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Many firms generate large amounts of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases when they burn fossil fuels in their production processes. In addition, production of raw materials and other inputs the firms procure for their operations also generates greenhouse gases indirectly. These direct and indirect greenhouse gas emissions occur in many sectors of our economies. In this paper, we first present sector-specific estimates for such greenhouse gas emissions. We then show that estimates for such sector-specific greenhouse gas emissions are often required for various types of corporate as well as public policy analyses in both domestic and international contexts. Measuring greenhouse gas emissions resulting from firms’ multi-stage production processes in a multi-sector context is relevant for policies related to the Kyoto protocol, an international agreement to limit global greenhouse gas emissions. For example, since the protocol allows firms to engage in trading and offsetting of their greenhouse gas emissions across national borders, provided that emissions are correctly measured, the firms can take advantage of such trading schemes by placing their energy-intensive production facilities globally and strategically. We present several case studies which illustrate the importance of this and other aspects of greenhouse gas emissions in firms’ environmental management. We also argue that our modeling and estimation methods based on input–output analyses are suitable for the types of research goals we have in this paper. Our methods are applied to data for Canada and Japan in a variety of environmental management circumstances. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper examines collaborative arrangements between Aboriginal peoples and the forest sector across Canada. Using a broad definition of collaboration, we identified 1378 arrangements in 474 Aboriginal communities in all Canadian provinces and territories, except Nunavut. We categorize these collaborative arrangements into five broad types: treaties and other formal agreements; planning and management activities; influence on decision-making; forest tenures; and economic roles and partnerships. Consistent data was available for only the first three types, which showed that close to 60% of Aboriginal communities use each approach. However, this masks significant differences between provinces. For example, economic roles and partnerships are in place in all New Brunswick communities and 74% of communities in British Columbia, but only 12% of Manitoban communities. The proportion of communities that have been involved in participatory processes in forest decision-making (such as advisory committees and consultation processes) is particularly high in Quebec with 88% of communities, but only 32% of communities hold forest tenures. We also find that three-quarters of all communities choose to engage in two or more approaches, despite the demands that this can place upon the time and energy of community members. We finally consider how policy environments in different jurisdictions affect the frequency of certain types of collaboration. This empirical study, and the typology that it demonstrates, can inform policy development for Aboriginal involvement in Canadian forestry and help guide future research into broader issues of collaborative governance of natural resources. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Over the last thirty years, Aboriginal peoples, forestry companies and governments in Canada have developed a wide variety of arrangements and mechanisms aimed at fostering collaboration and establishing an increasing Aboriginal role in managing and harvesting forestlands. This paper seeks to facilitate the analysis and investigation of various forms of collaboration by presenting a typology based upon institutional arrangements and desired outcomes. Development of the typology followed an iterative process of categorisation, description, testing and revision, using scientific and grey literature combined with testing against an ever-widening number of communities; firstly in Quebec, then in six provinces and finally with 474 communities across the country. We identify five principal forms of collaborative arrangement, each with a number of sub-types: treaties and other formal agreements that establish roles and responsibilities; planning and management activities; influence on decision-making; forest tenures; and economic roles. The application and utility of this typology is illustrated through the examples of four communities, each of which is engaged in several different collaborative arrangements. The typology demonstrates the variety of arrangements that are available to encourage Aboriginal involvement in Canada's forest sector while also provided a basis for future work in comparing the benefits of different arrangements or in analysing the effectiveness of policies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]