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With China's economic rise and influence, financial statecraft has increasingly been deployed to serve the country's national interest. The growth of China's financial statecraft in the region has drawn greater media and academic attention. Notwithstanding the abundant literature on China's financial statecraft in Southeast Asia, the previous studies lack a detailed analysis of various financial statecraft instruments deployed by China. To get a better understanding of China's deployment of financial statecraft over the years under Xi Jinping's administration, this article fills the gap in the existing literature by delving into various factors that influenced various financial statecraft instruments with respect to the objectives, trends or patterns and agencies involved in the region. Given Xi's successful bid for continued political rule by eliminating a term limit on the presidency as well as the escalating China-US strategic rivalry, it is important to examine how the interaction of domestic and international forces has shaped the evolution of financial statecraft in Southeast Asia. Due to the changes in domestic politics and shifts in the geopolitics and geoeconomics, an important question that deserves our attention is how these changes has influenced China's deployment of various financial statecraft instruments in different Southeast Asian countries. The paper focuses on two middle-income countries (i.e., Malaysia and Thailand) and two low-income countries (i.e. Cambodia and Laos) in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) benefits significantly from investments in transport infrastructure such as road, railway and port, but not as much from investments in non-transport infrastructure such as real estate. However, using data collected from several sources, including secondary data on the number of infrastructure projects already invested and earmarked to be invested as well as China's direct foreign investment to Southeast Asia, this analysis shows that non-transport infrastructure constitutes a substantially higher proportion of the total infrastructure investments in Southeast Asia than transport infrastructure since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This points to a suboptimization polemic emanating from the mismatch between the injlows of the diferent types of infrastructure investments and ASEAN's need for these inputs for sustainable economic growth. Domestic disharmony, regional rivalry and political conflicts between China and ASEAN as well as other obstacles such as the debt-trap worries reduce the total investment flows to Southeast Asia, exacerbating the suboptimization problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Group Model Building (GMB) is a participatory system dynamics method increasingly used to address complex public health issues like obesity. GMB represents a set of well-defined steps to engage key stakeholders to identify shared drivers and solutions of a given problem. However, GMB has not yet been applied specifically to develop multi-duty interventions that address multiple inter-related issues such as malnutrition in all its forms (MIAIF). Moreover, a recent systematic review of empirical applications of a systems approach to developing obesity interventions found no published work from non-western, low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). In this paper we describe adaptations and innovations to a common GMB process to co-develop systemic MIAIF interventions with Chinese decision-makers. Methods: We developed, piloted and implemented multiple cultural adaptations and two methodological innovations to the commonly used GMB process in Fang Cheng Gang city, China. We included formal, ceremonial and policy maker engagement events before and between GMB workshops, and incorporated culturally tailored arrangements during participant recruitment (officials of the same seniority level joined the same workshop) and workshop activities (e.g., use of individual scoring activities and hand boards). We made changes to the commonly used GMB activities which enabled mapping of shared drivers of multiple health issues (in our case MIAIF) in a single causal loop diagram. We developed and used a 'hybrid' GMB format combining online and in person facilitation to reduce travel and associated climate impact. Results: Our innovative GMB process led to high engagement and support from decision-makers representing diverse governmental departments across the whole food systems. We co-identified and prioritised systemic drivers and intervention themes of MIAIF. The city government established an official Local Action Group for long-term, inter-departmental implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the co-developed interventions. The 'hybrid' GMB format enabled great interactions while reducing international travel and mitigating limitations of fully online GMB process. Conclusions: Cultural and methodological adaptations to the common GMB process for an Asian LMIC setting were successful. The 'hybrid' GMB format is feasible, cost-effective, and more environmentally friendly. These cultural adaptations could be considered for other Asian settings and beyond to address inter-related, complex issues such as MIAIF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan's former prime minister Abe Shinzō, security cooperation with Southeast Asia was central to preventing the South China Sea from turning into a "Lake Beijing" - completely under Chinese control. This paper explains why Abe's security engagement in the region focused mainly on providing Capacity Building Assistance (CBA) to Southeast Asian coast guards agencies to counter China's maritime assertiveness. Answers are provided by looking at not only international but also domestic factors. Based on key variables of post-Cold War Japan's foreign policy, namely the US-Japan alliance, the dominance of economic tools, and normative and institutional constraints on the use of force, the analysis concludes that CBA was an ideal response to the complex demands and restrictions of Japan's security policy. In particular, the economic benefits of providing CBA are an important finding of the analysis and one that has not yet received much scholarly focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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When ASEAN celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, it was asked if an organization founded on principles appropriate for the 1960s remains relevant today. Its critics point to the organization's recent failures to indicate that continued reliance on the "ASEAN Way" puts it on the road to irrelevance. Its defenders argue that the peace and stability that ensued since the Association's formation are testimony that the ASEAN formula works. Both conclusions are based on what commentators on either side of the debate believe ASEAN's role should be. This paper argues that an assessment should, instead, be based on what its members want it to do, expressed through policy announcements and documents like the ASEAN Charter. It should also consider the totality of its mandate from diplomacy to economics. Viewed in this way, the grouping has accomplishments to be proud of, but also some failures to regret. The 'ASEAN Way', upheld steadfastly by its member countries' leadership, has been instrumental to both its successes and failures. Overall, while ASEAN may not live up to the expectations of its critics, its achievements in some areas do suggest its continued relevance even under vastly changed circumstances, both domestic and external. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the evolution of the US-China economic relations from their complex, strong, multi-dimensional co-dependency, built up along many decades, to their growing disengagement and rivalry, following the lose-lose option for a trade war. The analysis places the trade tensions against the backdrop of the international production structured into global value chains and production networks, stressing upon the inadequacy of the policies adopted by the two actors, primarily by the US, and demonstrating why the consequences of the conflict are expected to be negative. The clash of the two world economic giants, which has unrolled since the begining of 2018, but has intensified especially in its second part, has disrupted not only the two rival economies, but also their other partner countries and the world economy as a whole. As such, in its final part, the paper focusses on the expected consequences of the trade war for the economies, companies and populations of the US, China, South-East Asia and the EU, concluding that the US-China trade war will have no winners and recognising its real rationale as the scramble for the economic and technological dominance of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a diversification explanation in order understand the development of PTAs in Southeast Asia. I argue that an important reason why ASEAN states participate in PTAs has been to diversify existing trade ties and to reduce overdependence on a narrow range of export markets. Southeast Asian countries have formed PTAs with markets with which they had weak or unexplored economic relations, as demonstrated by three case analyses: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP). To maximise the economic gains and the diversification effects of PTA participation, ASEAN countries have pursued a strategy of strengthening economic unity while keeping external economic linkages as diversified as possible. Although East Asia, and especially China, was an important alternative market to reduce ASEAN's dependence on trade with America, ASEAN countries have also pursued PTAs with a number of other trading partners. This paper explains how PTAs have helped ASEAN states to develop more policy autonomy in their trading environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southeast Asia's technological achievements and economic prosperity have become the key drivers of the development of both regional and worldwide dynamics. As an organisation that represents all Southeast Asian member countries, ASEAN, as one of the region's primary actors, plays an essential role. ASEAN's attempts to fulfil its objectives include engagement with important partners outside of the area, termed "ASEAN Plus." China is one of ASEAN's key regional allies. In this scientific essay, the author wishes to comment on the potential and problems that ASEAN-China face, notably in establishing cybersecurity collaboration. Cyber security is a serious concern in Southeast Asia. The expansion of the digital economy is assisting Southeast Asia's economic progress. On the one hand, China invests in artificial intelligence and profits from open commerce in Southeast Asia. However, ASEAN lacks policies and a framework to combat cyber threats, which are akin to non-traditional threats such as drugs, human trafficking, and terrorism. In this article, the author expands on cybersecurity challenges such as the lack of cyber threat mitigation policies and the Southeast Asian region's large technology disparity. The author also examines the opportunities for ASEAN and China to expand their cybersecurity cooperation. Cooperation between ASEAN and China can focus on developing cybersecurity rules, increasing human resource capability, and transferring technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines China and India's status-seeking efforts in Southeast Asia through the lens of disaster relief cooperation. It explores status-seeking processes and the region's responses, as well as how these shape the regional security order in the Asia-Pacific. We argue that the outcomes of China and India's status-seeking are determined by their own behaviours and the region's interpretations of them. Our analysis reveals that China seeks to elevate its status to become a leading security partner of Southeast Asia, which has only been partially accepted by the region, as demonstrated by its active and institutionalized cooperation with ASEAN but its haphazard bilateral HADR engagement with individual Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, India has gone from a low-key player to an important partner, primarily in military terms, as shown by its membership in regional multilateral institutions, the holding of regular bilateral exercises and an acceptance by Southeast Asian states of the deployment of its military for HADR missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the current and future dynamics of Southeast Asia's maritime cooperation with China and India. Southeast Asian states do not only have diverse agendas when it comes to non-traditional and traditional maritime security issues, but their prioritization of these threats also vary. Those variations primarily define Southeast Asian interests for partnerships with actors such as India and China. Given China's geographical centrality, its strong economic relationship with countries in the region and the proximity of its military power, Southeast Asia states will remain far more invested in maritime security cooperation with China than India. Yet, China's territorial and maritime jurisdictional disputes in the South China Sea, and its overpowering shadow on the region, have contributed to anxiety among Southeast Asian states and their search for other security partners. The evolving threat of China's rise and polarization within the region gives New Delhi opportunities to engage. India-China rivalry is also a significant motivation for New Delhi to engage in Southeast Asia's maritime security. Two avenues for this include naval arms transfers and training for sea denial missions to claimant countries in the South China Sea, and cooperation in Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) against illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the authors discuss China's strategic interest in expanding its relations with Cambodia. The authors note that China believes Cambodia is important for China to project greater influence in the Southeast Asia region and to act as a buffer between China's rivals. The article also notes that a relationship with Cambodia could also weaken the United States' hegemony. Such diplomacy on China's part and its increasing regional power could cause some concern for other traditional hegemonic countries.

In the context of its 40th anniversary, this article analyses how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has sought to deal with the problem of drug production, trafficking and consumption in Southeast Asia. Reviewing more than three decades of cooperation, it asks whether an international regime against the illicit trafficking and abuse of drugs has been established in the region under the auspices of ASEAN. In particular, the paper discusses the ASEAN and China Cooperative Operations in Response to Dangerous Drugs (ACCORD) as an attempt to create a framework of multilateral cooperation. It argues however that it is still premature today to characterise existing regional consultations as a working anti-drug regime. The existing cooperative structure has remained a loose forum for information sharing despite the strong Chinese involvement that has deepened consultations since the late 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In 2019, China experienced massive dengue outbreaks with high incidence and expanded outbreak areas. The study aims to depict dengue's epidemiology and evolutionary dynamics in China and explore the possible origin of these outbreaks. Methods: Records of confirmed dengue cases in 2019 were obtained from the China Notifiable Disease Surveillance System. The sequences of complete envelope gene detected from the outbreak provinces in China in 2019 were retrieved from GenBank. Maximum Likelihood trees were constructed to genotype the viruses. The median-joining network was used to visualize fine-scale genetic relationships. Four methods were used to estimate the selective pressure. Results: A total of 22,688 dengue cases were reported, 71.4% of which were indigenous cases and 28.6% were imported cases (including from abroad and from other domestic provinces). The abroad cases were predominantly imported from Southeast Asia countries (94.6%), with Cambodia (3,234 cases, 58.9%), and Myanmar (1,097 cases, 20.0%) ranked as the top two. A total of 11 provinces with dengue outbreaks were identified in the central-south of China, of which Yunnan and Guangdong provinces had the highest number of imported and indigenous cases. The primary source of imported cases in Yunnan was from Myanmar, while in the other ten provinces, the majority of imported cases were from Cambodia. Guangdong, Yunnan and Guangxi provinces were China's primary sources of domestically imported cases. Phylogenetic analysis of the viruses in outbreak provinces revealed three genotypes: (I, IV, and V) in DENV 1, Cosmopolitan and Asian I genotypes in DENV 2, and two genotypes (I and III) in DENV 3. Some genotypes concurrently circulated in different outbreak provinces. Most of the viruses were clustered with those from Southeast Asia. Haplotype network analysis showed that Southeast Asia, possibly Cambodia and Thailand, was the respective origin of the viruses in clade 1 and 4 for DENV 1. Positive selection was detected at codon 386 in clade 1. Conclusion: Dengue importation from abroad, especially from Southeast Asia, resulted in the dengue epidemic in China in 2019. Domestic transmission between provinces and positive selection on virus evolution may contribute to the massive dengue outbreaks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road initiative aims to connect Asia, Africa, Europe, and their near seas. This paper considers China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. The Maritime Silk Road is a major component of the “Belt and Road” development framework announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in late 2013. The “Belt and Road” offered by China, is a platform for China’s and partner countries new engines of growth. The Silk Road (One Belt) and Maritime Silk Road (One Road) initiatives are inclusive and seek the same goal of win-win situation through joint construction, by following the same principles and connecting three continents. Beijing has promoted the beginning of a long series of dialogues and projects that have involved more than twenty Countries by now, from the Chinese coast, to Europe, following the Indian Ocean, reaching African markets, and crossing the Suez Canal. The route has been proposed as an economic instrument to help its own growth, but also to modernize ports and infrastructures of the Countries that have been taking part in it. The Initiative does not have political or military aims, as it has always been stated, but it has been pursuing a peaceful plan, addressed to Chinese wealth as much as to the worldwide growth. The programme has indeed been based on a win-win approach, which is one of the five principles of pacific coexistence, included in the UN Charter: mutual respect, equality, keeping promise, mutual benefits, and the win-win approach itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US Indo-Pacific Command should actively plan for operations to respond to and combat climate change because it will grow US influence in the region and provide a compelling alternative to China's influence. Combating climate change supports the primary objective of countering China, operationalizes climate change response for US commanders, and offers a less threatening means to develop partnerships. Through qualitative analysis of threats to US security, current policy analysis, and select case studies of humanitarian assistance and disaster-relief missions to operationalize climate change as a US military mission, this article will assist US military and policy practitioners in planning for climate change in Southeast Asia and future exercises in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper frames the trade relationship between China and Malaysia within the context of ASEAN and the impending RCEP. Specifically trade potentials are derived for the bilateral partnership within the two structures to identify whether China's external options under the RCEP affect her relationship with Malaysia. Potentials for trade expansion between China and Malaysia, estimated through a three-dimensional panel gravity model, are found to be marginally lower under the RCEP structure relative to ASEAN. More importantly, trade potentials appear exhausted for major products traded under both contexts. This suggests a change (decline) in the trade posture of the China-Malaysia partnership, as relative advantages are most likely to be altered under the expanded matrix of Chinese relations with RCEP members. In coping with the larger matrix structure, both nations should innovate new forms of bilateral cooperation, beyond trade, to enhance their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to Southeast Asia's geopolitical, economic, and commercial significance, world powers have focused on this region. China and India, the two neighboring nations of Southeast Asia, both with aspirations to become the dominating force in the Indo-Pacific region, have been employing all means to draw Southeast Asia into their sphere of influence. Controlling Southeast Asia would confer immense strategic gains on both nations. The goal of this study is to assess the policy of India and China toward Southeast Asia utilizing pertinent data and documents, official comments from the respective governments, and the research of Vietnamese and foreign researchers. The analysis reveals that India and China seek benefits by promoting close ties with Southeast Asia, but their methods for achieving this objective are distinct. Suppose India employs flexible diplomatic measures to develop its good relations with Southeast Asia. In that case, China has the upper hand when pursuing a diplomatic strategy that is both flexible and assertive to advance its objectives, particularly in East Sea-related problems. This provides Southeast Asia/ASEAN with difficult choices and decisions about India and China to balance their respective interests and, more significantly, to maintain ASEAN's central position in regional and international concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of data on flows and stocks refutes the argument that China and Southeast Asia are engaged in a zero-sum competition for foreign investment. Although Southeast Asia appears to have lost out to Chinese-manufactured exports in global markets, this has been balanced by substantial increases in exports of components to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses conflict in the South China Sea and its Islands, focusing on a lack of resolution of disputes over sovereignty and control involving China and ASEAN countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines. The author highlights international, regional, and bilateral strategies for resolving conflict in the South China Sea, including discussions of a lack of involvement by the United Nations (U.N.), Track-2 (nongovernmental) diplomacy efforts, and foreign relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Vietnam. It is suggested that balancing strategies involving outside countries such as the U.S. may preserve the status quo in the South China Sea region.

This article reviews Chinese assertive behaviour towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. The article compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behaviour in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. The Philippines allocated increased funding for defence modernization, lobbied ASEAN states and shored up its alliance with the United States. Vietnam too protested Chinese action and undertook symbolic steps to defend national sovereignty. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. It remains to be seen, however, if proposed confidence building measures will ameliorate Chinese assertiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archaeology of ancient China’s periphery has traditionally been examined through the historiographic lens of Chinese textual sources. Social developments in the periphery are often explained in relation to accounts of migration from “core” regions of China. Setting conventional paradigms and textual sources aside, this article examines prehistoric developments in southwestern China in conjunction with broader trends in Southeast Asia. This comparative approach reveals that the development of bronze metallurgy in southwestern China parallels trends observed among Neolithic communities in Southeast Asia. Using recent data and a reassessment of radiocarbon dates for the Bronze Age, I propose that sociopolitical complexity emerged in southwestern China as part of a multiregional phenomenon that had its beginning with the formalization of trade networks during the Neolithic period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unresolved maritime claims to all, or parts, of the South China Sea involve Vietnam, Malaysia. the Philippines. Brunei, Taiwan, and China, and have hindered the development of the hydrocarbon resources there. Rising oil prices and China's voracious appetite for energy have stimulated greater interest in the exploitation of the area's oil reserves. Despite the uncertainty, ASEAN countries have involved energy companies in exploration and drilling in their respective claims. Cooperation arrangements between national oil companies including Chinese have been negotiated which hold out the prospect of greater security, even in the absence of a settlement of the maritime claims. Energy cooperation may stabilize the South China Sea providing a secure operating environment for oil exploitation. In time, the way could be prepared for further steps which would involve the claimants in negotiations over a resolution of the maritime claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benincasa hispida, from tropical Asia, is cultivated primarily for its edible fruit. To explore its domestication and ethnobotany, we made collections from two regions where it may have been domesticated: (1) Southern China/Southeast Asia, represented by southern Yunnan Province (China) and northern Laos; and (2) the Indian subcontinent, represented by southeastern Nepal. Domestication has resulted in diverse fruit sizes, shapes, and colors; seed sizes and shapes; and, in some accessions, the loss of tendrils. Modern cultivars have larger fruit, earlier flowers, and lower nutritional content than traditional cultivars. Allozyme diversity was low, divergence between these two regions was low, and these results do not clarify the place of domestication. The greater morphological diversity of plants from Yunnan and Laos, as compared to Nepal, suggests domestication in the former region. In all accessions, male flowers precede females. Benincasa hispida is prominent in some traditional stories and rituals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Thalassemia is a common genetic disorder. High prevalence of thalassemia is found in South China, Southeast Asia, India, the Middle East, and the Mediterranean regions. Thalassemia was thought to exist only in southern China, but an increasing number of cases from northern China have been recently reported. Methods: During 2012 to 2017, suspected thalassemia people were detected for common α‐ and β‐thalassemia mutations by gap‐Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) and reverse dot blot (RDB) analysis in Peking Union Medical College Hospital. One thousand and fifty‐nine people with thalassemia mutations were analyzed retrospectively. We picked mutated individuals who originally came from northern areas, and conducted telephone follow‐up survey in order to collect their ancestral information. Besides, we used "thalassemia", "mutation", and "Southeast Asian countries" as keywords to search the relevant studies in PubMed and Embase databases. Results: All carriers included in our study were resided in northern China. Among them, 17.3% were native northerners and 82.7% were immigrants from southern China. Although substantial difference was found in α‐ and β‐thalassemia ratio and detailed spectrum of α‐ and β‐globin mutation spectrum between our data and data obtained from a previous meta‐analysis literature focused on southern China, the most common gene mutations were the same. Similar β‐thalassemia mutation spectrum was found among Thai, Malaysian Chinese, and Guangdong people, however, no other similarities in gene profile were found between Chinese and other ethnic groups in Southeast Asia. Conclusion: Chinese people in different areas had similar gene mutation, whereas they had significantly different mutation spectrums from other ethnic groups in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]