimony before the United States Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee (HSGAC) on April 4, 2017 in testimony on the subject of “Fencing Along the Southwest Border.” Important for discussion here are the key components of the DHS/CBP/Border Patrol’s strategy, or sets of policies, laying forth elements of the border walls (including barriers, fences), personnel, and technology in order to hinder, or intercept, undocumented migrants (homo sacer) from entering the United States illegally—all socially constructed. Aguilar notes in his opening remarks “Maintaining a safe and secure environment along the U.S.—Mexico border is critical. A safe and orderly border that is predicated on the strong rule of law deprives criminal organizations, drug cartels, and criminal individuals the opportunity to thrive.” In Aguilar’s testimony, when pressed by Ranking Member Senator Claire McCaskill, he set forth the current needs for CBP/Border Patrol priority of the three elements in the following order: (1) Technology (border surveillance), (2) Personnel (numbers of agents along the border), and, (3) The Border Wall (physical infrastructure: fences, walls, and vehicle barriers). The security apparatus affects dwellers along the Rio Grande and undocumented border crossers, demonstrated here with an analysis of the application of President Trump’s Zero Tolerance policy (April 6–June 20, 2018). The security framework applied in this paper will consist of theoretical approaches assessing border surveillance as a panopticon, the use of Border Patrol agents for apprehending, detaining and removing homo sacer, and the symbolism of the border wall as a spectacle and simulacrum—all understood in the pursuit of USA border security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective is to analyze the importance of governance app. roach in order to reduce the violation of human rights of migrants under the Mexican immigration and security policies. The main contribution of this paper is to promote a model of governance for results that can guide effective implementation of the current Mexican immigration policy, particularly with regard to the Special Program for Migration (PEM, 2014-2018). The paper starts the premise that there is a limited app. roach of governance for results in Mexican migration policy and therefore, has not been reduced the insecurity and violence that affect the human rights of migrants in Mexico and particularly in the northern border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that, based on a comprehensive assessment, Mexico's national power in the field of finance is feeble. Therefore, the Mexican state is not prepared to address in an assertive way the increasing expression of systemic geopolitical rivalries through financial channels. Likewise, its close economic ties to the US increase Mexico's degree of exposure to a potential external disruption. As a result, there are structural imbalances and vulnerabilities which jeopardise the country's national security. Moreover, this dangerous situation is heightened by a lack of appropriate policies and institutional capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the use of Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act and the International Emergencies Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), in the US trade policy of the presidency of Donald Trump, towards its North American partners. From a political economy approach and from addressing case studies, the article argues that these laws have been transformed from tools to deal with rival countries, to resources of power to obtain concessions from Canada and Mexico both in the commercial and commercial sphere. in other areas of your relationship. Specifically, for Section 232, the case of steel and aluminum tariffs against Canada and Mexico is addressed. In the case of the IEEPA, reference is made to the tariff threats filed by the United States against Mexico in 2019. Based on this, the article identifies the ways in which the United States authorities have reinterpreted the provisions of the laws to use them as resources that assert their market power in regional negotiations. At the end, the article explains in a general way, a strategic course available for Canada and Mexico, to counteract the contemporary use that the United States has made of its national security laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper study factors related with the perception of insecurity in residents of priority geographical polygons in Acapulco, by descriptive and correlational statistical analysis. Data was collected through a survey following a representative sampling within each polygon, for testing mean differences. The results revealed that the perception of insecurity is associated with schooling, confidence in the police, criminal incidence, the existence of street gangs, and the polygon of residence. Also was found a weak correlation, but statistically significant, between the perception of insecurity and the proportion of modified activities due to fear of crime, which in turn is associated with sex, age group, criminal incidence, and its polygon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyze how the video surveillance puts the personal data that manage in a space of legal indeterminacy, and how generates process of social and space classification that derive, sometimes, in forms of social exclusion. The perspective that frame the capacity that individuals have to construct autonomy and control spaces against the stratification and domination logics. From this perspective, it's analyzed how the weak or inexistent regulation of video surveillance cameras in Mexico can affect the citizenship practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discourse theory is useful for understanding the creation of borders, whether material or imaginary. This paper addresses three situations on Mexico's southern border between 2000 and 2015 in which elements of discourse theory may be applied. The outcomes were the following: 1) correlations may be made between the elements of the discourse moving from the northern to the southern border, but not in the opposite direction; 2) the process of securitising the discourse about migrants is continuous, and new securitising elements are regularly added; 3) an "elastic borders" phenomenon exists, where borders extend or retract, thereby creating new border regions; and 4) discourses around the southern border are constructed with more pejorative elements than the northern, despite the fact that crime rates are higher in the north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to describe the consolidation of the militarization of public security in Mexico, during the first four years of the administration led by President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012). Although this is not a new state response to the challenge of organized crime, during the second-generation transition government, the involvement of the armed forces has reached a peak, spreading to the sphere of the states through the designation of military men as public security secretariats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Perfiles Latinoamericanos is the property of FLACSO - Mexico (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the relationship between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of the US national security. The key areas of strategic interest in Mexico on the part of the United States include: limiting illegal immigration, fighting drug-related crime, economic cooperation, both bilateral and in the wider international dimension, for example the North American Free Trade Agreement. According to the United States, all three factors and their successful implementation are necessary and constituent elements of the national interest of the United States in its most important scope, that is, in increasing the security of the state. The analysis focuses on the U.S. economic relations with Mexico at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The basis of economic relations between these countries is the North American Free Trade Agreement. The genesis of the NAFTA agreement and its effects on mutual relations in the context of the U.S. national interest and security was presented. Additionally, the reasons for President Donald Trump’s change from NAFTA to USMCA are described, from the perspective of U.S. strategic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: To analyze whether the changes observed in the level and distribution of resources for maternal health and family planning (MHFP) programs from 2003 to 2012 were consistent with the financial goals of the related policies. Materials and Methods: A longitudinal descriptive analysis of the Mexican Reproductive Health Subaccounts 2003–2012 was performed by financing scheme and health function. Financing schemes included social security, government schemes, household out-of-pocket (OOP) payments, and private insurance plans. Functions were preventive care, including family planning, antenatal and puerperium health services, normal and cesarean deliveries, and treatment of complications. Changes in the financial imbalance indicators covered by MHFP policy were tracked: (a) public and OOP expenditures as percentages of total MHFP spending; (b) public expenditure per woman of reproductive age (WoRA, 15–49 years) by financing scheme; (c) public expenditure on treating complications as a percentage of preventive care; and (d) public expenditure on WoRA at state level. Statistical analyses of trends and distributions were performed. Results: Public expenditure on government schemes grew by approximately 300%, and the financial imbalance between populations covered by social security and government schemes decreased. The financial burden on households declined, particularly among households without social security. Expenditure on preventive care grew by 16%, narrowing the financing gap between treatment of complications and preventive care. Finally, public expenditure per WoRA for government schemes nearly doubled at the state level, although considerable disparities persist. Conclusions: Changes in the level and distribution of MHFP funding from 2003 to 2012 were consistent with the relevant policy goals. However, improving efficiency requires further analysis to ascertain the impact of investments on health outcomes. This, in turn, will require better financial data systems as a precondition for improving the monitoring and accountability functions in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006, the Mexican government launched an aggressive campaign to weaken drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs). The security policies differed significantly from those of previous administrations in the use of a leadership strategy (the targeting for arrest of the highest levels or core leadership of criminal networks). While these strategies can play an important role in disrupting the targeted criminal organization, they can also have unintended consequences, increasing inter-cartel and intra-cartel fighting and fragmenting criminal organizations. What impact do captures of senior drug cartel members have on the dynamics of drug-related violence? Does it matter if governments target drug kingpins versus lower-ranked lieutenants? We analyze whether the captures or killings of kingpins and lieutenants have increased drug-related violence and whether the violence spills over spatially. To estimate effects that are credibly causal, we use different empirical strategies that combine difference-in-differences and synthetic control group methods. We find evidence that captures or killings of drug cartel leaders have exacerbating effects not only on DTO-related violence but also on homicides that affect the general population. Captures or killings of lieutenants, for their part, only seem to exacerbate violence in “strategic places” or municipalities located in the transportation network. While most of the effects on DTO-related violence are found in the first six months after a leader’s removal, effects on homicides affecting the rest of the population are more enduring, suggesting different mechanisms through which leadership neutralizations breed violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)