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The COVID‐19 pandemic has had a disproportionate impact on the health of Black Americans, Latinx or Hispanic Americans, and American Indians. These disparities are deeply unjust, in part, because they are the causal result of racism at both the interpersonal and structural levels. This paper argues, however, that establishing a causal connection between racism and health disparities is not the only way to explain the injustice of these disparities. The COVID‐19 health disparities are arguably unjust because health equity is a "free‐standing" demand of justice, an obligation of reparative justice, a remedy to structural injustice, and part of dismantling pernicious racial concepts. Identifying multiple accounts of injustice may lower the evidentiary bar for our normative claims and help us to identify alternative policy pathways for ending health inequity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Long COVID symptoms – which include brain fog, depression, and fatigue – are mild at best and debilitating at worst. Some U.S. health surveys have found that women, lower income individuals, and those with less education are overrepresented among adults with long COVID, but these studies do not address intersectionality. To fill this gap, we conduct an intersectional analysis of the prevalence and outcomes of long COVID in the U.S. We posit that disparities in long COVID have less to do with the virus itself and more to do with social determinants of health, especially those associated with occupational segregation and the gendered division of household work. Methods: We use 10 rounds of Household Pulse Survey (HPS) data collected between June 2022 and March 2023 to perform an intersectional analysis using a battery of descriptive statistics that evaluate (1) the prevalence of long COVID and (2) the interference of long COVID symptoms with day-to-day activities. We also use the HPS data to estimate a set of multivariate logistic regressions that relate the odds of having long COVID and activity limitations due to long COVID to a set of individual characteristics as well as intersections by sex, race/ethnicity, education, and sexual orientation and gender identity. Results: Findings indicate that women, some people of color, sexual and gender minorities, and people without college degrees are more likely to have long COVID and to have activity limitations from long COVID. Women have considerably higher odds of developing long COVID compared to men, a disparity exacerbated by having less education. Intersectional analysis by gender, race, ethnicity, and education reveals a striking step-like pattern: college-educated men have the lowest prevalence of long COVID while women without college educations have the highest prevalence. Daily activity limitations are more evenly distributed across demographics, but a different step-like pattern is present: fewer women with degrees have activity limitations while limitations are more widespread among men without degrees. Regression results confirm the negative association of long COVID with being a woman, less educated, Hispanic, and a sexual and gender minority, while results for the intersectional effects are more nuanced. Conclusions: Results point to systematic disparities in health, highlighting the urgent need for policies that increase access to quality healthcare, strengthen the social safety net, and reduce economic precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Skin color has been proposed to contribute to race-based health disparities in the United States because of differences in ultraviolet (UV) light–induced vitamin D synthesis. The prediction of this hypothesis, herein named the UVD hypothesis, is that racial disparities in health outcomes are correlated with UV light availability. This paper investigates whether UV light availability is associated with disparities in the rates of low birth weight (LBW) and preterm birth (PTB) between whites and blacks, because these outcomes are thought to be influenced by vitamin D status and to shape disease risk in later life. Data on LBW and PTB from 2007 (n = 2,825,620 births) were compared with data on UV light exposure across the United States. Contrary to the predictions of the UVD hypothesis, LBW and PTB rate disparities were greatest in states with the highest UV light exposure. Notably, income inequality was positively and significantly related to LBW and PTB disparities, even after controlling for UV light availability. The results of this analysis demonstrate that there is a significant environmental gradient in racial disparities in birth outcomes in the United States, but other social or environmental factors associated with living in the southern United States are likely stronger contributors to disparities in birth outcomes than UV light–induced vitamin D status. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Over the last decade, the prevalence of young stroke has increased 40% particularly among vulnerable populations. These strokes are often more severe with worse outcomes. However, few studies have examined the impact on annual healthcare costs. Methods: Data from the 2008 to 2018 Medical Expenditure Panel Survey (MEPS) was used to identify a sample of female stroke survivors aged 18 and 60. MEPS includes demographics, health status, healthcare use, and expenditures for all participants providing the largest nationally representative data source of healthcare costs in the US. First, differences in racial and ethnic healthcare expenditure among young women with stroke were evaluated controlling for insurance type and demographic characteristics. Second, the relationship between healthcare expenditure and 1) time post stroke, 2) comorbidities, 3) healthcare utilization, and 4) post-stroke functional status was assessed. Finally, differential healthcare quality was tested as a potential mitigating differential. Results: Young Black women with stroke spend roughly 20% more on healthcare than White women after controlling for insurance, time post-stroke, healthcare utilization, and demographic differences. Costs remain 17% higher after controlling for comorbidities. Differences in expenditure are larger if survivors have diabetes, high blood pressure, or high cholesterol (78%, 24%, and 28%, respectively). Higher expenditure could not be explained by higher healthcare utilization, but lower quality of healthcare may explain part of the differential. Conclusion: Young Black women with stroke have 20% greater healthcare expenditure than other groups. Cost differentials cannot be explained by differentials in comorbidities, utilization, time post stroke, or functionality. Additional research is needed to explain these differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Health disparities; vascular disease; social determinants of health (SDoH) EN Health disparities vascular disease social determinants of health (SDoH) 179 181 3 06/13/23 20230601 NES 230601 A health disparity is defined as a particular type of health difference that is closely linked with social, political, economic, and environmental disadvantages.[1] Health inequities are systematic differences in the health status of different population groups, which have significant social and economic costs to both individuals and societies.[2] These inequities refer to differences that are unnecessary and avoidable but are also considered unfair and unjust.[2] Healthy People 2030 categorizes social determinants of health (SDoH), the social conditions in which people are born, live, and work, into five domains: economic stability, education, healthcare access and quality, neighborhood and built environment, and social and community context.[3] In addition, commercial determinants of health refer to the conditions, actions, and omissions by commercial factors, including the activities as well as the environment in which commerce takes place, which can have beneficial or detrimental impacts on health.[4] Together, these social and commercial factors have a broad impact on health risks and outcomes throughout a person's lifetime. At their institution, Hispanic patients were less likely to present with high-risk PE, but still experienced similar rates of inpatient mortality compared with their non-Hispanic counterparts.[11] Canonico et al.[12] present a contemporary analysis on sex differences in the implementation of guideline-directed medical therapy (GDMT) in 9810 patients with PAD from a single institution. Correlation of patient-reported outcome measures and the ankle-brachial index in patients who underwent revascularization for peripheral artery disease. [Extracted from the article]

Background: As COVID-19 ravages the globe and cases increase rapidly, countries are presented with challenging policy choices to contain and mitigate its spread. In Canada and globally, the COVID-19 pandemic has added a new stratum to the debate concerning the root causes of global and racial health inequities and disparities. Individuals who exist as targets of systemic inequities are not only more susceptible to contracting COVID-19, but also more likely to bear the greatest social, economic, and physical burdens. Therefore, data collection that focuses on the impact of COVID-19 on the lives and health of African/Black communities worldwide is needed to develop intersectional, culturally relative, antiracist/antioppression, and empowerment-centered interventions and social policies for supporting affected communities. Objective: The primary objective of this review is to investigate the impact and management of COVID-19 among African/Black individuals and communities, and understand how anti-Black racism and intersectional violence impact the health of African/Black communities during the pandemic. Moreover, the study aims to explore research pertaining to the impact of COVID-19 on Black communities in the global context. We seek to determine how Black communities are impacted with regard to structural violence, systematic racism, and health outcomes, and the ways in which attempts have been made to mitigate or manage the consequences of the pandemic and other injurious agents. Methods: A systematic search of quantitative and qualitative studies published on COVID-19 will be conducted in MEDLINE (Ovid), Embase (Ovid), Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (EBSCO), Cochrane Library, PsychInfo (Ovid), CAB Abstracts (Ovid), Scopus (Elsevier), Web of Science (Clarivate), and Global Index Medicus. To be included in the review, studies should present data on COVID-19 in relation to African/Black individuals, populations, and communities in the global sphere. Studies must discuss racism, oppression, antioppression, or systemic and structural violence and be published in English, French, Spanish, or Portuguese. According to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews guidelines, the findings will be synthesized quantitatively and qualitatively through thematic analysis. The risk of bias will not be assessed. Results: Title, abstract, and full-text screening concluded in June 2022. Data collection is in progress and is expected to be completed by December 2022. Data analysis and drafting of the manuscript will be done thereafter. Findings from the scoping review are expected to be provided for peer review in 2023. Conclusions: This review will collect important data and evidence related to COVID-19 in African/Black communities. The findings could help identify existing gaps in COVID-19 management in African/Black communities and inform future research paradigms. Furthermore, the findings could be applied to decision-making for health policy and promotion, and could potentially influence services provided by health care facilities and community organizations around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy PointsPolicies that increase county income levels, particularly for middle‐income households, may reduce low birth weight rates and shrink disparities between Black and White infants.Given the role of aggregate maternal characteristics in predicting low birth weight rates, policies that increase human capital investments (e.g., funding for higher education, job training) could lead to higher income levels while improving population birth outcomes.The association between county income levels and racial disparities in low birth weight is independent of disparities in maternal risks, and thus a broad set of policies aimed at increasing income levels (e.g., income supplements, labor protections) may be warranted. Context: Low birth weight (LBW; <2,500 grams) and infant mortality rates vary among place and racial group in the United States, with economic resources being a likely fundamental contributor to these disparities. The goals of this study were to examine time‐varying county median income as a predictor of LBW rates and Black‐White LBW disparities and to test county prevalence and racial disparities in maternal sociodemographic and health risk factors as mediators. Methods: Using national birth records for 1992–2014 from the National Center for Health Statistics, a total of approximately 27.4 million singleton births to non‐Hispanic Black and White mothers were included. Data were aggregated in three‐year county‐period observations for 868 US counties meeting eligibility requirements (n = 3,723 observations). Sociodemographic factors included rates of low maternal education, nonmarital childbearing, teenage pregnancy, and advanced‐age pregnancy; and health factors included rates of smoking during pregnancy and inadequate prenatal care. Among other covariates, linear models included county and period fixed effects and unemployment, poverty, and income inequality. Findings: An increase of $10,000 in county median income was associated with 0.34 fewer LBW cases per 100 live births and smaller Black‐White LBW disparities of 0.58 per 100 births. Time‐varying county rates of maternal sociodemographic and health risks mediated the association between median income and LBW, accounting for 65% and 25% of this estimate, respectively, but racial disparities in risk factors did not mediate the income association with Black‐White LBW disparities. Similarly, county median income was associated with very low birth weight rates and related Black‐White disparities. Conclusions: Efforts to increase income levels—for example, through investing in human capital, enacting labor union protections, or attracting well‐paying employment—have broad potential to influence population reproductive health. Higher income levels may reduce LBW rates and lead to more equitable outcomes between Black and White mothers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: To examine racial/ethnic and educational inequities in the relationship between state-level restrictive abortion policies and adverse birth outcomes from 2005 to 2015 in the United States.Methods: Using a state-level abortion restrictiveness index comprised of 18 restrictive abortion policies, we conducted a retrospective longitudinal analysis examining whether race/ethnicity and education level moderated the relationship between the restrictiveness index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW). Data were obtained from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files and analyzed with linear probability models adjusted for individual- and state-level characteristics and state and year fixed-effects.Results: Among 2,250,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted from 2005 to 2015. Black individuals experienced increased probability of PTB with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to non-Black individuals. Similarly, those with less than a college degree experienced increased probability of LBW with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to college graduates. For all analyses, inequities worsened as state environments grew increasingly restrictive.Conclusion: Findings demonstrate that Black individuals at all educational levels and those with fewer years of education disproportionately experienced adverse birth outcomes associated with restrictive abortion policies. Restrictive abortion policies may compound existing racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and intersecting racial/ethnic and socioeconomic perinatal and infant health inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advance care planning is under-used among Black Americans, often because of experiences of racism in the health care system, resulting in a lower quality of care at the end of life. African American faith communities are trusted institutions where such sensitive conversations may take place safely. Our search of the literature identified five articles describing faith-based advance care planning education initiatives for Black Americans that have been implemented in local communities. We conducted a content analysis to identify key themes related to the success of a program's implementation and sustainability. Our analysis showed that successful implementation of advance care planning programs in Black American congregations reflected themes of building capacity, using existing ministries, involving faith leadership, exhibiting cultural competency, preserving a spiritual/Biblical context, addressing health disparities, building trust, selectively using technology, and fostering sustainability. We then evaluated five sets of well-known advance care planning education program materials that are frequently used by pastors, family caregivers, nurse's aides, nurses, physicians, social workers, and chaplains from a variety of religious traditions. We suggest ways these materials may be tailored specifically for Black American faith communities, based on the key themes identified in the literature on local faith-based advance care planning initiatives for Black churches. Overall, the goal is to achieve better alignment of advance care planning education materials with the African American faith community and to increase implementation and success of advance care planning education initiatives for all groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context: This article explores the relationship between metropolitan fragmentation, as defined by the total number of governmental units within a metropolitan statistical area (local municipalities, special service districts, and school districts), and racial disparities in mortality among blacks and whites in the 1990s. The presence of numerous governmental jurisdictions in large metropolitan areas in the United States can shape the geography of opportunity, with adverse consequences for health. Methods: We conducted a regression analysis using U.S. Census of Government data and Compressed Mortality File data for the country's largest 171 metropolitan statistical areas. Findings: We found a link between increased metropolitan area fragmentation and greater racial differences in mortality between blacks and whites for both children and working-age adults. Although increasing fragmentation is associated with a higher mortality rate for blacks, it is not associated with a higher mortality rate for whites. These findings suggest that research is needed to understand how governance can positively or negatively influence a population's health and create conditions that generate or exacerbate health disparities. Conclusions: We need to understand the extent to which metropolitan fragmentation contributes to racial segregation, whether racism contributes to both, and the role of poverty and antipoverty policies in reducing or exacerbating the consequences of metropolitan fragmentation. The exact pathways by which metropolitan fragmentation contributes to differences between blacks' and whites' mortality rates are unknown. Uncovering how institutions influence the social, economic, and environmental conditions, which in turn contribute to the current racial and ethnic health disparities in the largest metropolitan areas, is key. Understanding these 'upstream' determinants of a population's health and the disparities in health between subgroups in the overall population must be at the core of any attempt to reduce disparities in health. Building bridges between urban planning and public health can be critical to these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Low-income, ethnic/racial minorities and rural populations are at increased risk for obesity and related chronic health conditions when compared to white, urban and higher-socio-economic status (SES) peers. Recent systematic reviews highlight the influence of the built environment on obesity, yet very few of these studies consider rural areas or populations. Utilizing a CBPR process, this study advances community-driven causal models to address obesity by exploring the difference in resources for physical activity and food outlets by block group race and income in a small regional city that anchors a rural health disparate region. To guide this inquiry we hypothesized that lower income and racially diverse block groups would have fewer food outlets, including fewer grocery stores and fewer physical activity outlets. We further hypothesized that walkability, as defined by a computed walkability index, would be lower in the lower income block groups. Methods: Using census data and GIS, base maps of the region were created and block groups categorized by income and race. All food outlets and physical activity resources were enumerated and geocoded and a walkability index computed. Analyses included one-way MANOVA and spatial autocorrelation. Results: In total, 49 stores, 160 restaurants and 79 physical activity outlets were enumerated. There were no differences in the number of outlets by block group income or race. Further, spatial analyses suggest that the distribution of outlets is dispersed across all block groups. Conclusions: Under the larger CPBR process, this enumeration study advances the causal models set forth by the community members to address obesity by providing an overview of the food and physical activity environment in this region. This data reflects the food and physical activity resources available to residents in the region and will aid many of the community-academic partners as they pursue intervention strategies targeting obesity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We deployed a study design that attempts to account for racial differences in socioeconomic and environmental risk exposures to determine if the diabetes race disparity reported in national data is similar when black and white Americans live under similar social conditions.Design& Methods: We compared data from the 2003 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) with the Exploring Health Disparities in Integrated Communities-Southwest Baltimore (EHDIC-SWB) Study, which was conducted in a racially-integrated urban community without race differences in socioeconomic status.Results: In the NHIS, African Americans had greater adjusted odds of having diabetes compared to whites (OR: 1.61, 95% CI: 1.26-2.04); whereas, in EHDIC-SWB white and African Americans had similar odds of having diabetes (OR: 1.07, 95% CI: 0.71-1.58). Diabetes prevalence for African Americans was similar in NHIS and EHDIC-SWB (10.4%, 95%CI: 9.5-11.4 and 10.5%, 95%CI: 8.5-12.5, respectively). Diabetes prevalence among whites differed for NHIS (6.6%, 95%CI: 6.2-6.9%) and EHDIC-SWB (10.1%, 95%CI: 7.6-12.5%).Conclusions: Race disparities in diabetes may stem from differences in the health risk environments that African Americans and whites live. When African Americans and whites live in similar risk environments, their health outcomes are more similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]