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From the beginning of the modern democratic movement the doctrine of an inherent equality among men has been persistent. While the assertion that "all men are created equal" as set forth in the famous Declaration has not been taken literally by the majority of informed writers, it has, nevertheless, been held by many as a fundamental article of faith. As such it has been ill-defined; facts obviously in conflict with it have been passed over in silence or in scorn. Being considered essential to the ideals of democracy, it has been, like other doctrines which are fervently avowed with the weighty emotional values of religious mysticism, immune to criticism. Its constant reiteration has been the chief evidence of its patent validity. Even among men of scientific and philosophical training, especially in the United States, a deeply grounded faith in democracy has carried with it belief in the essential equality of men. The doctrine, semi-religious in itself, has had a powerful religious sanction in the Christian hope of human brotherhood. Consequently, under its impulsion have developed many of the most characteristic features of present civilization. The suffrage has been made universal; even the immemorial prejudice of sex inferiority dissolved before the mystical potency of egalitarian ideas.

In this article, the author examines the implications of the Silver Question before the U.S. Congress of 1886 to the history of monetary policy in the U.S. The Sections of the Act of February 28, 1878, calling a Monetary Conference, made the U.S. the champion and advocate in the community of nations of the restoration of civil order in dealing with money. Concurrent regulation of metallic money by a competent majority of nations, and on the basis of equality of legal right between the two metals, became by this Act a fixed object of the foreign policy. As for the time consumed and to be consumed in passing from this turning point of history to the success of the policy, it is well to mark that it is not uncommon for men to wait a long time for the attainment of a great end. The United Colonies suffered under the Confederation for many years before they adopted the Constitution. The restoration of greenbacks to par with gold was a struggle of many years. The diplomatic successes of this country have usually required a long time for their attainment; and in the rare instances when Americans had a foreign policy in the specific sense, when there was some important object to be gained through the action of several foreign powers, the lack of a continuing, organized, high-grade civil service has naturally unfitted Americans from advancing a meritorious cause with the maximum of speed.