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Purpose: Operating in both traditional schools and alternative learning systems (ALS) requires organizations to have a strong understanding of what drives the cultural acceptance of violence and the capacity of the local populace to find peaceful solutions. This paper explores the results from a formative social network analysis (SNA) study on out-of-school youth (OSY) in the Philippines for educational programming in crisis settings. SNA views relationships in terms of nodes and ties--nodes are the individual actors in networks, and ties are the relationships between the actors. As part of a process evaluation, SNA can shed light into the "black box" of how and why people and groups interact. Design/methodology/approach: Study data came from a survey of 1,006 youth between the ages of 18-24, in a cluster-randomized sample from eight municipalities in Mindanao, Philippines. The survey captured information on demographics, acceptance of violence, resilience and the relationships between youth/voluntary organizations, as well as between youth/trusted contacts ("alters"). These data were transformed into findings using both descriptive techniques and regression analysis. Findings: This paper finds that among Mindanao youth, the patterns connecting OSY with organizations, trusted contacts, acceptance of violence and resilience are extremely complex. The evidence paints a picture of OSY who are disconnected with institutional support, largely confined to their barangays (villages/neighborhoods) and surrounded by people who have overlapping roles as neighbors, relatives and friends. The analysis fails to outline a single, unified picture and instead reveals a tapestry of disparate points. More abstractly, SNA as a methodology captures a unique slice of the complexity of youths' lives and how aspects of this complexity evince the need for more effort to be put into adapting OSY programming to local conditions. The results also support previous research highlighting how push and pull factors combine in uniquely individual ways that defy general demographic patterns. Demographic variables, for example, explain little of the variation in youths' perceptions of violence and resilience, despite the strong significance of gender, age and urban/rural residence in most models. Variables for ethnicity and religion, in contrast, generally did not significantly influence acceptance of violence or perceived resilience. Social implications: From the constellation of findings, this study posits the following conclusions--regarding future development projects, practitioners can use SNA to better understand the complex patterns of influence on OSY at the community level. There is still ample opportunity to broaden and deepen institutional engagement with Mindanao's OSY population. Programs hoping to involve OSY should expect to dedicate special time, attention and resources to their recruitment, education and training. Regarding the design of interventions, programs focusing on mitigating or addressing violence/violent extremism should acknowledge the complexity of social networks. Education programs should thus be explicit about specific desired outcomes, elaborating how they intend to mitigate which types of violence and under what circumstances for which subgroups of youth. Originality/value: Regarding future research and evaluation, the study demonstrates how SNA, as an innovative monitoring and evaluation method, can map and measure human and organizational relationships, both visually and mathematically. The suite of methods under the SNA umbrella deserve greater attention and use by those seeking to learn about what works in providing quality educational services in crisis settings.

This paper aims to show the relevance of spatial proximity and social capital in accelerating the spread of agricultural technologies such as integrated pest management (IPM). The research was done in response to the problem of slow diffusion of agricultural technologies. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in investigating the process of sharing and learning of IPM. Results show that social capital in terms of kin networks and spatial proximity such as found among farm neighbours are essential in the learning process and hence, diffusion of IPM among Filipino farmers. Kin networks and farm location are then important considerations in sampling participants strategically for the long-season IPM farmer field schools (FFS). (Contains 4 tables and 4 figures.)

This paper examines the link between reliance on Facebook for news, political knowledge, and political engagement in the Philippines. We tested five hypotheses using data gathered from an online survey of 978 Filipinos conducted from February 1 to March 31, 2016. Findings support the hypothesis that those who rely less on social media as a news source exhibit higher levels of perceived knowledge about politics than those who rely more on it for news. Controlling for traditional news use, following political officials or institutions on social media is associated with higher levels of political interest and engagement, those with more politically active friends on Facebook have higher levels of exposure to political content online, and there is a positive correlation between Facebook being a source of information about politics and discussing politics more often with others. However, the hypothesis that those with more friends on their network who are politically active, will have greater political knowledge and more political engagement than those who have few politically active friends on their Facebook network is not supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the empirical evidence linking political dynasties in the Philippines to the imposition of term limits under the 1987 Constitution. It finds evidence that political clans have found a way around this Constitutional constraint by fielding more family members in power--giving rise to more fat political dynasties. Hence, we carefully argue that the introduction of term limits--combined with the failure to introduce other ancillary reforms (notably an anti-dynasty law)--may have brought about instead some unintended consequences. So, it is not term limits per se that created fat political dynasties. We further argue that it is a non sequitur to argue that dynasties will be curbed by removing term limits. This is particularly true given fat political clans are already prevalent, and removing term limits will secure the political foothold of many already fat political dynasties. To illustrate their expansion, we use network analysis and illustrations of power concentration over time in particular jurisdictions. We conclude that real reforms should be focused not on removing term limits, but on further strengthening those reforms that should have accompanied it, including enhancing competition in the political sphere, such as by supplying alternative leaders, strengthening political parties, and regulating political dynasties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Migrant domestic workers are vulnerable to physical and mental health problems given the many challenges they experience while working abroad. Using network analysis, this study examined the structure of depression, cardiometabolic health indicators (BMI, waist-hip ratio (WHR), blood pressure, and heart rate), bone mass, and perceived health status in this population. The network model allowed for an examination of central symptoms or symptoms with the most direct connections with other symptoms; bridge symptoms, or symptoms that link two or more communities; and edges, or relationships among symptoms. Method: Cross-sectional data were gathered from 1375 Filipino domestic workers in Macao (SAR), China. Data from a subsample of 510 participants who met a cutoff indicating depression were analyzed. Anthropometric measurements and surveys were used to collect data, which was analyzed using R statistical software. Results: Results showed four community clusters: three communities consisted of at least two depression symptoms each and the fourth community included physical health indicators. Strong edges were formed between BMI-bone mass, psychomotor-concentration, BMI-WHR, and sad mood-anhedonia. The node with the highest expected influence was BMI. There were three bridges: worthlessness, psychomotor difficulties, and concentration difficulties. Conclusion: The link between depression, cardiometabolic indicators, bone mass, and poor perceived health reinforces the need to address multimorbidity within migrant populations. Health promotion interventions that address mental and physical health may improve the health of this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares frames constructed by two sides of the Philippine population management debate with media frames of the issue. Analysis was conducted through neural network analysis with the CatPac computer program. On the one hand, supporters of the policy use a 'development frame' which defines population as a problem borne out of people having large families; it is argued that unchecked population growth negatively impacts on development outcomes such as education and income. In the development frame, the proposed solution is to institute a population management policy that promotes family planning (contraceptive use) to help Filipinos achieve their desired family size. Opponents on the other hand use two frames, one which equates the policies with abortion, and another which argues that such policies will lead to a degradation of moral values. Results delineate the competing frames from both sides and show that the media frame reflects both views, but that the discourse is presented as conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]