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The Warsaw Conference on the Marxian theory of Development centered on two related questions; (1) is there in Marxism a distinctively Marxian theory of development? (2) if there is, what guidance can it give today to countries at varying levels or stages of development? In his paper "The Marxian Theory of Development and Socialist Economic Policy," professor J.S. Berliner, held that the sociologist Karl Marx was primarily concerned with the process of capitalistic development. The Marxian doctrine, Berliner contended, applied primarily to fully developed capitalistic economies, their fundamental internal contradictions being supposed to lead inevitably to their bursting asunder and to their supersession by socialism. The title of the paper which professor W. Brus presented jointly with professor K. Laski was "Essentials of the Marxian Approach to Problems of Economic Development." For them the fundamental category of the Marxian theory of economic development was perhaps one which is both social and economic and is summed up in the expression mode of production. It would appear that Marxism does not furnish a set of formulae for development, from which practitioners can easily find out what to do in specific cases. Marxism does seem, however, to offer a box of tools, a set of canons, a method indicating how one might go about formulating what one wants to do by way of development.

Before discussing the main theme of this paper, namely, the research being conducted by Soviet sociologists in their study of the family, it seems necessary to say a few words about what is, in the final analysis, the most important thing, that is the moral views of Soviet people and the standards of behavior they strive for. Communist morality, as can be seen from this brief list of the standards of behavior of Soviet citizens, includes the basic rules common to all mankind. At the same time, as the building of the new society progresses, communist morality becomes enriched with new principles and contents. This is not a matter of one day or even a year. This process of the formation of new qualities in man who has been freed from exploitation and has become the master of his own fate is going on in the Soviet Union and will continue to go on even more intensively. All of this gives the Soviet sociologists extremely rich material for their study of the family as a historical phenomenon connected with the development of society as a whole.

In this article the author presents his views on Communism and Socialism in the U.S. A utopia, in which wealth would be distributed for the equal benefit of all, is not for men, because they are men, no matter under whose rule they exist, moreover, there is no possible way of distributing wealth to men in equal shares. Those who advocated such a system were honest, sincere thinkers, who put it forward as an alternative to the system of an unequal distribution of wealth. It ought not to be necessary to point out that the Socialists themselves have always been the bitterest critics of those who enter the political field, who would try to bring it about increment by increment, and temporize with the catalytic principle. The student has only to read the works of Philosophical Anarchists and Socialists at the time when economist Karl Marx published his paper, to realize that the bitterest controversies raged among them for many years as to what gospel should be advocated and the means by which it could be established.

This article analyzes the Marxist paradigm. In order to develop a coherent perspective, it is necessary for the author to go back to the work of Marx himself, to isolate its basic features and the tensions and ambiguities they involve, and then to assess the work of contemporary Marxists in the light of this heritage. While the central task of this paper is a critical review of the Marxist contribution to political analysis, such a focus must be located within the scope of Marx's theory as a whole, rather than separated out and isolated as one dimension of the theory. Therefore, the author begins with a general review of Marx's social theory and then explore his analysis of the political realm in the light of the societal problems defined by the theory as a whole.

This article focuses on ideology and sociology in Soviet Union as of March 1970. The author is concerned not only to show how Marxism has been so adapted to the needs of Soviet Union's elites, but also to examine the impact in that country of western sociology. Not only have there been significant changes in the Soviet elite's use of Marxism but, in company with the development of sociology in western societies, the role of Marxism as a radical critique of industrial society has been replaced by a pragmatic empirical approach to social problems. In both societies, this change is related to the specialization of sociology, to its separation from philosophy and to the shift in emphasis which takes place when a subject becomes professionalized and moves from a speculative to a scientific discipline. After the October Revolution, the study of sociology in Soviet Union was strongly dependent on Marxist philosophy. Marxist sociology was synonymous with historical or economic materialism. But economic materialism is open to different interpretations. It has both a positivistic, empirical component, and a dogmatic one: the first emphasizes the priority of matter over mind and actual social relations, the second is didactic showing the course and predicting the direction of social change. In the U.S.S.R. both these tendencies have been adopted.

The article introduces several papers about the problem of anti-intellectualism in the United States from a number of perspectives. These perspectives include historical, political, economic, sociological, educational and psychological. Alfred L. Kroeber advances the thesis that fine arts, among other achievements of Western civilization, are reaching a stage of imitation and repetition which may conceivably signalize a period of cultural decadence. Leuchtenburg in his article, mentioned Marxism as an intellectual or anti-intellectual force in American culture.

The article presents a reference guide for communist economic relations. Names of publishers of books and the addresses of periodicals are provided to aid readers. Listings include only basic material, not news items or reports of transitory significance. "The Economy, Liberty and the States," by Calvin B. Hoover, analyzes the economic systems of the West and of Russia and her satellites. "Can Free Enterprise and State Trading Coexist in International Commerce?" by Wolfgang Friedmann, discusses the degree of freedom and control in the foreign trade of several countries and how this limits trade to dealings within closely-knit groups of like-minded nations. "The Challenge of Soviet Power," by Allen W. Dulles, discusses the military, economic, and subversive threats of the U.S.S.R. "Economic Comparison: USA And USSR," presents comparisons on population and area, basic production, exports, living levels and military strength, of the two nations. In "Soviet Trade and Canadian Business," by J.G. Myers, many statistics are given to show the present and possible future effects of Soviet expansion into foreign trade on Canada's internal economy and external trade.

Patterns of Chinese family life are changing under Communism. This paper is a descriptive report on the dating and courtship practices, husband-wife adjustment patterns and problems of the working mother in Communist China. Due to the increasing number of women participating in labor, most young people meet through working together under various circumstances, in offices, factories, or on farm cooperatives. Introductions by friends at parties, dances and pre-arranged meetings are not uncommon. In general, the wedding ceremony consists of obtaining a certificate from the local People's Council or registering at the Commune's registration office. According to informants, sometimes "Dutch treat" wedding celebrations are held by friends of the newly-weds, thus keeping the traditional value of rejoicing without putting too much financial burden on the new couple. The Communist leaders find that there is a new trend toward "early" marriage among the Communist youth. One of the relatively crucial problems working wives encounter is the readjustment of relationships between spouses resulting from the drastic change in the wife's roles.

The article focuses on motivational patterns in Southeast Asia with special reference to the Chinese case. The motivational concerns, which favor economic and social modernization, are more prominent in the Communist Chinese stories than in the China-Taiwan stories at nearly every point. The greater impact of the Revolution on the Mainland is really not surprising: Communism has always stressed the importance of ideology, of propaganda, of whipping up enthusiasm for a new regime whereas the Western democracies have generally been cautious about trying to influence directly the values of countries they help materially. The Chinese case suggests that ideas are in fact more important in shaping history than purely materialistic arrangements. The ideological fervor, which the Russians exported to China, has been more influential in modernizing the country than all the material aid that the Western democracies have exported so far either to China-Taiwan or other countries like India. This is just one piece of evidence to support the growing conviction among social scientists that it is values, motives, or psychological forces that determine ultimately the rate of economic and social development.

The article discusses the book "Essays by Karl Marx, Selected from the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts," translated by Ria Stone. This work makes available for the first time in English translation three essays by Karl Marx which deal with basic positions in his system. They are his papers on alienated labor, private property and communism and a critique of the Hegelian dialectic.

The article presents information on several books on communist economic relations. The book "Peaceful Co-Existence: An Analysis of Soviet Foreign Policy," by Wladyslaw W. Kulsky, uses 41 years of documents to show that the main aim of Soviet policy is, and has been, to subjugate the West. In the book "Soviet Foreign Economic Policy," by Robert L. Allen, an appraisal of world trade competition between the U.S. and U.S.S.R. is made, and particular attention is paid to Russia's trade and aid program in underdeveloped areas. The book "The Communist World As Customer and Competitor" presents an analysis of the Soviet economy including the seven-year plan, industry, housing, consumer goods, agriculture, and foreign trade. The book "The Communist Challenge to American Business," by Clakence B. Randall, presents a discussion of the problems of the U.S. and U.S. business in meeting the Communist challenge to capitalism and an expression of hope that the problems can be solved if American businessmen face them with good sense.

The article seeks to articulate and evaluate the ethical theories concerning the nature of commitment, action, and the justification or condemnation of violence, expressed in essays by French political/ethical theorists, Albert Camus and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. According to Camus, the pervasiveness of crimes of logic emanates from the movement of rebellion or revolt. Camus advocates a profound concern for the ethics of action. Ponty relates his theory of revolution and social change with Marxism.

Discusses author James R. Prickett's view on the role of the Communist Party in the United States labor movement. Nature of the internal controversy in Nonferrous Metals Industry Unionism; Technique of guilt by association; Alliance between Socialists and gangsters to defeat the Communists; Debate at the 1941 United Mobile Workers' Convention; Communists' propaganda against blacks.

Recent trends in historical scholarship view askance the reformers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Analyses, which range from the Pluralism of a Richard Hofstadter to the neo-Marxism of a James Weinstein or Gabriel Kolko differ markedly, yet contain similar viewpoints about the worth of a variety of American reform movements. Status anxieties, naive urges for capitalistic efficiency, racialist assumptions, and individual psychological make-ups, are imputed to the reformers of the Populist and Progressive eras. It is alleged that they failed to understand the forces of industrialization, and in time capitulated to the corporate powers that they apparently opposed. It is possible that by concentrating too strongly on the alleged failures of varied reformers, there is some misunderstanding of their accomplishment. The career of the businessman-reformer, Nelson Olsen Nelson, can sharpen one's awareness of those times, which gave various reform urges scope. It can trace a curve of acceptability, and provide a gauge for changing perceptions of debate and action. Nelson's persistent cooperative endeavors shed light on a complex strand of American reform, which has survived to play a continuing role in the formation of the world.

The article presents a reference guide for China. Names of publishers of books and the addresses of periodicals are provided to aid readers. Listings include only basic material, not news items or reports of transitory significance. "The Experiment That is Shaking Communist China" is analysis of China's commune system. In "Red China Beckons Its Neighbors," by Albert Ravenholt, Filippino visitors to China report on industry, agriculture, economics and politics there. In "A Note on Statistical Techniques in Communist China," by Sidney Klein, the weaknesses and strengths of statistical methods used and data published by Communist China are analyzed. In "Production and Organization in China," Douglas Sun types of factory administration and organization of the manufacturing processes are discussed. "Car-Hungry Russians Yield to Export Push" is a report on Russian entry into exporting cars and on the auto industry and market at home. "An Index of Soviet Construction, 1927/28 to 1955," by Raymond P. Powell, is a statistical analysis of cost changes in an important sector of the Soviet economy.

Recent research on political dimensions in the Scandinavian party systems at five non-electorate "levels" of dimensional analysis (content analysis of party programs, content analysis of expressions of party stances on current issues, positions taken by the parliamentary parties as behaving units, roll call analysis and interviews of individual legislators, and interviews with leaders and members of party organizations) justify the rejection of the unidimensional spatial model of party competition. Data on the social structure, attitudes and opinions, and voting behavior of the supporters of different parties provide indirect information about the dimensions of political cleavage. More directly, the "perceived party dimensions" can be concluded from aggregates of individual assessments for which the parties as such are the stimuli. Averaged rank orderings of the parties provide ordinal measures that have been used as inputs for multidimensional scaling techniques. An experiment of measuring the mutual distances of political parties in Finland used percentages of the second and the two last party choices as measures of party distance. A qualitative analysis of the exceptions to regular orderings along the basic left/right dimension suggested the presence of six additional political dimensions: the producers and agriculture/the consumers and urban industries; the established parties/the temporary small parties; recognized and noted centers/the "forgotten people" (populist dimension); Finnish-Swedish; communism/non-communism; and victorious/losing. Three developments can be envisaged in future dimensional analysis of multiparty systems: comparisons across countries, comparisons between different levels in the political system, and predictions of emerging political changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 1962 General Election in India, including a historical background of the elections in India from 1957 through 1962. An overview of India's political parties, including the Praja Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Swatantra Party and the Revolutionary Socialist Party, is provided. Indian political bifurcation into left and right wing political parties is discussed. An overview of India's Congress, including leftists' perspectives that the Congress aids big business, is also provided.

In the field of racially plural societies, with which a professor of sociology, Leo Kuper, is particularly concerned, main theories relevant to political change are philosopher Marxist theories of class conflict, adaptations of sociologist E. Durkheim's theory of evolutionary change from mechanical to organic solidarity, and theories of the plural society or of pluralism. Each encourages different ideological uses, not necessarily implicit in theories themselves. Marxist theory, in emphasizing the class struggle as the major determinant of political change, conceives of racial discrimination and exploitation as an aspect of class relations. In terms of this perspective, race conflict will most probably be resolved, and racial equality established, as part of the world proletarian revolution. However, the application of this theory in its pure form to specific situations of racial conflict raises serious difficulties. There is not only a failure in solidarity between workers of different race, but it is often workers of the dominant race who demand the most extreme forms of racial discrimination. Moreover, members of the subordinate race, are generally economically differentiated and do not constitute a single class, with the result that racial or national liberation movements bring together different classes in revolutionary struggles against domination.

This article focuses on libraries and information services in Hungary. The Hungarian practice of libraries and documentation is more or less based on the Soviet models. It is an established fact that the Communist governments lay much stress upon the promotion of libraries and documentation services. In 1950 there were 1739 municipal libraries in Hungary and this number has grown to 4461 by 1955. One finds in the municipal libraries mainly fiction, science fiction, popular technological and political-ideological works.

The postwar period has been an epoch of far-reaching structural changes in rural society. Agrarian reforms carried out in many states of Central and Eastern Europe have abolished the landowner class. In these countries, the peasant class has become dominant in rural areas. On the other hand, as a result of the world depression, in several countries, the productive activity of villages has been subjected to compulsory organization. The rise of Totalitarian States, which was simultaneously the revival of the Corporative State of Middle Ages, transformed free rural producers in Italy and Germany into members of Rural Guilds. Structural changes came into rural Soviet Union due to the impact of communism. The peasant class was abolished and replaced by a hybrid class which united the half-free hired workers of small land tenants and of shareholders in large agricultural enterprises. But this change did not happen all of a sudden. It was the result of years of agitation in the history of Soviet Union.

The three not-so-obvious contributions (or potential contributions) of psychology to peace are: First, a corollary of the Hovland two-sided approach: namely, that we Americans should strenuously seek common ground with the Communists, and publicly accept all we can honestly accept of the Communist point of view. Second, the proposition that the mirror-image type of war is most likely to break out when there is overlapping and conflict of territorial self-images. It follows that reducing such overlap by clarifying boundaries, or even by deliberate withdrawal at certain points, would contribute to peace. And third, the Pro-us Illusion, with the further proposition that if we Americans had not been indulging in it, neither the Bay of Pigs nor the Vietnam war would have occurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the rise and decline of socialism in the U.S. This article has the following objectives: (1) to survey briefly the growth of socialism in America; (2) to present and analyze the Marxian position on the role of the socialists, and (3) to discuss the institutional and economic factors retarding the growth of socialist parties in the United States. Between 1901, when the new Socialist Party was established in the United States, and 1912, the tide of socialism seemed to be reaching a swell in the U.S. and in Europe, and many were predicting that in a short time all industrial nations would be engulfed. From very meager beginnings, the U.S. party grew into an organization with 150,000 affiliated members and with a voting strength of nearly one million. In 1910 Victor Berger became the first socialist ever to win election to Congress. But, just as the various national philosophies in Europe produced Marx, Bakunin and the Fabians, so did American socialism suffer from the divisions brought by a failure to achieve anything resembling unity. Perhaps the basic conflict centered on the role of trade unions and political organizations in meeting the challenge of a growing capitalism.

The article presents influence of the ideas of Henry George, a land reformer of the U.S., upon modern Japan. The social ideas of Henry were introduced into Japan as one of the European and American systems of social thought which were imported during the early days of the Meiji period. Thus the social conditions in modern Japan were very favorable for the introduction of Henry George's ideas, and moreover, the importation and spread of the ideas of liberty and civil rights since the early part of the Meiji era facilitated the understanding of George's ideas. According to a learned, George's ideas are false both in theory and fact. The progress of civilization somewhat increases the demand for land, but it increases the demand for labor still more, and by means of improvements in transportation things are brought from distant lands. As his opinion of common ownership of land attempts realize its object by an indirect means, it is neither radical nor rough, and is more skillful and advantageous than socialism or communism.

The article discusses doctrines of Marxism, which are utterly irreconcilable with free private enterprise. The first is that private income from capital is surplus value and is exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie. Capital which depreciates or which becomes obsolete can be replaced only as there is private saving. Thus the doctrine that private income from capital is unjust leads inevitably to State ownership of capital, compulsory saving through a five-year plan or a four-year plan, State construction of capital, State repair of capital, State and, therefore, compulsory provision for replacement of capital. The second doctrine is the doctrine that the State should take from each according to his capacity and give to each according to his need. Those professed defenders of income from efficiency and thrift who are unwilling to suggest any substitute for taxes that heavily penalize incentive, except increased burdens on the comparatively poor, are adopting a strategy that is certain to appear, in the minds of many of those they seek to persuade, the reverse of disinterested.

The article focuses on the politics of the Italian land reform. The author states that the results of the 1953 Italian elections were disappointing. The most disturbing fact was the tremendous growth of Communism and Neo-Fascism. Americans took it too much for granted that, if the growth of Communism were checked, people would automatically vote for Christian Democrats. Italy has snapped out of postwar depression and with considerable American push has reached a stage of mild prosperity. The Italian masses saw things otherwise. The Communists think too little has been done. The local administrators, influenced by the aristocracy, permitted many of the holdings to remain under the control of great landlords. Such land as peasants did acquire was in many instances soon lost because of lack of capital. The land thus passed back to the old aristocracy or into the hands of urban proprietors. Absentee owners continued to rule the South and hold the peasantry in economic and political subjection, in poverty, and in ignorance.

The article informs that for some forty years there has existed in Palestine a uniquely functioning form of social and economic organization. These are the collective settlements whose members practice an internally consistent communistic way of life. On the whole, studies of and worthwhile documentation on the settlements are difficult to find. To writers on Palestine, the noisy political clashes, the tension between Jew and Arab, and the analysis of empire politics have usually seemed more immediately interesting and have attracted attention away from the slow and unexciting development of the communal settlements. This short study, inquires into two major aspects of the settlements, their practical workings, the ideology behind their formation and growth. Afterwards, we shall pose some questions as to what general significance may be attached to the example of the settlements. The communal settlements contain approximately one-fourth of the rural inhabitants of Jewish Palestine. And the farm population of Jewish Palestine embraces over one-fourth of the Yishuv, an interesting contrast to the generally overwhelming preponderance of city-dwellers in every other Jewish community.

The article informs that there is little doubt that Soviet Union aspires to dominate the continent of Europe. The United States appears to be determined not to allow that aspiration to succeed. This conflict between the two giants is also revealed in the internal politics of England, France and Italy, particularly in that of the Latin Sisters. Symbolic of the weakness of both in post-war world politics are similar passages in their new constitutions. So far, the current internal politics of the three countries has been set forth in terms of its relation to world politics. Only a rash foreigner would expect a high degree of success in attempting to appraise British French or Italian politics as it is viewed internally in each country. The trouble is that France cannot stabilize her currency. This is no new problem and de Gaulle himself tried his hand at it and failed before he retired in January 1946. All things are remembered in France. And in spite of de Gaulle's bitter present opposition to the Communists, they were in his own cabinets while he was in power. It was Ramadier, a Socialist, who threw the Communists out. For some months now there have been plans for balancing the budget and dealing with the franc. But all plans contain proposals that one or more political groups have been unable to accept. In spite of the split between the Socialists and Communists on the question of world politics, both parties represent the workers of France.

The article debates on the issues related to Socialism. When, in 1907, Victor Grayson was elected to Great Britain Parliament as a declared Socialist, in a three-cornered election, he was unable to define the terms "Socialist" and "Communist." Today, in the U.S., it is not unusual to find Socialists protesting that they are liberals, and as Socialists demanding a restoration of rights. The charge that was often made against the political Socialist was that he was illiterate so far as a knowledge of his subject' was concerned. During the campaign in Great Britain. many preachers of that gospel admitted that they learned more about Socialism at Liberal meetings than they could from their own speakers. Much has been made of the sweeping victory achieved by the workers in the recent general election in Great Britain. Many of U.S. weeklies have hailed it as a Socialist triumph, and some of conservative publicists have condemned it as such. It is nothing of the kind. Although the term Socialism has covered the party platform and the majority of the candidates elected have stood as Socialists, the program calls for nothing more than schemes for nationalizing the Bank of England, some industries, and certain services.

The article focuses on the communist ideology. It is worth while to note, in this connection, that communism and socialism are in many respects the same. Both envisage an economic system operated by the State. Protagonists of both contemplate an economic regime in which private ownership of productive goods and enjoyment of the income from them by their owners are prohibited. And, indeed, the terms "communism" and "socialism" have often enough been used interchangeably. The believer in the virtues of the free enterprise price system does not hold, however, that government has no economic functions. He does hold that the price system cannot operate successfully unless government maintains the conditions essential for such operation. Another probable reason for the appeal of communistic--and socialistic ideology is its apparent simplicity in regard to the explanation of inequality and to unfairness in the sharing of the product of industry. Further strengthening the appeal of communism to the common man is the fact that one or more of its subsidiary doctrines fall in with a very common mode of economic reasoning.

The article reports on the impact of technology in education during the post-war hysteria in Russia. The school system in the country was an educational olympia. It discusses the glories of Soviet science and education vis-a-vis the misery of their American counterparts was both inaccurate, shameful, and harmful. On the other hand, America's educational system, was summarily dismissed as a failure during the World War II. Following the war, then came the hysteria over congressional investigations of communism in the country.

In his work, sociologist Karl Marx appears as a thorough going humanist and it is from this point onwards that a whole Marx industry developed. Sociologist David McLellan's intention is to convince his readers that any interpretation of Marx which does not take his work "Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen Ökonomie," seriously into account must by virtue of omission be radically mistaken. The work given by McLellan is not Marx's Grundrisse but McLelIan's Grundrisse. There is no proper explanation presented by McLellan of why from one thousand pages, a selection of one hundred and fifty two was done. The last chapter of "Marx Before Marxism," and the introduction to the Grundrisse are taken up with the crucial but rather easy task of textually refuting the break in Marx thesis. In the preface to his extremely useful selection from the early texts McLellan indicates the importance of the manuscripts and other works. McLellan's presentation of Marx is cautious, erudite and clever, but he rarely commits himself completely. McLellan demonstrates "Capital," which is only the elaboration of the first of the six sections outlined in the Grundrisse. In a sense, none of Marx's works is complete, but the completest of them is the Grundrisse.

This article is concerned with an analysis of some meanings that can be given the word 'group'. By an analysis of this concept, the author hopes to outline the form of association that can be expected to lead to sociologist Karl Marxist-type formulations. The problem raised by living in groups is that of having to put up with the proximity of other individuals in the group. The fear of being observed keeps them apart. The article is mainly concerned with the manner by which individuals cope with shame. The author argues that there are three ways in which group relationships can be attained and categorically names them as Fascism and the Acceptance of Authority, Communism and the Rejection of Authority, and finally Science and the Irrelevance of Authority. The author further states that Marxists have not yet awoken to the existence of another possible third party. He says that if Marxists stress social origins of beliefs, they must acknowledge social origins of their own.

One of the most sociologically intriguing issues highlighted by the recent debate on the convergence of industrial societies is that concerning differences in the class system of socialist and capitalist countries as of December 1969. Sociologists have summarized a number of arguments in support of the view that class stratification in totalitarian systems of the communist variety is fundamentally different from that typically found in modern western capitalist societies. Taking the Soviet Union as their model, writers have argued that communist states are not properly thought of as being stratified in the usual sense, for a variety of reasons. One of the most important is that the major social cleavage in this kind of system occurs between party and non-party personnel. Because of the coercive nature of the police state, differences in income or occupation or social background do not give rise to sentiments and behaviour of a class kind amongst non-party members of the population. Thus, although material inequalities could be expected to stem from the occupational hierarchy, there would be no horizontal clustering of groups similarly located in the rewards structure. Different sectors of the population would exhibit no sharp variations in values and outlook such as people typically find between classes in western capitalist society.

Marxism is still the main ideological issue nowadays. The past few decades witnessed a growing interest for scientific research in the Social Sciences and its institutionalization as a legitimate field of academic inquiry in several Western countries. These very decades also witnessed the transformation of Marxism from a sociological and economic theory into the official ideology in several countries and into the prevalent socioeconomic doctrine in certain academic subcultures in Western countries as well. As a result of circumstances over which social scientists have limited or no control, the controversy about Marxism went from theoretical and academic grounds to political and ideological ones. Ironically, this transition took place when the Social Sciences first began to develop instruments and coherent theoretical frameworks capable of settling the dispute on academic terms. Many Western social scientists unconsciously played an important ideological role by taking Marxism as a scientific theory. The scientific analysis of Marxism had negative consequences for Marxism itself. Several specific Marxist predictions, as the ones dealing with increasing misery, the proletarization of the middle classes, the end of social mobility and the growing revolutionary activities as consequences of industrialization under capitalism, all were mercilessly turned down by subsequent historical events and modern Social Science.

The article reports that the institution of insurance has survived the fluctuations of changing centuries because the administration of insurance has been capable of adaptation to new conditions. A good example of this adaptation is the development of Yugoslav insurance since 1945. The geographic position and a delicate balance of forces in international politics have made it possible for the country to achieve an independence of action which has been denied other Central European nations. The Yugoslav government began to formulate a theory of a new communism to be founded on certain basic principles which are the individual worker's human rights, collectivity of ownership rights and the organization of productive units.

This article inquires into John Stuart Mill's beliefs concerning alternative economic systems; that is, the systems popularly called capitalism, socialism, and communism. It also examines the influence and effect of Mill's thought in these controversial areas. The view of the article is that only by the very broadest definition of socialism can one properly describe Mill as a socialist. A consistent theme of the article is the thesis that Mill's criticisms demanded only minor modifications in the economic system--modifications which Mill suggested for the purpose of retaining and re-vitalizing the basic institutional framework of capitalism. To describe Mill as a socialist and mean much more than one who protested against certain existing defects would be to commit a misleading error. Contemporary texts, however, seem to suggest that Mill was a socialist in the original sense, but rather in the contemporary sense which requires an abandonment of the institutions of capitalism in favor of a new order. Mill was a man of perception open to new ideas. He was receptive to change and urged an attack on the ills of his day. As a reformer, however, he was most interested in working within the established framework rather than abandoning it.

Discusses the general relevance of the federalist approach to integration by tracing some of its most significant ideological, theoretical and practical aspects in the debate on European integration. Ideological roots of European federalism; Functional approach to federal integration; Characteristic of functionalism and federalism.

Replies to author Walter Galenson's view on the role of the Communist party in the United States labor movement. Determination whether Communists were democratic or undemocratic leaders the way they exercised leadership; Limited functions of trade unions in a democratic capitalist society; Assumption of hidden communist motives; Existence of a Socialist-gangster alliance against the Communists.

The article presents documentation about the communist bloc. Some of them consists of "Red China: The First Ten Years." It provides a discussion on a large group of articles, poems, and fiction on the first ten years of communist rule in China. Among others is "The Communist Record," by Tillman Durdin, "Chinese Journey," by Alfred Fabre-Luce, "Red China's Impact on Asia," by A. Doak Bamett, Mao Tse Tung and Michael Lindsay. "Thought Reform: Ideological Remolding in China," by Harriet G. Mills; "Setting the Stage for Foreigners" by Robert Loh; "India and the Tibetan Revolt," by G. L. Jain, "Life in a Chinese University" by Liu Shui Sheng, "Women of Iron" by Lucien Bodard.

The article presents information on several books related to the Communist Bloc. The book "A Totalitarian Society," by Alex Inxeles And Raymond A. Bauer, draws parallels between the attitudes and experiences of Soviet citizens and those in other large-scale industrial societies. The research is based on data from 3,000 Soviet refugees, published material and observations of the authors in Russia. The book "Catching up With America," by S. Hays, presents an analysis of Russia's chance of achieving productive equality with the U.S. by 1970. The author gives a qualified yes. The book "Communism in South-East Asia," BY J.H. Brimmell, presents an account of the impact of the world communist movement on South-East Asia. The book "After Ten Years of Communism: Red China," by Robert Guillain, presents a balance sheet of strengths and weaknesses of the Red regime and of changes wrought in the country. The book "Mao's China," by Peggy Durdin, describes economic, political and social conditions in China.