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Studies are largely optimistic about the ability of standardized procedures to constrain decision-makers' biases and produce more equitable results across fields. However, work that embraces standardization as an equalizing force stands in contrast to research on standardization and street-level bureaucrats, which asserts that standardized procedures are not self-actuating and cannot be understood apart from the environments in which they are used. I examine how frontline workers vary in their approach to an actuarial-based tool intended to standardize judgments. In a highly controlled decision-making environment, child welfare workers whose racial and sex characteristics afford them higher status report subverting the tool; conversely, workers in the same position whose ascriptive characteristics yield them lower status in terms of race and sex describe following the rules. In an environment where the same tool is adopted only ceremonially, all workers experience decision-making as unconstrained, regardless of their ascriptive characteristics. This work fills gaps in knowledge about how social status and organizational context intersect to affect rule abidance. Examining these dynamic relationships advances understanding of how organizations reproduce inequality and the limits and potential for standardization to transform social hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the ways gender influenced the 2016 presidential election, as well as ways in which the USA might progress to become a more gender-egalitarian nation.Design/methodology/approach Drawing on a combination of voter data, psychological theories – including sexism, social role theory, stereotype content model, group status threat, and system justification theory – and opinions, this paper explores the factors that drove the 2016 presidential election outcome.Findings This paper asserts that while there were reasons other than gender that people voted the way they did in the 2016 presidential election, these reasons were ancillary to the role that gender bias and stereotypes played. It concludes with a call to action, arguing that: more women need to enter into politics, each of us must recognize our own and make others aware of their overt sexism and subtle biases, the public must acknowledge and change the often double standards that exist for women but not men, and we must realize that a win for women is also often a win for men.Originality/value The value lies in introducing a social psychological lens focused on gender to the 2016 presidential election. This paper combines data, theory, and broader opinions to present a compelling perspective on the election in a way that, to our knowledge, has not been done before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper assesses how top incomes biases affect the estimation of income inequality in the United States using the Current Population Survey (the March Annual Social and Economic Supplement) and two alternative correction methods – a stochastic approach based on reweighting and a semi‐parametric approach based on replacing observations. Consistently with previous studies, both methods and their joint application show that income inequality in the United States between 1979 and 2014 has been consistently underestimated by several percentage points. The level of underestimation is positively and significantly associated with mean income, non‐response rates and the initial level of inequality. Reweighting is found to address top incomes biases – specifically those related to unit and item non‐response – consistently and more effectively than replacing, possibly because widely used parametric distributions do not represent US top incomes accurately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper launches public analysis of #USvsHate ('us versus hate'), a collective initiative to invite 'anti-hate' lessons and youth-made public messaging in U.S. schools. Building on multiple research traditions, the Authors designed and piloted #USvsHate regionally, then nationally, starting in 2017. Here, we explore the pros and cons of using an 'anti-hate' frame as an onramp to K12 work against bias, injustice, and racism particularly, in an era of emboldened bigotry. As antiracist project designers, we had specific hopes and worries regarding the 'anti-hate' onramp, particularly the worry that its focus on heightened cruelty might turn students' attention away from normalized bias and structural inequality. This paper tracks our initial effort to leverage a frame avoided by scholars, given its K12 utility and familiarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most people in the United States agree they want some income inequality but debate exactly how much is fair. High‐status people generally prefer more inequality than low‐status individuals. Here we examine how much preferences for inequality are (or are not) driven by self‐interest. Past work has generally investigated this idea in two ways: The first is by stratifying preferences by income, and the second is by randomly assigning financial status within lab‐constructed scenarios. In this paper, we develop a method that combines both experimental control and the social experience of inequality—a simulated society experiment. Across two experiments (N = 138, observations = 690), participants voted on the distribution of rewards—first behind a veil of ignorance, and then when they were randomly assigned a status within a game of chance. Status varied repeatedly across five rounds, allowing us to measure dynamic preferences. Under the veil of ignorance, people preferred inequality favoring the top status. When the veil of ignorance disappeared, self‐interest immediately influenced inequality preferences. Those who randomly landed in top positions were satisfied with the status quo established under the veil of ignorance, whereas those who randomly landed in bottom positions wanted more equality. Yet these preferences were not stable; decisions about the optimal level of inequality changed according to changes in social status. Our results also showed that, when inequality grows in a society, preferences regarding inequality become polarized by social status. Individuals in low‐status positions, particularly, tend to demand more equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While women's higher education enrollments and graduation rates have outpaced those of men in the United States and most countries around the world, women are less frequently included in academic leadership roles, including the higher education presidency. This paper asks what predicts whether and when a higher education institution has its first woman president, conceptualizing this event as a milestone of gender equality. We use a national probability sample of 234 four‐year U.S. universities and colleges, constructing a novel longitudinal dataset from 1980 to 2018. Employing event history analysis, we examine the potential mechanisms associated with when an institution has its first woman president over time. Our findings suggest that the demographic diversity of faculty and students, gender‐ and diversity‐supportive structures, and the broader environment in which institutions are embedded predict the likelihood that a woman will advance to the level of the presidency. In particular, the presence of gender studies programs and a higher proportion of women in state legislatures increase the likelihood that an institution will have its first woman president. At a time of growing challenges facing U.S. higher education, coupled with greater opportunities from having more diverse students and faculty, universities and colleges increasingly recognize the benefit of women leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the persistence of gender inequality in public administration in the UK and globally. The implications for the continued under-representation of women are explored. The data reveals vertical and horizontal occupational gender segregation which the paper argues, drawing upon representative bureaucracy research, has policy outcomes for beneficiaries of public services. The recent social movement campaigns and media coverage about sexual violence against women (for example MeToo) have highlighted the prevalence of this egregious issue; the publication of the gender pay gaps in UK organizations, despite the Equal Pay Act (1970), demonstrates continued inequalities; and as this paper demonstrates the data on women in public administration reveals the persistence of gender inequality in public sector employment. This has implications for public administration institutions. The paper argues that the lack of representation of women and other minorities has policy outcomes for the legitimacy, trust, integrity in public institutions, and public policy productivities and performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have written descriptively about the relationship between suburbanization and central city decline. However, research has not produced systematic, quantitative estimates of the relationships between the components of suburbanization and vacancy—generally or amid urban decline. Such estimates are required to design effective policies that could protect against the social inequalities associated with such development patterns. This paper applies an economic framework of suburbanization and vacancy to 99 urbanized areas in the United States to estimate the impact on central city residential vacancy from 2013 to 2019. The results support the central hypothesis, that regional over‐building contributes to central city vacancy, and that this impact is significantly magnified by the context of decline. Results show regional over‐building causes central city vacancy in Shrinking Cities at 9.6 times the effect observed in other Principal Cities. Ameliorating factors vary between Shrinking and Non‐Shrinking contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory suggests that the effect of inequality on growth varies with the level of economic development, as captured by the ratio of human capital to physical capital. In particular, the effect is shown to be positive at lower levels of this ratio, and turns negative beyond a threshold in such models. Using a comprehensive panel of annual data for the 48 contiguous US states over the period 1948 to 2014, we find overwhelming evidence in support of this theory, unlike prior work on this topic. Hence, our paper highlights the importance of accurately measuring the process of economic development using data on human capital and physical capital, instead of using proxies that are not theoretically consistent. Understandably, if not done so, policymakers would end up undertaking incorrect decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The problem of balancing power through institutional design--always a central concern of constitutional theory--has taken on even greater salience in current scholarship in light of contemporary concerns over economic inequality and failures of American democracy today. This paper extends these concerns into the realm of administrative law and the design of regulatory policy. I argue that in an era of increasing (and increasingly interrelated) economic and political inequality, we must design public policies not only with an eye towards their substantive merits, but also in ways that redress disparities of power. In particular, we can design policies to institutionalize the countervailing power of constituencies that are often the beneficiaries of egalitarian economic policies, yet lack the durable, longterm political influence to sustain and help implement these policies over time. This concept of "policymaking as power-building" rests on a descriptive and normative claim. Descriptively, the paper shows how historical and contemporary analyses of administrative governance indicates that regulatory institutions and policies are already involved in shaping and responding to the balance of power among civil society groups. Normatively, the paper argues that this reality should be harnessed to pro-actively design policies that mitigate power disparities, and in so doing promote greater democratic responsiveness through regulatory policy design. The paper develops this argument through case studies of power-balancing policy design in local regulatory bodies around economic development initiatives, and in federal regulation around the case of financial reform. The paper then theorizes a more general framework for designing similar power-shifting policies that are portable across substantive areas of law and policy and across federal, state, or local level administration. This framework should be of interest to policymakers, advocacy groups, and other practitioners designing regulatory policies and concerned about dangers of capture and disparate influence. This account of policymaking as power-building synthesizes literatures in law, social science, and political theory to offer a more institutionally-rich account of power and the interactions between constituencies on the one hand and policymaking institutions on the other. It also extends the current debates on power and public law, law and inequality, and administrative and local government law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disgusted by political institutions, many activists around the world are rejecting normal politics in favor of hands-on, tangible local action. This looks similar all over the world, including in the two countries on which the paper focuses, Russia and the United States. Is it? Scholars and activists alike compare one society's activism to another; this paper suggests ways of asking useful questions in cross-national ethnographic research. Controlling the variables of cultural, political/legal, social, and spatial conditions is impossible. With so many "out of control variables", can comparison make any sense? Activists have varied "styles" (Lichterman & Eliasoph The American Journal of Sociology, 120(4): 798–863, 2014) of coordinating local activism in any country. Each style encounters different frictions, depending on a nation's specific cultural, political, social, and spatial conditions. Local, interest-based, grassroot activism is a typical American "style" and is also venerated in American cultural narratives that celebrate local democracy. American activists encounter friction when trying to enact this style, when, for example, they realize that money brings power. For Russian activists, the very same style is a "surprising discovery". Russians encounter different frictions when trying to enact this style. Examining continual, recursive pragmatic tests shows how activists move towards more, towards less, or towards different kinds of politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that, at the very beginning of his career, Buchanan was interested in concrete issues related to the economic situation in the South rather than with abstract and philosophical works in public finance. We examine the published and unpublished articles, reviews and replies that Buchanan wrote between 1949 and 1952 on federalism. By putting what Buchanan wrote in the intellectual, academic and political context of the period, we put forward four factors which we believe are important to understand Buchanan's ideas. First, Buchanan defended the intervention of the federal government to redistribute, in the form of equalizing grants, income from rich to poor regions. Second, as a consequence, for Buchanan, such redistribution was an ethical necessity that should precede any consideration of efficiency. Even more important, fiscal justice was a precondition without which a competitive or free market system could not function properly. Third, at least during that period, Buchanan appears to have been interested primarily in practical, concrete problems, rather than in pure and abstract questions. Finally, a fourth and crucial point is that Buchanan insisted on the need for federal government intervention to industrialize the South, a stance that stands in stark contrast to policies the Nashville Agrarians defended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For urban policymaking, inequality in large U.S. metropolitan areas appears as a principal consequence of a trichotomy of motives over resources allocation, consisting of urban economic development, ecological sustainability and socioeconomic equity. In the case of global cities, a greater inequality appears to result, in part, from the propensity for urban economic-development motives to pursue and/or maintain worldwide centrality, connectivity and command over the dynamic forces of globalization. Such global-city development priorities are reflected in the endogenous urban content and institutional makeup distinguishing "global-city status," a characterization attributable to only a handful of places in the U.S. As a cross-sectional comparison of 53 large metropolitan areas (MSA), this paper examines the hypothesis that MSAs having a higher index value for "global-city status" exhibit comparatively greater socioeconomic inequality than MSAs with a lower index value. It produces statistical evidence supporting this thesis, with wide-ranging implications for globalization's imprint on metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I estimate the impact of unproductive activities on economic growth, labour productivity and income inequality in the United States from 1947 to 2011. Productive activities directly create value, while unproductive activities do not. I develop a new methodology to compute the growth of productive and unproductive activities in terms of flows of income and stocks of fixed assets using input-output matrices and national income accounts. A core feature of my methodology is the notion that the commodification of knowledge and information gives rise to 'information rents'. Information rents are, as I demonstrate, a determinant factor of growth and distribution. I find that unproductive activities have a net positive effect on economic growth and labour productivity, but at the price of increasing income inequality. Unproductive activities that rely on information rents, in particular, have increased income inequality and slowed down value-added growth despite their positive contribution to labour productivity. Information rents have drawn too much value from productive activities and benefitted the top income earners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the debate regarding trends in consumption inequality in the United States. We present a new measure of consumption inequality based on the redesigned 1999-2011 PSID. We impute consumption to the families observed before 1999 using the more comprehensive consumption data available from 1999 onward. One advantage of this procedure is in sample verification of the quality of the imputation procedure; another is that it yields a long time series (1967-2010). Consumption inequality was stable in the 1970s, as was income inequality. It increased significantly after 1980. The Great Recession was associated with a decline in consumption inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising inequality since the 1980s has spurred much research examining the underlying causes and potential policy responses. Among the more controversial, One of the more controversial policy proposals is a progressive capital tax in response to rising top wealth shares around the world proposes a progressive capital tax in response to rising top wealth shares around the world. This paper introduces rank-based econometric methods for dynamic power laws as a tool for estimating the effect of progressive capital taxes on the distribution of wealth under different assumptions about the impact of these taxes on household behavior. In most scenarios, we find that a small tax levied on 1% of households would substantially reshape the US wealth distribution and reduce inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the days of American slavery, many whites held stereotypes of African-Americans as inferior, unevolved, incapable. In societies such as the United States, which are characterized by unequal cultural power, prejudiced ideologies, usually affected by history, there is a solid reason for which dominant groups (e.g. whites) sustain and legitimate their power over other groups (e.g. African-Americans, Hispanics, Asians). The present paper is designed to see whether stereotypes during Jim Crow have persisted after the civil rights movement, event that was meant to bring equality and push the United States into a postracial era. Moreover, this analysis aims to extend the current research on the portrayal of ethnic minorities in advertising, especially in the case of African-Americans. After establishing an analytical and theoretical framework based on the relationship between racial ideology and stereotypes of African-Americans, this study investigates how African-Americans are represented in American advertising and how racial ideology is embedded within those depictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The form of political polarization where citizens develop strongly negative attitudes toward out-party members and policies has become increasingly prominent across many democracies. Economic hardship and social inequality, as well as intergroup and racial conflict, have been identified as important contributing factors to this phenomenon known as “affective polarization.” Research shows that partisan animosities are exacerbated when these interests and identities become aligned with existing party cleavages. In this paper, we use a model of cultural evolution to study how these forces combine to generate and maintain affective political polarization. We show that economic events can drive both affective polarization and the sorting of group identities along party lines, which, in turn, can magnify the effects of underlying inequality between those groups. But, on a more optimistic note, we show that sufficiently high levels of wealth redistribution through the provision of public goods can counteract this feedback and limit the rise of polarization. We test some of our key theoretical predictions using survey data on intergroup polarization, sorting of racial groups, and affective polarization in the United States over the past 50 y. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mortality is a crucial indicator of well-being, and recent mortality trends have been a subject of public debate in many Western countries. This paper compares mortality inequality in Canada and the United States over the period 1990/91 through 2010/11. In Canada, mortality inequality remained constant among the youngest but increased for men over 24 and women over 14. In contrast, in the United States, mortality inequality fell for children and youth and either modestly increased or held steady at older ages. By 2010/11, the initially higher US rates of infant and child mortality had almost converged to their Canadian counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the potential negative consequences of the internationalisation of American higher education from the perspective of positional competition theory. This analysis suggests that internationalisation efforts undertaken by colleges and universities contribute to positional competition between students vying for admission, between graduates competing for prestigious, well-paying jobs, and between higher education institutions themselves, who compete for prestige. As positional competition necessarily involves displacing other in obtaining advantage for one's self, the paper further describes how the positional competition engendered in part by the internationalisation of higher education contributes to the replication of social patterns of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American cities today are simultaneously the same and different from Wilson's classic portrayal in The Truly Disadvantaged ([1987] 2012), first published over 30 years ago. Concentrated poverty and racial segregation endure, as do racial gaps in multiple aspects of wellbeing. But mass incarceration, the dramatic drop in violent crime, immigration, rising income segregation, the suburbanisation of poverty, and other macrosocial trends have transformed the urban scene. The paradoxical result is that cities today are both better and worse off. In this paper, I put forth a unifying framework on persistence and change in urban inequality, highlighting a theory of neighbourhood effects and the higher-order structure of the contemporary metropolis. I apply this analytic framework to examine: (1) neighbourhood inequality as an important driver and mediator of urban transformation; (2) racial disparities across the life course in compounded deprivation, poisoned development, and intergenerational mobility; and (3) how everyday spatial mobility beyond the local neighbourhood is producing new forms of social isolation and higher-order segregation. I conclude with a challenge to dominant policy perspectives on urban racial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planning is a divided profession. Perspectives diverge on fundamental themes as to which theories, methodologies, and goals for the future should be embraced. Even though this plurality of views is a sign of intellectual resourcefulness within the field, it is disconcerting the extent to which planning finds it difficult to articulate itself to effectively address persistent problems such as environmental degradation and social inequality. This paper proposes that the Wilberian philosophy can offer a valuable contribution in this regard, and particularly when integrated with the legacy of Niraj Verma. Examples from transport planning are used to illustrate the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine wealth dynamics through the Great Recession along a dimension previously not studied, religious affiliation. Specifically, this paper analyzes wealth differentials and relative wealth losses among religious groups at the mean and along the wealth distribution before and after the Great Recession.Design/methodology/approach Drawing on data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and including a wide array of control variables, the paper analyzes the impact of religious affiliation groups on wealth pre- and post-Recession, using OLS, generalized least squares and quantile regression models.Findings The findings show that wealth differentials among religious groups exist both before and after the Recession and that wealth disparities are greater for people at the low end of the wealth distribution, who lost disproportionately more wealth across religious groups.Social implications The results suggest that the Great Recession further increased wealth inequality yet along another dimension, religious affiliation. These findings imply that in order to decrease wealth inequality and minimize other harmful effects of adverse macroeconomic events, religious institutions may provide education on financial management strategies, especially to those at the low end of the wealth distribution.Originality/value This paper is the first of its kind to build upon two bodies of literature: the research on religion and wealth and the research on wealth losses and the Great Recession. It is also the first paper to explore the religion–wealth relationship after the Great Recession and along the wealth distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with a review of a few selected papers on the magnitude, and trends in income inequality in the United States as a nation, at the state level, and internationally. Some of the potential determinants of income inequality in the United Sates are identified and briefly discussed as well. The paper then explores the relationship between industrial composition in the United States and income inequality. The primary finding is that there appears to be an association between the changes in the US manufacturing and services sectors and income inequality but not completely in the manner hypothesized in past research. Further increasing the size of the construction sector may provide the greatest reductions in income inequality. The paper concludes with a summary of the estimation results and some thoughts on the policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Joseph Medill's Chicago Tribune was an influential voice for civil rights and equality in the age of slavery. By 1883, however, when the Supreme Court struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875, the Tribune's commitment to its moral principles had been compromised. The paper abandoned its editorial support for equality in favor of shoring up the declining fortunes of the Republican Party in the post-Reconstruction era. A content analysis of Tribune news and editorial items on the civil rights law shows strong support for the statute in 1875 when it was passed, and an equally strong support for the Supreme Court decision that annulled it in 1883. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism has been conceptualized and applied in many different ways in different countries across the globe. This paper presents a new framework of the politics of multiculturalism in the United States. This framework consists of four different politics of multiculturalism: Multiculturalism as the Politics of Celebration, Multiculturalism as the Politics of Harmony, Multiculturalism as the Politics of Facilitation, and Multiculturalism as the Politics of Parity. These four types are associated with specific multicultural goals and specific types of multicultural policies. This paper will explain each of the four politics of multiculturalism in the United States, give examples of the different types of policies that have been advanced within each type, and assess the success of these policies. This paper contributes to the existing theoretical discussion of multiculturalism in the literature. Within that context, this paper also advances a new analysis of multicultural policies in the United States which contributes to the global discussion of strategies countries have utilized to address the complex problems of diverse societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of manufacturing employment decline on the socioeconomic outcomes within and between black and white Americans since 1960. The analysis shows that manufacturing decline had a negative impact on blacks in terms of their wages, employment, marriage rates, house values, poverty rates, death rates, single parenthood, teen motherhood, child poverty, and child mortality. In addition, the decline in manufacturing increased inequality within the black community for wages and other outcomes. Similar patterns are found for whites, but to a lesser degree—leading to larger gaps between whites and blacks in wages, marriage patterns, poverty, single-parenthood, and death rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online shopping revenues in the United States were $520 billion 2018, a more than threefold increase over a decade prior. Recent research on county‐level shares of consumer expenditures conducted online shows aggregate consumer gains but also considerable spatial variation, creating a new source of social inequality. Through the lens of classical retail location theory, this paper uses a novel approach to test the effects of marginalization, by both income and remoteness, on online shopping behavior. We find that increased shipping costs weaken demand for online goods across consumer groups. When the costs of shipping are controlled for, distance from a city most strongly motivates low‐income counties to engage in online shopping, reflecting sensitivity to cost reductions. However, variations in cost and cost/distance ratios have little effect for this group, because if shipping surcharges exist, which they almost always do at high levels, consumers in these counties will forego online shopping. Medium‐income counties are sensitive to variations in cost and cost/distance ratios. The highest‐income counties display no response to the marginal costs of remoteness. In sum, online shopping benefits consumers living in counties marginalized by either remoteness or low income but not both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to provide some insights for a normative theory of corporate political activities (CPAs). Such a theory aims to provide theoretical tools to investigate the legitimacy of corporate political involvement and allows us to determine which political activities and relations with government regulators are appropriate or inappropriate, permissible or impermissible, obligatory or forbidden for corporations. After having explored what I call the 'normative presumption of legitimacy' of CPAs, this paper identifies three different plausible strategies to criticize and object to corporate political involvement: the 'egalitarian' strategy, the 'corporate citizenship' strategy, and the 'market failures' strategy. It constitutes an attempt to develop the market failures approach to reflect on CPAs. My main claim is that within such an account, the idea that corporations have a license to operate considerably limits their right to engage in political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Special Education & Rehabilitation (2314-8608) is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores nineteenth-century U.S. foreign policy towards Hispaniola, particularly Haiti, and investigates Frederick Douglass' controversial stance on U.S. expansion on the island. Indeed, U.S. interest in the island started to take shape after years of non-recognition of Haiti and demonization of its revolution. After the Civil War, the U.S. government reassessed its policy towards the island and entered into negotiations to annex the Dominican Republic and a significant Haitian territory. Drawing on Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony, this paper examines how the U.S. intertwined its narrative of exceptionalism with racial ideology to legitimize its nineteenth-century expansionist zeal. Of particular interest is Douglass' evolving response to U.S. hemispheric expansionism. The leading abolitionist, who firmly opposed U.S. interventions in the antebellum period, altered his views and strikingly aligned himself with Gilded Age expansionist schemes. This discussion traces the reasons for Douglass' shifting positionality towards U.S. cultural hegemony. It brings to light Douglass's aspirations to de-Other Haiti and put an end to its hemispheric exclusion and isolation. Therefore, Douglass' espousal of U.S. interventionist policy was contingent on the extent to which this expansionist policy advanced racial integration and diasporic egalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by chronicling the stunning inequality (economic and other) that characterizes the U.S. economy and U.S. cities. The development of cities in the United States in recent decades is linked quite essentially to the dynamics and contradictions of U.S. capitalism, including a policy agenda that has been pro-capital and anti-urban. The penultimate section of the paper shows that neoclassical theory – with its focus on “choice” – provides a deeply inadequate explanation of urban inequality. And yet neoclassicism, along with its cruder relative, neoliberalism, has continued to shape the narrative of U.S. cities. The final section argues for a “multidisciplinary economics” that recognizes that a rich urban economics requires insights from political science, sociology, geography, and other academic disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the role that different components of the academic strength of the secondary-school curriculum (i.e. number, subjects and grades of advanced academic courses) play in explaining social origin differences in access to prestigious universities (but also to other higher education institutions) in Scotland and the USA. A central aim of the paper is to investigate whether the mechanism behind the studied patterns of inequality differs depending on the characteristics of each educational system. Our results show pronounced social class gaps in entering top higher education institutions in both Scotland and the USA. Academic curriculum plays an important role in explaining these social class differences in both countries. However, while in Scotland type of subjects taken at an advanced level is the strongest mediator for the identified social class differences, in the USA, number of advanced subjects is the strongest. Moreover, taking into account the three academic components combined entirely explains the social class differences in Scotland. Considerable inequalities which are not explained by the strength of academic curriculum remain in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Five sectors have increased their contribution to US GDP growth since 1973: professional-business services (PBS), finance, information, healthcare, and arts-entertainment. Among these, however, finance, healthcare, and PBS have questionable foundations for being regarded as final consumption of households. Contra published National Income and Product Accounts, treating expenditures on finance, healthcare, and PBS as intermediate consumption reveals a significantly different picture of US economic growth, including i) a deeper slowdown of real output growth since 1973; ii) a more moderate rise in consumption share since 1980; and iii) a sharper decline in labor share, defined as the compensation of employees over GDP since 1985. Through a measurement approach, this paper thus contributes to the literature on secular stagnation and rising inequality in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People in diverse societies often discuss and debate strategies for achieving egalitarian goals, such as achieving equality in their societies. A tacit assumption in these discussions is that all parties must agree on what equality means in order to pursue and achieve it. In this paper, I use the United States as a context to examine whether that assumption is reasonable, given the effects of macro-level structure and culture on individual psychologies. Specifically, I discuss how patterns of social stratification seep into the mind and affect how different groups of people perceive and make meaning of the world around them, including their understanding of concepts like equality. Further, I discuss what those processes mean for differential motivation to pursue egalitarian goals among sub-groups of people within shared, yet segregated, societies. Finally, I end with some considerations about pathways to achieve equality even when people disagree about what that actually means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four decades of rising incomes at the top, combined with income stagnation and declining intergenerational social mobility for the majority of American households, have combined to produce what has been widely described as a "new gilded age" in the United States. Yet analyses of the best available survey data reveal little evidence of a proportional increase in policy demands for redistribution over time. What explains this puzzling pattern of non-responsiveness? One classical explanation, revived in recent economic literature, postulates that high and persisting levels of optimism about the chances for advancement and social mobility reduce Americans' willingness to support redistributive public policies. Although seemingly paradoxical in the current economic environment, the "prospect of upward mobility" (POUM) hypothesis is consistent with cross-national survey evidence revealing relatively high levels of support for such beliefs. What about trends over-time? This raises an important and largely unexamined question: Have underlying beliefs about POUM also shaped Americans' attitudes toward redistributive policies during the era of rising inequality? In this paper, we examine the POUM-policy preference link, and how it has changed in recent decades. We find that POUM beliefs have shaped how individuals form policy attitudes toward inequality and taxes, net of partisanship, income, and confidence in government. Study findings provide new and provocative evidence in support of the POUM hypothesis, and we discuss implications for models of inequality attitudes and more generally scholarship on the politics of rising inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of political attitudes and ideologies have sought to explain their origin. They have been assumed to be a result of political values ingrained during the process of socialization until early adulthood, as well as personal political experience, party affiliation, social strata, etc. As a consequence of these environment-dominated explanations, most biology-based accounts of political preference have never been considered. However, in the light of evidence accumulated in recent years, the view that political attitudes are detached from any physical properties became unsustainable. In this paper, we investigate the origins of social justice attitudes, with special focus on economic egalitarianism and its potential genetic basis. We use Minnesota Twin Study data from 2008, collected from samples of monozygotic and dizygotic twin pairs ( n = 573) in order to estimate the additive genetic, shared environmental, and unique environmental components of social justice attitudes. Our results show that the large portion of the variance in a four-item economic egalitarianism scale can be attributed to genetic factor. At the same time, shared environment, as a socializing factor, has no significant effect. The effect of environment seems to be fully reserved for unique personal experience. Our findings further problematize a long-standing view that social justice attitudes are dominantly determined by socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constraints arise naturally in many scientific experiments/studies such as in, epidemiology, biology, toxicology, etc. and often researchers ignore such information when analyzing their data and use standard methods such as the analysis of variance (ANOVA). Such methods may not only result in a loss of power and efficiency in costs of experimentation but also may result poor interpretation of the data. In this paper we discuss constrained statistical inference in the context of linear mixed effects models that arise naturally in many applications, such as in repeated measurements designs, familial studies and others. We introduce a novel methodology that is broadly applicable for a variety of constraints on the parameters. Since in many applications sample sizes are small and/or the data are not necessarily normally distributed and furthermore error variances need not be homoscedastic (i.e. heterogeneity in the data) we use an empirical best linear unbiased predictor (EBLUP) type residual based bootstrap methodology for deriving critical values of the proposed test. Our simulation studies suggest that the proposed procedure maintains the desired nominal Type I error while competing well with other tests in terms of power. We illustrate the proposed methodology by re-analyzing a clinical trial data on blood mercury level. The methodology introduced in this paper can be easily extended to other settings such as nonlinear and generalized regression models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many contemporary democratic theorists are democratic egalitarians. They think that the distinctive value of democracy lies in equality. Yet this position faces a serious problem. All contemporary democracies are representative democracies. Such democracies are highly unequal: representatives have much more power than do ordinary citizens. So, it seems that democratic egalitarians must condemn representative democracies. In this paper, I present a solution to this problem. My solution invokes popular control. If representatives are under popular control, then their extra power is not objectionable. Unfortunately, so I argue, in the United States representatives are under loose popular control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1948 to 1950, NBC’s Chicago affiliate, WMAQ, aired a unique, half-hour long weekly drama series.Destination Freedomfeatured tales of contemporary and historic black leaders representing a wide range of careers and accomplishments. The series’ creator and sole scriptwriter, Richard Durham (1917–1984), lyrically demonstrated how each of his subjects, in their own way, advocated for freedom, justice, and equality. Durham earned numerous awards for his series, including posthumous induction into the National Radio Hall of Fame (2007). AfterDestination Freedom’sdemise, Durham worked as a labor organizer, newspaper editor, television scriptwriter, credited ghostwriter for boxer Muhammad Ali, and speechwriter/campaign strategist for Harold Washington, Chicago’s first black mayor. The following article examines the creative energy and political struggles Durham navigated to bring his more than 90Destination Freedomradio dramas to life. This essay is excerpted fromWord Warrior: Richard Durham, Radio, and Freedom. Copyright 2015 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, and used with the permission of the University of Illinois Press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increasingly sophisticated antidiscrimination laws, discrimination and inequality have proved remarkably resilient. This prompts questions about the limits of law's ability to achieve social change. One way forward is to fashion new legal tools, which impose duties to promote or achieve equality, rather than focusing on individual rights against specific perpetrators. In the past decade in Britain, such fourth generation equality laws have been developed in a distinctive format, requiring the decision-maker to "have due regard" to equality, rather than taking action to achieve such objectives. This standard has triggered a spate of judicial review cases, particularly in response to austerity measures imposing deep budgetary cuts on disadvantaged groups. This Paper's aims are two-fold. The first is to examine the judicial approach to the due regard standard in the light of recent regulatory theory. Do courts consider the due regard standard as a signal for deference, or can it be understood as an example of "reflexive law," facilitating deliberative decision-making rather than imposing external standards likely to meet with resistance from the regulated body? The Paper concludes that courts have struggled to deal with the regulatory challenges presented by the "due regard" standard, wavering between appropriate and inappropriate intervention. The second aim is an analysis of whether a deliberative standard is appropriate in the equality context. The record of judicial review cases demonstrates that such a standard risks legitimating or simply reconfiguring existing inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The paper intends to enrich the set of national contexts used so far in studies about gift-giving. It also intends to test the unique explanatory power of the dimensions of egalitarianism. Design/methodology/approach -- The study uses a survey methodology with an Israeli sample. Findings -- The results suggest that egalitarianism affects gift-giving behaviors only for females and anniversary presents. Research limitations/implications -- The research is not cross-cultural per se. Thus, further research is needed in nations that are maximally different from the USA and Israel on their cultural dimensions. Practical implications -- Strong social norms about gift-giving "protocol" may override the effect of egalitarianism attitudes on gift-giving behavior. Thus, marketers can benefit greatly from creating, nurturing, and promoting ritualistic and structured gift-giving situations. Originality/value -- The paper examines gift-giving in Israel, a culturally different setting than the USA and other developed nations. It also extends the use of gender-role attitudes, especially egalitarianism, as a predictor of gift-giving behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews published research and presents new analyses from the 1995 nationally representative sample from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study to investigate whether there is support for the paradox of race and health in the United States. Findings reveal that Blacks have lower rates of several common mental disorders, but Blacks also have higher rates of flourishing than Whites. Blacks are mentally resilient in the face of greater social inequality and exposure to discrimination as well as high rates of physical morbidity—all of which are distinctive risk factors for mental distress and mental illness in the general population. Findings also show that controlling for perceived discrimination increases the Black advantage in 12 of the 13 signs of flourishing, suggesting that Blacks would have even better mental health were it not for discrimination. This paper concludes by considering what mechanisms—both adaptive and maladaptive—might explain this particular example of resilience in the Black population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the measurements for inequality and poverty that requires focusing on the details while examining the overall picture, in which the U.S. can learn from Europe's research and experience. It notes that many of the conference papers focuses on alternative measures of income, evaluates its impact on inequality and poverty from the joint Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)/Universtiy of Maryland conference that was held in Paris, France. The papers highlight the impact of making changes that affects measurement while the details provides insight for the determination of the best measure to use for poverty and inequality.

Foreign-trade zones (FTZs) are restricted-access sites where domestic and foreign goods are stored, manufactured, or assembled. Products foreign bound from an FTZ do not pay duties, tariffs, or ad valorem state taxes, yet are considered domestic goods. These zones are outside of US Customs and Borders Protection (CBP) jurisdiction and are considered foreign territory. FTZs are intended to promote economic development, provide a competitive advantage to US firms, and improve access to foreign markets for US manufacturing firms. However, while these zones can positively impact local economies, they may attract investment away from underserved regions, thereby exacerbating spatial inequality. This paper analyzes the spatial relationship between the number of FTZs, median household income, unemployment rates, income growth rates, and the number of manufacturing firms by county in the Southeastern United States. Results from this study find that counties with FTZs in the Southeast have significantly higher economic output than counties without access to FTZs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants are omnipresent in cosmopolitan societies. So too are steep increases in economic inequality. These changes have pushed immigration to the top of the political agenda in the U.S and many other cosmopolitan societies. In response to the migrant crisis in the U.S., conservatives seek to erect walls, restrict immigration and deport the undocumented, while liberals seek amnesty, sanctuary policies and other measures to advance human rights. Both sets of policies, however, primarily address consequences rather than underlying causes of external drivers of migration and internal dynamics of inequalities that animate populist revolts on both the left and right. In this paper, I employ an analytic framework that highlights structural factors that contribute to immigration patterns and growing inequities in the U.S. The paper examines how U.S. immigration and immigrant policy interacts with the political economy in ways that shape unequal immigrant incorporation processes and outcomes. I conclude by pointing to contemporary social movements that promote policies aimed at producing more egalitarian outcomes for migrants and citizens alike. Given that immigrants and their offspring comprise nearly one in four people in the U.S., addressing such inequities is theoretically important and a pressing political concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses one White social studies teacher's racial literacy in a segregated school serving students of colour. The case study highlights racial literacy as tenuous, as the teacher utilised racial literacy practises, yet at times displayed bias or appeared challenged to sustain such practises in her teaching context. Implications suggest the importance of teachers committed to enacting antiracist pedagogies engaging in continuous conscious and critical self-reflection on racial literacy practises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic theory suggests that monopoly prices hurt consumers but benefit shareholders. But in a world where individuals or households can be both consumers and shareholders, the impact of market power on inequality depends in part on the relative distribution of consumption and corporate equity ownership across individuals or households. The paper calculates this distribution for the United States, using data from the Survey of Consumer Finances and the Consumer Expenditure Survey, spanning nearly three decades from 1989 to 2016. In 2016, the top 20 per cent consumed approximately as much as the bottom 60 per cent, but had 15 times as much corporate equity. Because ownership is more skewed than consumption, increased mark-ups increase inequality. Moreover, over time, corporate equity has become even more skewed relative to consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]