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The Chinese media have undergone commercial liberalization during the reform era. Interviews with media practitioners reveal that media reform has brought about three different types of newspapers that differ with respect to their degree of commercial liberalization. Based on a natural experiment during the anti-Japanese protests in Beijing in 2005, this article shows that urban residents found more strongly commercialized newspapers more persuasive than less commercialized newspapers. Provided that the state can enforce press restrictions when needed, commercial liberalization promotes the ability of the state to influence public opinion through the means of the news media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Information Age is characterized not only by new challenges, but also by a new set of criteria in defining victory. Joseph Nye, the father of the concept of soft power, observed that, in the 21st century, conflicts are more about the victory of narratives than armies. States like China or Russia, two ambitious powers, took this matter seriously, being the first to ask themselves questions about What war is and whether it is possible to win without engaging into battle? In 2003, China adopted the Three Warfare Strategy/3Ws, a strategy that practically reinvented the understanding of war, and by combining the three types of warfare (psychological, public opinion and legal), it helped and continues to help China meet its goals. In China's view, this strategy represents a force multiplier, aimed at ensuring its domestic development, regional importance of the state, expansion as a global power and increasing influence at international level. The purpose of this article is to identify the origins and foundations of this strategy and the manner in which it produces effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese authorities often frame their activities in the development sector as distinctive from those pursued by Western donors by stressing that they are not seeking to export a specific model but simply to help countries reach their potential. This demand-driven approach has applied to old and new development areas, from education to Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), and has appeared fairly consistent across countries. This pledge, however, has not meant that Chinese aid is neutral or without significant political implications. China's concessionary loans and support to development projects have tended to shift balances of power by favouring certain actors over others and have challenged existing development paradigms, revitalizing ideas of the developmental state. Building on fieldwork conducted in Ghana, Ethiopia, and Kenya this article explains to which extent China's entrance in the media and telecommunication sector actually challenges the dominant, Western-driven approaches to media development, promoting a state centred vision of the information society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]