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Between 1975 and 1983 Argentina experienced the worst internal conflicts of its entire history. The rise of the military power started during the last period of Isabel Peron's government and continued through the military takeover from 1976-1984. The excuse for overthrowing the weak Argentinian democracy was to destroy the monstrous guerrilla fighters who wanted to destroy the foundations of Western and Christian society in Argentina. The media and society in general supported the military's point of view. As a result, the guerrilla fighters along with anyone who disagreed with those in power were persecuted and exterminated in monstrous ways by the military and other members of the Argentinian security forces. Soon, the ones who ate the monsters became worse monsters: thousands of Argentinians became desaparecidos [the disappeared]. These measures allowed the new monster to keep detainees in secret locations in terrible living conditions until they decided to kill them. Fortunately, some of these detainees survived and after the return of democracy in 1984, they began to share their traumatic experiences with the country. Their testimonies removed the blindfold that had fallen on Argentinian society during the time of the dictatorship. It is the aim of my paper to analyse the way in which testimonies (written and oral) have contributed not only to unveiling the truth but also, to give voice to the silenced - that is revealing the monstrosity of official history and replacing it with a (re)writing that better reflects the atrocities of one of the darkest periods in Argentinian history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is based on a Social Work research project that attempts to highlight historical situations of discrimination suffered by women deprived of their liberty after the demobilization of various armed groups in Colombia: the National Liberation Army (eln), the People's Liberation Army (epl) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, People's Army (farc-ep). This paper focuses on the establishment of Gender Justice. On the basis of first-hand testimonials, it gathers the experiences of some of these women and the violations and forms of violence they have suffered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article locates the Vietnam Veterans Against the War ( VVAW) within the context of the sixties counterculture. More specifically, it explores how VVAW's membership adopted an expansive definition of politics that relied on cultural forms such as guerrilla theater and community activism to convey their antiwar message. In the past, scholars have subdivided sixties protest into the categories of 'expressive' and 'instrumental' activism. This essay adds to the growing scholarship of the 'long sixties' and challenges the division of protest into these two categories using VVAW to reveal the porous nature of cultural/expressive and political/instrumental activism. It illustrates how activists took advantage of this cross-pollinating tendency to cultivate creative forms of protest that transcended the narrow boundaries separating hippies from politicos, and how VVAW's cultural politics gave rise to a unique antiwar veterans' culture premised on dramatic street theater, experimental self-healing, and a deep suspicion of centralized authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frontier violence is now an accepted chapter of Australian history. Indigenous resistance is obviously a part of this story, yet as John Connor notes (2004), the tactics and objectives of Aboriginal fighters are more often presumed than investigated. Thus Aboriginal resistance is generally portrayed as parochial, half-hearted and devoid of long-term planning. The usual image is a handful of warriors pitifully tossing some spears – a hopeless prelude to wholesale massacre. The implication is that Aboriginal groups were incapable of collaborating or of mounting effective, inventive, planned resistance. In this paper, the author investigates Laurie's and Cilento's remarkable assertion (1959) that during the 1840s-1860s an alliance of at least a dozen Aboriginal groups openly declared war in southern Queensland and conducted a highly effective 'Black War' that temporarily impeded settlement. The author examines whether such a 'state of war' was recognized at the time, and whether there is sufficient evidence to conclude that intergroup collaboration, inventive strategies and broader military objectives were at work. The author utilizes definitions from guerilla and terrorist conflict (e.g. Eckley 2001, Kilcullen 2009) and identifies tactics, planning and objectives. He challenges the claims of military historians such as Dennis (1995) that Aboriginal strategies were devoid of innovation. Instead, the author notes the use of new materials, a move away from pitched battles and the development of 'guerilla bands'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between Angolan guerrilla broadcasts and their effects on the Portuguese counterinsurgency project in their war to hold on to their African colonies. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA's Angola Combatente) and National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA's Voz de Angola Livre) broadcasts allowed these movements to maintain a sonic presence in the Angolan territory from exile and to engage in a war of the airwaves with the Portuguese colonial state with whom they were fighting a ground war. First and foremost, it analyzes the effects of these rebel broadcasts on listeners, be they state or non-state actors. A reading of the archives of the state secret police and military exposes the nervousness and weakness of the colonial state even as it was winning the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberation struggle plays a crucial role in providing legitimacy for post-liberation regimes. This was the case for the Museveni regime, for whom the liberation argument provided strong moral authority, and a legitimising foundation for its patronage and coercion strategies. But what happens when the liberation argument ‘grows old’, i.e. when the liberation generation elite starts to die or defect, and the young population is no longer impressed by the liberation argument? This article argues that in response to this changing situation, the Museveni regime almost exclusively relies on patronage and coercion, yet is increasingly devoid of the legitimising liberation foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the general relationship between Soviet partisans and the Shoah in Ukraine. This topic also touches upon the issue of the involvement of Jews in Soviet paramilitary, reconnaissance, sabotage and terrorist military units that were operating behind the Wehrmacht front lines. To a lesser extent, the context of these events is shown; in particular, the moods of the population on the occupied territories are described. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article is not about a specific country or political party; it is about the process by which young men – some already established freedom fighters, others wanting to join the struggle – manage to cross borders and go on to another country to be mobilised or trained to infiltrate the country from which they came. At the district headquarters in Francistown, Botswana, the interaction of seasoned cadres, students, and Special Branch interrogators constituted a middle ground for a few years, a space of interaction between states and liberation movements that was reinforced by the illegal status of Rhodesia. During interrogations at Francistown, ideas about guerrilla struggle and who should participate in it were exchanged, mediated and established. These ideas did not have a one-to-one correlation with events in the guerrilla struggle; they developed over time and in fits and starts, as young men seeking to go on to Zambia for guerrilla training honed their stories, and Special Branch interrogators drew on their experience to decide which claims were legitimate and which were not. A close examination of the processes and procedures in the middle ground of Francistown adds another dimension to the history of national liberation movements in the region: it shows the mechanics of border crossing, who can cross, who can stay, and who can be sent on for guerrilla training. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the role played by the armed resistance in Romania during the period of Sovietisation and Stalinisation (1944–1962) and its significance within the politics of memory and justice after 1989. One conclusion of the analysis is that opposing interpretations by political actors each in search of legitimacy correspond to attempts to manufacture plausible narratives of the specific historical discontinuity posed by the revolutionary break of 1989. A second conclusion reveals how memory and identity conflicts at group and individual levels can easily result in the translation of historical myths into enduring historical facts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

North Korean political discourse is distinctive in its application of maternalism across genders in which motherhood is depicted as an ideal model for men as well as women. This article seeks to explain how motherhood has been redefined in the process of North Korean nation building, and what influences this process has had on the formation of gendered identities as part of modern subjectivity. The following research examines two of the three so-called great classics of anti-Japanese revolutionary works, Sea of Blood (P'ibada) and The Flower Girl (Kkot p'anŭn ch'ŏnyŏ), to compare the two female heroines and their roles as consummate revolutionaries. Reported to have originated as stage plays during the 1930s anticolonial guerrilla struggle in Manchuria, throughout the 1970s the plays developed into films, live operatic performances, and finally novels. While the works may officially serve to project images of national unity against imperialism, they raise interesting questions about the role of gender in postcolonial state formation. By comparing the mother in Sea of Blood and the maiden in The Flower Girl, this article explores the significance of gender in the construction of modern militarized citizenship in North Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When twentieth-century authors wrote about ‘partisan warfare’, they usually meant an insurgency or asymmetric military operations conducted against a superior force by small bands of ideologically driven irregular fighters. By contrast, originally (i.e. before the French Revolution) ‘partisan’ in French, English, and German referred only to the leader of a detachment of special forces (party,partie,Parthey,détachement) which the major European powers used to conduct special operations alongside their regular forces. Such special operations were the classic definition of ‘small war’ (petite guerre) in the late seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries. The Spanish word‘la guerrilla’, meaning nothing other than ‘small war’, only acquired an association with rebellion with the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon. Even after this, however, armies throughout the world have continued to employ special forces. In the late nineteenth century, their operations have still been referred to as prosecuting ‘la guerrilla’ or ‘small war’, which existed side by side with, and was often mixed with, ‘people's war’ or popular uprisings against hated regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]