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Tins paper is intended as an effort at taking-stock of the reference group concept after nearly three decades of use, the latter two of which have been marked by its more than ample employment. Its popularity indeed has so frequently led to its serving as an all-purpose post hoc explanation of behavior that it has led to the wry definition, "Your reference group is a group that you behave like and you behave like them because they're your reference group" (Cohen, 1962: 104). The inconsistencies, lack of clarity, but also areas of agreement which have marked the varied formulations of the concept, will be apparent from the following review and commentary. The Final discussion indicates some of the matters still to be considered in the use of thin important but perhaps overworked concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Erik Jörgen Hansen's paper concerning Danish educational equalization. He starts by discussing a certain specified goal, social equality in the field of education. He then deals with a number of obstacles which according to him prevent the realization of the desired goal in existing school systems. Finally he proposes certain measures to clear away the obstacles or minimize their importance. The goals discussed by Hansen is social equality in the field of education. What this means to him he discusses at some length and comes out with a number of definitions. One of these, consistent equality, he then tries to operationalize. This means in its general version that equality is reached when the educational system is so constructed, that it for all leads to a result that does not make it possible to find any useful criterion according to which individuals can be singled out in relation to the education obtained. In a more limited way this goal can be said to have been reached if the individuals in various categories, examples are social groups, geographical area, sex and others, on the average, regardless of category, reach a completely identical educational result.

One hundred fifty-nine male African adults from the Belgian Congo were given a paper-and-pencil perceptual task devised by A. Rey and consisting of drawing lines between randomly arranged black dots so as to isolate simple geometrical figures. A practice task, where the perceptual difficulty was reduced by printing in different colors the dots corresponding to the different figures, was always given first. Both tasks were given without time-limit. Scores were number of correct patterns on the black test, and time taken to complete each of the two tasks. Both time scores were combined by Hotelling's principal components method. Two independent variables were obtained, one of which (J) expresses the general tendency to be slow on both tasks and the other the tendency to be slower on the (difficult) black patterns than on the (easier) color ones. The relationship of these components to accuracy on the black patterns was determined. Africans were compared on both time components with Belgian Ss at the same accuracy level. (It was necessary to use children because European adults are too accurate en this test.) It appears that, for the same degree of accuracy, Africans are always slower on J, but no difference is apparent on B. It is concluded that, as far as these tasks are considered, the slowness of the Africans--defined by comparison with Europeans of the same level of accuracy--is not related to task difficulty. This finding is more easily explained by a general lack of interest in speed performance than by a slower operation of mental functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an appendix note on a statistical question raised in the preceding paper.

The article presents information on the experimental measurement of a social hierarchy in Gallus Domesticus. The experiment is related to the identification and inferential measurement of social reflexes by the means of social discrimination. The first paper in this preliminary series of experiments narrates the general story of the method of attack on the time and space measurement of social phenomena. The article also presents a brief abstract of the findings of that paper. In the experiment, six young roosters were arranged in a hierarchy of dominance, the order being determined by the number of individuals in the group that each rooster is able to defeat in physical combat. This was followed by the application of the simple measurements of time and space. It was pointed out that this method of measurement and analysis was initiated as a result of reflecting on the discussion of conditions in the social sciences by other psychologists. Social discrimination in Gallus domesticus is identified as it is measured in the social discrimination cage. When the discriminations are plotted against mass, there is no indication that the discriminations are any more than chance.

This article examines the economic, social and political forces determining the concrete amount of education needed by all people. In his paper Torsten Husén states that in estimating the degree to which people can be educated, people are primarily dealing with a socio-politico-economic problem rather than a pedagogic one. Perhaps the main problem raised by Husén's paper is not whether the existing empirical information support a reactionary or progressive educational pattern, but the significance of empirical findings as such. The large research work done by Husén shows, by large, that the arguments put forward against the educability of people and in favor of selective or restrictive pattern of education are not, pedagogically, valid. On the other hand, it is certain that once a progressive educational policy is formed at the political level, the implementation of it need research directed to these specific ends. There are some principal tendencies in a class society to repeat the existing division of work and modes of manpower utilization by limiting of education of some demographic groups and differentiating mechanically the knowledge transmitted to people.

The expression of hostility and conflict in a small group is a normal part of the small group process and is, in fact, a positive and even necessary factor in the development and maintenance of group cohesion. This cohesive function can be understood in terms of the role that hostility plays in the development of the social structure of the small group. In addition this paper has shown that the mere measurement of degree of hostility expressed in small groups tends to lead to conflicting findings. The positive or negative nature of hostility in small groups is related to the stage of the value structure of the group. The expression of hostility in a small group under the circumstances discussed in this paper is part of an integrative process in that it is an important channel of communication. Therefore, while hostility may be a destructive force in human interaction, it may also perform integrative functions, and these integrative functions must be more carefully evaluated and studied in the study of small groups. In the development of any field of study there is periodic need for the assembling, integration, and theoretical conceptualization of research findings. When this is done more fruitful experimentation can be carried out in the future. This paper has attempted to fill this need in the area of the expression of hostility in small groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a system of categories for the analysis of the development of ideas in small discussion groups. The proposed system focuses on ideas rather than on behavior of individuals, and provides the basis for a more definitive analysis of this aspect of the group process than can be achieved with other current systems. It is hoped that this system will provide for other researchers a highly useful and usable instrument for the study of small groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper reports an attempt to predict performance on tasks requiring cooperative effort by means of a group administered paper and pencil attitude test. Such predictions are of two sorts, main effects, that is simple relationships between test scores and performance of teams and interaction effects, like a relationship between the combinations of test scorers on a team and the team's performance. Tasks were desired which would reflect the achievement of the group as a whole, rather than either the sum of the contributions of the individual members or merely the contribution of the most effective member. Since there were nine trials per session, with each of six types of teams appearing three times in each session, practice effects could be equated for types of teams only through counterbalanced sets of three sessions. To make a test of significance more applicable to the data from all the sessions and not just to the two possible combinations of counter-balanced sets of sessions, an attempt was made to remove position effects.

The reported experiment is based on a few assumptions. First that people perceive each other in the two dimensions of tower as the ability to satisfy needs, and acceptance defined as the willingness to do so. A new research tool, based on these assumptions, the statogram, has been introduced. The second assumption (tested in other experiments) is that human groups should be divided into Instrumental, Mutual Acceptance, and Vectorial ones according to the objectives of their members. The experimental group reported here was an Instrumental one. Leadership in an Instrumental group has been studied experimentally in the reported experiment. Leadership has been defined as a relationship between two parts of a group in which one part, the leader (s), initiates, stimulates, and sometimes even determines the activities of the other part called follower (s). This study emphasizes the situational factors in leadership. Leadership is a function of the specific situation in a group. Specific hypothesis has been brought forward that in an Instrumental group, leadership is rather a function of power than of acceptance. A group of six subjects was assembled, two of them especially instructed, one of them had to behave like a strong but unfriendly person while the other had to be very friendly and weak. The results of statogram and of observers, mutually highly correlated, did prove what has been anticipated. A series of experiments are being conducted to develop the new research tool applied in this study and to corroborate further and on larger samples the hypothesis proposed in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of the concepts of role and consensus has been so well documented that it can now be treated as an assumption by sociologists. Still, however, the measurement of role consensus is not without difficulty since the concept itself imposes a number of methodological problems. This paper represents a suggestion of an alternative measurement combining a number of innovations from our present body of sociological knowledge. In brief, this involves the merger of the following: (1) the problem of comparing intraposition with interposition consensus; (2) the utilization of dyadic consensus; (3) the application of a correlational measure based on ordinal assumptions; and (4) the possibility of furthering the concerns of both macroscopic and microscopic analysis. Our approach will be direct and somewhat abbreviated in terms of (1) a brief rationale; (2) a working hypothesis; (3) a description of the instrument; (4) measurement; and (5) discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades limited research attention has been given to those smallest population centers, beyond the individual farmstead, commonly referred to as hamlets. Alluding to this fact, the following statement made in 1943 by the geographer, Glenn T. Trewartha, is still indicative of the situation: "… one of the most numerous and widespread settlement types in the United States, the unincorporated hamlet, does not deserve the near oblivion that has been accorded it by geographers and other workers in the social sciences." The lack of research interest may be attributed partially to the dimunition of the farm population and rural institutions and the increasing significance of industrialization and urban development. Because of these and other changes, students of society may share the opinion that hamlets are rapidly disappearing and consequently not worthy of study. Various studies, however, are not in agreement concerning whether or not hamlets have increased or decreased in size and numbers. According to Fuguitt, the contradictory findings stem from the fact that previous researchers have not made "a clear distinction between (1) changes in population size categories over time, and (2) changes in individual places over time." In a study based on Census data, Fuguitt examined Wisconsin's incorporated small towns for the period 1880-1960. He simultaneously analyzed the two analytical components indicated above through the use of the Markov model. His general conclusion was: "While fewer small towns are being 'born' these days, they aren't 'dying,' but are growing up to be big towns, in some cases." Although it is possible, as Fuguitt also suggests, that small unincorporated places are declining in size and number, there is little reported data to suggest they are rapidly diminishing as a rural collectivity or settlement center in contemporary society. In general, the purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to our descriptive knowledge of hamlets. Initially, an effort is made to determine the main activity pursued by the principal family supporters within or near the hamlet area. Secondly, based on the major activity pursued by each resident family's primary income recipient, a statistically derived typology of hamlets is described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research and theory relative to the lower class adolescent male peer group has focused largely on the culture and behavior of group members. Further, the focus has been on the different types of behavior characteristic of different groups. While this analysis has been quite fruitful, it has led us away from attempting to place all such groups on any single continuum which might involve structure as well as culture. Specifically, the concept of "gang" has either been used loosely to include all groups of lower class male adolescents or has been omitted altogether. This paper maintains that the concept of gang still has considerable utility as a category for research. This paper will be presented in five parts: (1) an analysis of the concept as used in the past into a set of empirical variables; (2) a description of a method used to get data on these variables; (3) a presentation of data relative to these variables; (4) an analysis of the correlation of these variables; and (5) an attempt to place gangs on continue representing variables found in small groups in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to understand the interrelations among relations within concrete social groups. Social structure is sought, not ideal types, although the latter are relevant to interrelations among relations. From a detailed social network, patterns of global relations can be extracted, within which classes of equivalently positioned individuals are delineated. The global patterns are derived algebraically through a 'functorial' mapping of the original pattern. Such a mapping (essentially a generalized homomorphism) allows systematically for concatenation of effects through the network. The notion of functorial mapping is of central importance in the 'theory of categories,' a branch of modem algebra with numerous applications to algebra, topology, logic. The paper contains analyses of two social networks, exemplifying this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the social psychology of physical activity and sports. Physical activity refers to vigorous activities which encompass competitive sports competition to simpler modes of human movement, such as calisthenics. Physical activity and sports are two methods by which man socializes with his fellow beings, thus the necessity of understanding social behavior while involved in the said interaction. The variables affecting physical activity and sports are attitudes, personality and culture.

The late 1960s saw the emergence of a few "super gangs" whose political and economic activities attracted much attention. More recently, gangs apparently similar to those of the 1950s have become newsworthy again in several major cities. This paper surveys these developments against the background of a variety of macro- and microsociological processes. Research conducted in Chicago and elsewhere during the late 1950s and early 60s suggests that delinquent gangs were rather "innocent" participants in the broad social trends of the times and that most gang members were relatively unaffected by the ideological currents associated with them. The primary effect on gangs was indirect, by changing the perceptions and attitudes of others toward gangs, and their behavior in relation to them. Gang life for most members of most gangs, individually and collectively, appears to have changed little in recent years. The prospects for channeling the energies of gangs into socially constructive programs seem bleak, because of the operation of group processes, and the limited experiences and social abilities of most gang members. Basic structural limitations on opportunities for the poor and the powerless to achieve economic and political power provide the framework within which these processes operate today as in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper was to demonstrate the applicability of perceived similarity and social favorability scales to the assessment of reference group valences in opiate addicts. Parallel sets of questionnaire items were constructed to elicit favorable and unfavorable self-presentations and group assessments on three status dimensions where in each dimension one pole represented a specified membership group presumed to be a positive reference group, while the other pole symbolized a contrasting, and presumably negative reference group. An item by item scoring of congruent responses to pairs cif items describing self and designated subgroups yielded measures of addict identification or psychological closeness of addicts with reference groups. Configurally scored scales were not superior to single response scales in differentiating the valence levels of reference groups. Greater favorability was ascribed to membership groups. Subjects tended to attribute unfavorable qualities (and in some cases tended to neutralize their responses) to nonmembership groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents elements of a technique used for making group decisions. Within large organizations, managers or administrators, especially those in middle positions of power, daily make decisions that reflect the organizational norms and, in doing so, may impede the creative thrust within themselves and their personnel. With these contexts in view, and with the objective of promoting sound, liberating, and widely shared decisions, this paper will present a method for gathering individual judgments and converting them into group decisions, together with relevant methods to be used for comparative study. The method goes by the acrostic name Successive Proportional Additive Numeration,which also serves as a mnemonic for its iterative calculation process. Power concentrations, such as these, occur for many reasons including nonparticipation in voting, indirect appointments, long tenure in office, and close similarity between the platforms of opposing candidates. Some effects of concentrated power, however, are not salutary.

This article focuses on the relationship between emotional disturbance and discrimination. The idea that frustration, poor parent-child relationships, and extreme deprivation are behind prejudice and discrimination has led to studies of German dictator Adolf Hitler, the Nazis, and other racist groups. Research evidence stemming from studies of the authoritarian personality, rigidity, and other personality variables also lends support to this type of analysis. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the discriminatory behavior of a "normal group" in terms of their relationship to a cohesive, identifiable subculture, and the resultant restriction of their outgroup interactions. It is the author's belief that the insulation of subgroups in the pluralistic society provides a perhaps unwanted, but nevertheless powerful structure that fosters discriminatory behavior against outgroups. The degree of ethnic identification and integration was measured through responses to group membership and participation in ethnic customs and activities. It was assumed that the availability of opportunities for ethnic activities was evidence of a subculture structure.

The article presents a paper that uses the social role concept as developed by social science to analyze a subject of interest to social work. The social role is a way to look at the behavior which is expected of people in a certain status by other members of a social group. In this instance the article analyzes the expectations of the foster-parent role in relation to others in the foster care situation--child, natural parents or the child's immediate family, and professional representatives of the agency. Analysis will be built on the fact that there are actually two roles for the foster parent which have not been thought out by social work. One role is seen by the lay person, and the other is visualized by the professional social worker or the child placing agency. The professional role can be characterized as one of temporary maintenance or temporary home care. The objective is to maintain the child in a physical and emotional condition so that he is able to return to his own home--maintenance with parents, family past, and identity and integrity of parental relationship.

The article presents a cross-cultural study of the behavioral aspects of the concept of religion. The problem with which this study was concerned was the dynamic connotation of the concept of religion for individuals and groups. The best index of the meaning of any concept to a person would be his behavioral responses to the incarnation of that concept. Such a response would be structured by the person's expectations concerning the impact of the structured stimulus on him. A meaning which retains some of the vitality of that index and has the virtue of being much more accessible is to ask people to describe the behavior which they suppose is structured by the concept. This was the mode of operation adopted for the present study. In the light of the nature of the actions ascribed to the religious person it seems reasonable to suppose that the guesses of the subjects regarding the percentage of people in such countries who so act reflect or even help determine the attitude of the subjects toward the country. It should not be supposed, however, that this belief is the total determinant of the attitude.

A naive subject, either a leader or a non-leader, was placed in a group with three paid participants. These accomplices supported the subject in the first session, and withdrew this support in the second. The theoretical position of this paper maintained that what is commonly referred to as "leadership ability" is a complex. series of learned responses. It further maintained that individuals who have had the ability and opportunity to learn these responses, i.e., leaders, would have characteristically different attitudes, perceptions and behaviors than would individuals who did not have these responses in their repertoire, i.e., non-leaders. These characteristically different reactions to a group should manifest themselves both in situations where the individual is supported by the group and where he is rejected by it, and should also manifest themselves in differential behavioral changes between the two situations. The subject's behavior was recorded during the experiment and a questionnaire was administered after each session. A series of predictions were made, based upon the theoretical position just described. The results obtained tend to indicate the following differences between leaders and non-leaders in regard to perceptions, behaviors and attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper has been twofold: to offer propositions to test the existence of lawful relationships among variables relevant to small group behavior; and to illustrate the applicability of a general behavior theory to this specific problem area within social psychology. The concept of group cohesiveness, which occupies a central position within this problem area, was reformulated within the framework of reinforcement learning theory and a number of specific hypotheses, derived from the theory, regarding the antecedents and consequents of cohesiveness, was presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of the hierarchical position of an individual's group on his or her relations with the various groups in the hierarchy and whether the effect is similar in different hierarchies. Four of the most familiar types of aspiration have been chosen: wishes, maximum expectations, minimum expectations and actual expectations. There are also restraints that serve to keep positive relations close to the membership group. Furthermore, not only may entry into a higher group be difficult, but departure from the membership group may be checked by the insistence of fellow-members on loyalty. Actual expectations, if directed above the membership group at all, are likely to focus on the proximate group. Of course, the nearer the membership group is to the bottom of the hierarchy, the lower the degree to which the need is from complete fulfillment. Since satisfaction is apparently greater in high-level groups than in low-level groups, high-level people should be more inclined to direct negative relations to groups beneath the membership group. Because of its nature, a hierarchy of abstract classes can readily be constructed artificially and mobility can be controlled and manipulated with relative ease.

This paper reports an investigation of the relationship between the perceived ability of a group to satisfy the needs of its members and the acceptance of that group as a reference group. Subjects were 146 male freshmen at a municipal college, and data was obtained by means of questionnaires. While all hypotheses were supported by the data, they seemed to indicate that the absolute level of the ability of a given group to fulfill the needs of its members is more significant than its comparative standing in this respect in relation to other membership groups. The data were also interpreted to suggest the operation of a general personality tendency, evidenced by the comparative importance assigned to one's needs, in association with a tendency to the ready acceptance of a new group as a reference group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests a new way of applying "Proportional-Reductions-in-Error" related measures (i.e., Gamma, dyx, dxy, and Kendall's Tau's) to link logical forms of hypotheses to types of ordinal measures of association. First, the basic form of associations for ordinal data are examined. Second, the analytical properties of "P-R-E" related measures are investigated. Finally, it is proposed that "P-R-E" related measures be used in testing the logical form of the relationship between variables implied in a hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as an effort at taking stock of the reference group concept after three decades of use in sociological research. The inconsistencies and some areas of agreement shared by social scientists are presented. Throughout its history, the phenomena of the reference group have been described by the idea of social groups, namely in-groups and out-groups, primary groups and significant others. The crucial problem in the reference group theory is stated as that of "ascertaining how a person defines such a situation, which perspective he uses in arriving in a definition, and who constitutes the audience whose responses provide the necessary confirmation and support for his position." The value of the reference group concept in specifying the types of others "represents a vast simplification and fairly sharp specification of the idea of the other" and the idea that groups other than one's own may serve to shape one's frame of reference is economically articulated by the concept.

Small group research has dealt at some length with the phenomena of competition and cooperation. Task performance and, to a lesser extent, group structure have been examined under different conditions of competition and cooperation. The two group-types most frequently encountered in the literature are the intra-competitive group in which the members of a group compete with each other for a reward which only one of them may obtain, and the intra-cooperative, inter-competitive group in which the members are competing as a unit against another group. In the course of a recent experiment, the behaviors and attitudes of two additional group-types have also been studied. One of these types, the Intra-Aud-Inter-Competitive Group shall be the focus of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proprietors of a society, in order to gain their ends, frequently resort to the use of force and violence. An important tool is the organization of violence. Massive violence is instituted by these organizations and at the behest of the societal proprietors as a means of goal attainment. One of the consequences of this massive violence is the disruption of the experience of everyday life and the imposition of another experience upon the actor. The organization, as a result of its own action, creates problems which must be solved in order that action may be continued. The organization must make combat action meaningful by making it relevant; it must devise strategies for successfully moving individuals from one reality to the other; it must define the parameters of the most relevant action, i.e., violence; it must socialize men into violence; it must devise strategies to constrain, channel, and direct the actions of men socialized into violence; it must, in short, construct a social reality designed to cope with the exigencies of the battle-moment. A discussion of some of the factors relevant to the success or failure of this project has been the subject of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, then, we investigate the extent to which persons using leadership styles of interaction in small groups adhere to a Machievellian approach, and the extent to which a Machiavellian approach may be successful outside the small group. The two hypotheses guiding the present research are as follows: 1) A Machiavellian orientation toward others is positively correlated with a leadership style of interaction, such as a greater amount of participation in discussion, and higher rates of asking for information, and making suggestions for action. 2) A Machiavellian orientation is correlated with successful implementation of a team plan within the community at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports a more systematic study of the relationship between fraternity membership and mobility aspirations. Controls for relevant social background variables (income, education, and religious identification) are added so that a better indication of the true relationship between aspirations and fraternity membership can be made. Based on the findings of Levine and Sussmann and those of Jackson and Winkler, it is hypothesized that the higher one's mobility aspirations, the more likely one is to join a fraternity. A caveat must be interjected here. It is not assumed that only social mobility aspirations determine whether or not one joins a fraternity. Related research by the author indicates that other variables, especially peer and familial pressures, are very important in determining membership in fraternities. What is attempted here is an analysis which focuses on one small part of the membership process so as to shed some light on a hitherto neglected research area, viz., the relationship between mobility aspirations and fraternity membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the ubiquitous trends in social behavior is the formation of comprehensive systems of interaction known as communities. Everywhere in the world and throughout man's existence on earth, the formation of communities has been evident, from the primitive tribe to the contemporary nation-state. Among the exciting developments within the more complex communities of mankind, such as cities and nations, is the emergence of subcommunity forms which both complement and contest the arrangements of the larger society. Status communities and ethnic communities of many sorts belong among the contemporary sub-communities. It is instructive to apply this concept of sub-community formation to areas of behavior such as the worlds of art and jazz, when that behavior can be shown to approach closure and completeness with respect to a distinctive way of life. This paper deals with two major tasks: (1) the development of a special theory of the jazz community as an unique form of status community, and (2) a judgment as to the validity of referring to the social world of the jazz musician as a community. It should be mentioned that while this formulation is conceived in terms of the jazz subculture, it also has widespread application elsewhere in the area of social deviance. Since the concept of status group has its roots in the general theory of community, we shall briefly outline that concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The instrumental-expressive differentiation, employed extensively by Talcott Parsons, has been applied to the field of voluntary associations by several writers. Thus, Lundberg, Komarovsky, and McInery wrote of instrumental, mixed, and leisure associations in an early study, and Rose concerned himself with two types of associations, the social influence group and the expressive group. This means of classifying voluntary associations has appeared recently in at least one introductory sociology textbook. A recent impetus to the use of the instrumental-expressive categorization in this field was the publication by Gordon and Babchuk of a typology of associations utilizing this concept. They define the ideal type of instrumental association as differing from the ideal type of expressive association in the following three ways. (1) The member of the expressive association achieves immediate and continuing gratification from taking part in the organization's activities. The instrumental association member may even find the group's activities distasteful, but he will get satisfaction from the knowledge that they help to accomplish certain long-range goals. In other words, personal gratification is more remote (in terms of time) from participation in the group's activities for the member of the instrumental group than the member of the expressive group. (2) The activities of the instrumental association tend to be externally oriented, whereas those of the expressive association are focused inward. Expressive organizations "perform a function primarily for the individual participants through activities confined and self-contained within the organization itself…. In contrast, the major function and orientation of the instrumental organization are related to activities which take place outside the organization." (3) The activities of members of expressive associations represent ends in themselves, while, for instrumental association members, participation in the group's activities is seen as a means of accomplishing external, long-range goals. The major questions raised in this paper are whether members of instrumental associations differ predictably from members of expressive associations regarding (1) the manner in which persons become members of associations and (2) their involvement in primary group situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposes of the present paper are as follows: Replication. It will be recalled that Chapman and Volkmann utilized a sample of 88 university students, randomly assigned to four groups. Each group was assigned the task of responding to a fifty-item test of acquaintance with literature. All groups received the same general instructions and two illustrative questions. Individuals in one group (A) received no further information. Group B was informed that authors and literary critics had taken the test and had made an average score of 37.2. Group C was told that students "like themselves" had scored an average of 37.2 on the test. Group D was informed that WPA workers had achieved the same score. Members of all groups were then asked to indicate how they expected to perform on the test (i.e., how many questions they expected to answer correctly). The task assigned to the respondents in the present study was also a fifty-item test of acquaintance with literature. The instructions, methods of randomization, and reported achievements of other groups were similarly managed. A slight modification was introduced regarding the information given group D. They were informed that a group of tenant farmers had achieved an average score of 37.2. This modification was prompted by a desire to maintain currently relevant groups as points of reference. In this study, the number utilized in the total sample was 239 (all social science students at a Midwestern state university), almost triple the original N of 88. With randomization into four groups (as in the original design) the increased N in the present study not only permitted more confidence to be attached to the results of the statistical tests at issue in the replication but permitted as well control of relevant variables without exhausting subsample N's to points where statistical tests in other aspects of the research would not be meaningful. Elaboration and extension. The increased N of the present study made possible the introduction and statistical control of variables which we felt might serve to enhance the predictive power of the principle at issue. The fact that the means of the various experimental groups order themselves as they do is both interesting and significant. This ordering of means says nothing, however, about the equally interesting and perhaps equally significant question of why some respondents expect to perform above the means and other respondents below. We anticipated that measurement of certain attitudinal variables which seemed to be theoretically relevant might serve as one possible means toward predictive refinement. These variables include the following: (a) self-evaluation, (b) occupational self-designation, and (c) negative others. The matter of relevance and operationalization of each of these variables will be briefly summarized below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an attempt to describe one kind of social institutions, here called receptors, which handle the problem of creating functioning relations between groups of newcomers in a society and various subgroups within this society during a confrontation between such groups. Such a social institution might be called a regulator, when there exists ah agreement between the interest groups involved, that their goal should be a mutually acceptable situation for both groups. The paper also contains an attempt to describe those ideologies with regard to the reception of newcomers, which are most likely to develop within different kinds of receptors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a text of a research paper about the elite and the social system presented at the Fifth Nordic Sociological Meeting in Stockholm in 1967. A social system will be defined as a set of interacting social units, where the units in general may be either organisms or set of organisms, or sets of sets of organisms, etc. The state variables used in the research to describe the social system are as follows: size, or number of members; energy, or the amount expended or controlled; differentiation, or the division of labor; and permeability, or the relative openness of a system or subsystem. At least eight major specific elites may be identified in industrial social systems. A ninth category called general elite may be added to refer to the top categories that result from formal or informal multidimensional status measurements. The following list of elites is suggested: charismatic elite, or the popular heroes, the saints, the gods; power elite, or those that excel in power or influence; wealth elite, or the very rich, the millionaires; ascriptive elite, or the old families, the aristocracy of birth; artistic elite, or the most recognized art producers; physical elite, or the top people in sport and beauty contests; prestige elite, or the holders of top positions; scholastic elite, or the holders of academic certificates or persons of similar standing; and the general elite, or the multidimensional top people, the who is who group.

Two basic hypotheses are tested in this paper. First, the frequency of social trips will decline with increasing travel distance between the interacting participants. Secondly, an individual of a given Socioeconomic status will be more likely to choose as a social contact someone of similar status, his frequency declining with progressively dissimilar status levels. Although the findings at the census tract level were less clear-cut than expected, they tended to confirm the hypotheses. Conclusions based on detailed neighborhood surveys strongly point up a distance decay in social travel and an interaction of individuals by socioeconomic status. Based on friendship origins, the neighborhood data show both a distance and a social network component. Factor analysis of the social ties matrix suggests the effects of distance bias and residential status on social interaction in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the concept of place utility in an operational context. Its major objective is to construct and evaluate place utility functions which are based upon socioeconomic and migration characteristics of areal units within a city, A secondary objective is to identify major factors related to intraurban migration flows in an aggregate framework. The empirical basis for the study is a sample of actual migration flows for Cedar Rapids, Iowa, for a single year commencing in 1966 and terminating in 1987. Regression methods are used for estimating parameters of the place Utility functions. One conclusion of the analysis is that migration friction between neighborhood types is considerably less than expected. Factors identified as most important in guiding intraurban migration streams are the aspirations of the household with respect to housing and the spatial characteristics of the vacancy market, the latter of which has been neglected in geographic research. With respect to the method of calibrating place utility functions, we were not satisfied with the regression approach. Although the implications of those functions in terms of migration processes are in concordance with existing theory and knowledge, it was felt that the amount of explained variation should be higher if such functions are to serve as input components for other analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Virtually nothing is known about the distribution of population age structures within cities and theft meaning. Yet the character of city neighborhoods and the community services they require are more dependent upon the age structure than upon any other single criterion. This paper reports on an investigation of population age structures in the tracted portion of the Kansas City Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area, as of 1960. In the present study, the problem of classifying age structures is overcome with a new index providing a single quantitative measure for each population. When applied to the study area, the index revealed a great variety of age structures, from very young to very old, but no discrete classes. When mapped, a concentric pattern was revealed, with the oldest age structures concentrated in the core area of Kansas City, Missouri. The pattern was examined by means of correlation analysis and 91.65 percent of the spatial variation of age structure was accounted for in terms of eight demographic variables (distilled from an original twenty), proportions of: child-woman ratio; persons married; housing overcrowded; housing renter occupied; single family housing; renter occupied housing; recent movement into the SMSA, and recent movement within the SMSA; and median school years completed. Finally, regression analysis demonstrated that the general equation was very effective for all except the oldest age structures, with seventy-four percent of the census tracts recording residuals smaller than the standard error of estimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a synthesis of the necessary and sufficient restrictions that insure a transitive group preference if majority rule is the aggregation procedure. We show the equivalence between transitivity and an extension of the condition of Condorcet which states that if an alternative receives a majority over every other, then it should be the social choice. This extension is equivalent to finding a solution to a system of linear inequalities. We use these inequalities to demonstrate that the recent work on restrictions of voter preferences can be derived from this Extended Condorcet Condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparisons of factor analytic results based on a matrix of total (individual) correlations and three matrices of between-groups (ecological) correlations revealed fundamental differences in factor patterns when the unit of analysis shifted from individuals to aggregates. The major difference involved the marked tendency for a highly individualistic General Ability Factor derived from the matrix of total correlations to become more and more sociological in content as individuals were aggregated. Results are discussed in terms of their bearing on the problem of determining the "appropriateness" of a given unit of analysis, individuals vs. aggregates, for certain levels of inquiry, i.e., psychological vs. sociological. It is concluded that whether the researcher should heed the traditional warning about the use of aggregate data relationships as a basis for making inferences concerning individuals ought to depend in part on whether his interest is in psychological or sociological propositions about individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A sample of 167 industrial employees, comprised of English and French sub-groups, were tested on the BPI and the Bernreuter-Ottawa respectively. Eighty of these Ss submitted also to a retest after a 12-month period. BPI scale scores and the number of No answers were recorded for analysis. The findings suggested, within the natural limitations imposed by any small-sample study, the following points: 1. The number of No answers on the Bernreuter Personality Inventory in an industrial setting are normally distributed. 2. The No-count intercorrelation with the original Bernreuter scales was significantly lower than the Bl-N intercorrelation both for the English and the French forms of the Bernreuter Personality Inventory. 3. The No-count thus failed as a useful predictor of individual scale scores. 4. The No-count test-retest reliability was .60 against an average test-retest reliability of about .75 for the original Bernreuter scales both on the English and French forms of the test. 5. While the No-count failed to predict scale scores, it proved to be an effective predictor of the over-all BPI profile. High No-counts are consistently associated with a prestige profile, such as employees may obtain if they are trying to make a favorable impression in an employment test situation. Low No-counts produce an inverted and "undesirable" profile. It was suggested that more data on the No-count phenomena could easily be obtained from existing BPI records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a study that was designed as an extension of two previous studies which provided physiological evidence in support of the view that prejudicial attitudes are affectively fortified. In the first of these studies, statements which described certain ethnic and national groups for which individual subjects had previously and variously expressed antipathy, neutrality, and affinity, by rating and ranking scale means, were read to those subjects in individual experimental sessions. The second study was a replication of the first, with attention solely directed to stimulus groups held in antipathy. In view of the theoretical formulation of the problem and results of the two previously mentioned studies, an hypothesis was formulated. Its theoretical statement was: Display of excessive affectivity in response to a complementary description of a national or ethnic group is predictive of an antipathetic prejudicial-attitude toward that group. These studies showed a consistent relationship between prejudicial- attitude strength and affectivity level. Subjects used in these first two studies were only those who had already indicated relatively strong prejudicial-attitudes toward particular social groups by way of rating and ranking scale performance.

An item analysis of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory in two different high school senior classes using the Levinson-Sanford anti-Semitism scale as a criterion yielded 32 items, each of which significantly differentiated the criterion subsamples in both classes. These items were strongly suggestive of certain personality trends on the part of both the more and the less prejudiced students. The 32 items were also considered as a scale, which appeared to be sufficiently reliable and valid to be used as a measuring instrument in its own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author remarks that although the term, polarization, has been used with slightly varying connotations, the common essence of meaning seems to be action or thought which occurs in extremes. In individual behavior it has signified the tendency for a person to think or act on what might be called an all or none basis. Polarization has been shown to be closely related to emotion, as for example, in the highly affective reaction given today to such stereotypes as communist and fascist. The term has also been used in a more sociological sense, as the tendency for behavior in a group or culture to be restricted to a small portion of a possible range of response. The latter use of the term implies that the majority of the individuals. Although it is obvious that many relationships exist between such sociological patterns and individual thinking, any theories as to the nature of individual thinking based on such data must be rather inferential. The purpose of the present study is to analyze one possible relationship between cultural stereotypes and individual thinking.

The article discusses the procedure followed and the relationship between minority-group membership and group identification in a group of middle-class African American girls studied. The 25 African American girls selected for this qualitative study were chosen largely on the basis of convenience. They were contacted in many ways: through personal friends, through calls for volunteers after lectures at girls' clubs, through casual meetings in libraries and hotel-lobbies, and through recommendations from previous subjects who felt pleased with the insights gained into their personalities. In general, the test results indicate a somewhat lower score on the Maslow Social Personality Inventory for the middle-class African American girls than for the White. This, according to the stated purpose of the test, would indicate a lesser dominance feeling. However, since the test was originally validated for middle-class White girls, the significance of the difference cannot yet be evaluated conclusively in statistical terms. A preliminary item analysis indicates that the lower score of the middle-class African American girls is related to their greater conventionality.

The article presents methods of representing the distribution of an attitude in a social group. In testing for attitudes there are two principal methods of constructing a frequency distribution that will be descriptive of a group. It may be constructed upon the basis of the individual scores obtained by each member of the group, or it may be constructed upon the basis of the relative popularity of the various statements, which constitute the scale. If the first method be chosen, then it is necessary to compute a score for each person in the group which will indicate his position upon a linear scale measuring the attitude variable in which the investigator is interested. From these individual scores a frequency distribution can be constructed which will indicate, by its ordinates, the relative number of people who receive the various individual scores. The individual scores are, if the scale is constructed according to the Thurstone technique, the median values of the statements that each subject indorses.

The article presents information on a theory of social dynamics. In a "class" theory, the characteristics of behavior common to different individuals of a class are abstracted. If the behavior of another individual shows these characteristics, it is included in the class, and the behavior is then regarded as explained. All concepts like instinct, purpose, libido as used in contemporary social psychology are entelechy concepts rather than vector concepts. Sociological analyses which use statistical tabulations without attempting statistical correlations are primarily structural. At the present time, even when correlations are attempted they are usually so low that one cannot adequately speak of functional analysis. Causation in a theory of field dynamics is always simultaneous, however, from the underlying genotype to the existent phenotype. For every change in the phenomenology of experience there is a change in the structure of the underlying dynamic field. The article concludes that social groups do show the properties of structured fields and are amenable to treatment by the concepts of the logic of dynamics. At the present time there is a rather general agreement among social psychologists that groups represent "organic wholes." There is, however, considerable variance in opinion regarding the properties of organic wholes.

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The general purposes of this study were to investigate the group and organizational affiliates of reputed community leaders in a rural community. The specific hypotheses were that the higher one is ranked as a reputational leader, (1) the more exchange influence he will likely have accumulated through occupying economic, kinship, occupational, ownership, and political-governmental positions which are reputedly influential in the community, (2) the more likely he is to be au active participant in formal and/or informal coordinative interstitial groups in the community, and (3) the more likely he is to be au active participant in those formal coordinative groups which are reputed to be influential over community affairs. The hypotheses were tested by comparing the sets of rankings of twenty-eight reputational leaders with (1) their rankings in terms of exchange positions scores, (2) their rankings in terms of social participation scores, and (3) their rankings in terms of weighted social participation scores. The results of the study tended to support the hypotheses, as stated, for the community involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]