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Fossil fuel companies hold enormous political, economic, and knowledge production power. Recently, industry operators have pivoted from pushing climate denialism to campaigns aimed at individualizing responsibility for climate crisis. In this paper, we focus on one related outcome of such efforts – people's experiences of complicity – here in the context of unconventional oil and gas (UOG) production. We ask: How do mobilized activists experience fossil fuel scapegoating, and what does it mean for their goals as they organize against UOG production? We show that even activists fighting UOG production feel complicit in fossil fuel production, and these feelings of complicity diminish their demands for UOG accountability. We argue that these outcomes have been especially pernicious in cultural contexts like that of the United States, where neoliberal ideologies are normalized, centering personal responsibility, individualization, and identification as consumers rather than citizens. We marshal an extensive qualitative dataset and advance a theory of complicity as a way to understand: a) how social movements intersect with neoliberalized patterns of life; b) how experiences of complicity affect activism; and c) how this may contribute to fossil fuel firms' goals of undercutting organizing. We end by examining how a sub-set of activists works to dismantle this complicity narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, coalitions of activists, artists, scholars, and community members have created archives composed of material related to social movements past and present with increasing frequency. These grassroots archives raise questions about the potential role of archives as generative spaces for democratizing history. This article explores this potential and the attendant challenges through a case study on an effort to preserve the memory of activism in São Paulo's urban peripheries during Brazil's civil-military dictatorship (1964–85)—an effort in which the author took part amid the rise of the far-right president and former dictatorship supporter Jair Bolsonaro. The postdictatorship culture of censorship and an ever-changing city relentlessly militated against the permanence of memory, not least through the destruction of physical archives and reference points in the urban landscape. The effort to organize and digitize precarious materials unfolded amid a larger campaign by activists to create an archive as part of a new university in the periphery. In this article, the author reflects on his experience working with communities through grassroots archiving to preserve at-risk historical sources, enhance local capacity, and broaden the practice of history beyond the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last twenty years, the international relations literature has sought to understand the conditions in which peacekeeping operations (PKOs) occur and the efficacy of their presence. Much work has focused on PKOs' relationship to civilians in civil conflict, but less is understood about the influences on peacekeeping missions' quality. If PKOs commit human rights abuses, how might other actors deter exploitive PKO behavior in the domestic context? We argue international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) provide a monitoring and socializing effect on PKOs. Using the Peacekeeper Attributes (PKAT) and Transnational Social Movements (TSMO) datasets, we analyze peacekeeping missions from 2007 to 2013. Through zero-inflated negative binomial regression, we found that the presence of general INGOs decreases rates of misconduct, and human rights INGOs decrease rates of misconduct. However, we find that the presence of women's rights-focused INGOs does not decrease rates of sexual misconduct among PKO troops. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits" by Jed Esty and "The Long 2020" edited by Richard Grusin and Maureen Ryan are two books that explore the concept of decline in the United States. These books challenge the nostalgic longing for stability and greatness in the US and argue that decline can be an opportunity for social change and renewal. They also examine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the US, revealing the vulnerabilities and inequalities in society. The article emphasizes the importance of studying cultural narratives and formations in understanding and navigating decline, and calls for a reimagining of freedom and politics. It also discusses the decline of the US as an empire and the potential for new visions of freedom and belonging. The text highlights the need to consider both subjective experience and objective structures in analyzing the past and envisioning the future. [Extracted from the article]

Mental health advocacy and activism have been highlighted as important in the effort towards creating environments for better mental health. However, relevant research in low- and middle-income country settings remains limited and lacks critical exploration. We seek to contribute to filling this gap by exploring driving factors behind mental health advocacy and activism efforts in low- and middle-income country settings. This review uses a critically informed thematic analysis employing conceptual frameworks of productive power to analyse peer-reviewed articles on mental health advocacy or activism over the last 20 years. We suggest that the current body of research is marred by superficial explorations of activism and advocacy, partly due to a lack of cohesion around definitions. Based on our findings, we suggest a conceptual framework to guide deeper explorations of mental health advocacy and activism. This framework identifies 'legitimacy', 'context' and 'timing' as the main dimensions to consider in understanding activism and advocacy efforts. The fact that they remain misunderstood and underappreciated creates missed opportunities for meaningful inclusion of lived experience in policy decisions and limits our understanding of how communities envision and enact change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movement theory holds that disrupting social and political processes is among the most effective tools social movement organizations (SMOs) use to motivate recognition for themselves and their constituents. Yet, recent research suggests that the political reception of disruption is not racially neutral. Black SMOs face a dilemma in that, although disruption is a powerful tool for change, the public often perceives nonviolent Black disruptive protest as violent. We investigate this bind by analyzing how nondisruptive protest, nonviolent disruption, or violence helps or hinders both Black and non-Black SMOs to gain state "acceptance" as legitimate spokes-organizations for their issues. We combine data on newspaper-reported protest events with data covering 41,545 SMO Congressional testimonies from 1462 SMOs from 35 movement families. In panel regressions, we find that Congress is generally more accepting of nondisruptive protest but that nondisruptive protest is only roughly one-tenth as effective for Black SMOs compared with non-Black SMOs. Furthermore, whereas non-Black SMOs are significantly more likely to testify after using nonviolent disruption, Black SMOs using nonviolent disruption are significantly less likely to testify before Congress. Regardless of race, violence was associated with fewer congressional testimonies. Collectively, these findings suggest that Black SMOs face a tactical bind: Black SMOs can use nondisruptive tactics that are resource-intensive and slow, or they can use nonviolent disruption that gets media attention but hinders congressional acceptance. These findings contribute to a growing literature on how racial inequality and prejudice impact the outcomes of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studies show that public opinion and educational workshops promoted by nonprofits affect judicial behavior, it remains unclear whether and how social movements affect judges' decision-making through disruptive actions. I develop a framework to explain the conditions under which and the mechanisms through which social movement mobilization affects the decision-making of judges, drawing on a mixed-methods study of anti-corruption protests in Brazil. I constructed an original dataset of decisions of corruption cases at the Brazilian Superior Court of Justice (2003–2016). Results showed that actions that target judicial cases (case-focused protests)—but not protests that simply put the issue on the public agenda—are associated with higher chances that judges will decide in ways that are aligned with the movements' demands. I supplemented this data with a qualitative analysis of appeals on two investigations of similar crimes and some of the same defendants but with different outcomes in appellate courts: Sandcastle (Castelo de Areia) and Car Wash (Lava Jato). Drawing on 110 interviews with prosecutors and judges and document analysis of criminal charges and judicial decisions, I show that case-focused protests affect judicial behavior through two mechanisms: by threatening the personal reputation of judges and the legitimacy of courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Context-sensitive expressions appear ill suited to the purpose of sharing content across contexts. Yet we regularly use them to that end (in regulations, textbooks, memos, guidelines, laws, minutes, etc.). This paper describes the utility of the concept of a metacontext for understanding cross-contextual content-sharing with context-sensitive expressions. A metacontext is the context of a group of contexts: an infrastructure that can channel non-linguistic incentives on content ascription so as to homogenize the content ascribed to context-sensitive expressions in each context in the group. Documents composed of context-sensitive expressions can share content across contexts when supported by an appropriate metacontext. The bible has its church, the textbook its education system, the form its bureaucracy, and the manifesto its social movement. Some metacontexts support cross-contextual content-sharing. Some don't. A promising research programme (one with practical importance) would take metacontexts as its unit of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a comparative-historical perspective on the moral economy of land. We reconstruct the moral economy of the popular land reform movement that opposed the illegitimate income streams of rentiers and speculators in the early 20th century, tracing the movement's legacy through a long-run analysis of political party platforms since 1880 in the USA, the UK, Germany and Sweden. We find that the land reformers' conceptualization of land as a moral good was a key topic in early 20th-century party politics. Parties across the political spectrum called for wide-ranging interventions in unregulated land markets. But despite the movement's relative success, the new ideal of the ownership society soon gained ground as an alternative to the more radical politics of land decommodification. We find growing multipartisan support for small property owners over time, culminating in the rise of a new moral conceptualization of land as capital. With the recent comeback of the land question, both rural and urban, we conclude that an understanding of historical land reform debates should inform future research toward a much-needed sociology of land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent does local LGBT+ activism have impacts beyond its immediate surroundings? We offer a theoretical framework emphasizing how a combination of local movement visibility and LGBT+ cultural receptivity can account for disseminating influences of LGBT+ activism. We illustrate our framework in part through an analysis of the potential diffusion of LGBT+ support in Bosnia in the aftermath of the country's first-ever Pride. Our model explains why the 2019 Sarajevo Pride increased LGBT+ support locally but had no immediate effects on attitudes in greater Bosnia. It also explains why LGBT+ support has since expanded beyond the capital to Bosnia's surrounding regions in a follow-up 2021 study. Even when local LGBT+ visibility is low or nonexistent, underlying cultural receptivity can be conducive to the gradual diffusion of LGBT+ support. Moreover, the challenging circumstances of the pandemic did not undermine the expansion of LGBT+ tolerance across Bosnia. Our findings illustrate the persistent power as well as limitations of LGBT+ activism to usher in downstream cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the place of Welsh history within higher education, particularly in the context of British history modules. The author, a Senior Lecturer in Modern Welsh History at Cardiff University, highlights the challenges and importance of incorporating Welsh history into primarily British history modules. They emphasize the entangled nature of social life and cultures between Wales and England, while also acknowledging the distinctiveness of Welsh history. The article also explores how students respond to Welsh history modules and the value of local library and archival connections for research. Overall, the author argues for a four nations approach to teaching British history that recognizes the complexity of national identity and the importance of diverse perspectives. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Telling Stories about Post-war Britain: Popular Individualism and the 'Crisis' of the 1970s" by Emily Robinson, Camilla Schofield, Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, and Natalie Thomlinson explores the concept of popular individualism in post-war Britain. The authors argue that the 1970s witnessed a growing demand for personal autonomy and self-determination, which was not solely a result of Thatcherism but also a cause of it. They highlight various progressive responses to this individualism, such as the Women's Liberation Movement and the Institute for Workers Control. The article also discusses the impact of popular individualism on the Labour left, particularly in relation to campaigns for constitutional reform and mandatory reselection of MPs. Overall, the article challenges the dominant narrative of Thatcherism and emphasizes the existence of multiple political possibilities in post-war Britain. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyzes Women Wage Peace (WWP), an Israeli grassroots peace movement, as a case study of intersectionality in women's movements. Using an ethnographic model based on semi-structured interviews with previous and current movement members, I investigate the dilemmas and strategies of WWP in its pursuit of a diverse membership base, a goal considered unique in Israeli peace discourse. This study contributes to understanding intersectional theory and practice, explaining why such an approach is not (always) effective in women's movements despite the best intentions. Examining WWP through the lens of peripherality and privilege highlights the movement's hierarchical power structure, identifying the places where intersectional awareness does not translate into political practice. By providing examples of the challenges of intersectionality in women's movements, these findings offer a response to the need for more nuanced analysis in current feminist and social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do ethnically/racially minoritized citizens feel represented by increasingly diverse parliaments? We approach this question intersectionally and study how ethnically/racially minoritized citizens (i) constitute and politicize self-identifications and interests, (ii) assess political representation, and (iii) discuss who represents them. We draw on twelve focus groups with Turkish, Moroccan, and Surinamese-Dutch citizens (N  = 65), and find that citizens' political self-identifications, rather than predefined group labels, are key to understanding assessments of representation. Citizens prefer politicians who act on their substantive concerns but feel that mainstream parties sometimes fail to do so. Parties led by ethnically/racially minoritized politicians and social movements fill this void by contesting the status quo. An intersectional perspective reveals that symbolic representation by descriptive representatives specifically matters for young women of color who lack role models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian military-corporate dictatorship faced the resistance and mobilization of several marginalized groups. In this article, we reconstruct the subaltern memories of Black and poor women from the outskirts of São Paulo who participated in Christian Base Communities and the Cost-of-Living Movement, and we show how their mobilization was supported by social movements across the country. Despite their dimension and impact, a report by the Brazilian National Truth Commission fails to recognize their role in the country's democratic transition and the violence suffered by marginalized groups. These memories support a reflection on the myth of 'racial democracy' in Brazil as a general denial of racial violence throughout the country's history, which leaves intact its structures of injustice. We argue that the reconstruction of subaltern memories can have a significant impact on transitional justice and recover their critical role in democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to traditional top-down perspectives, this article aims to shed alternative light on the prospects for change in global order through evaluating how perspectives offered among social movements located in the Global South consider how change can take place beyond established approaches. With reference to perspectives offered among the Global Tapestry of Alternatives, the article elucidates a model of global political change that transcends reformist and revolutionary dynamics, and which bypasses dominant state and intergovernmental institutions. The analysis highlights the ontological divide between these approaches and reformist and revolutionary perspectives, given their pluriversality drawing on concepts that to date have received inadequate attention in the study of international relations. The article further considers how these approaches—given their deep roots in long-established communitarian practices and their pluriversality—may be addressing today's crisis of global order from the bottom-up in ways that may avoid limitations of previous change agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have argued that anti-racialist ideologies – which deem racial categorization dangerous and racist – are an obstacle to antiracism, because they make race and its effects invisible, and obscure institutional and structural racism. This paper reexamines this argument empirically, by analyzing how activists resist "racial ignorance" and produce knowledge about race in anti-racialist contexts. Drawing on race scholarship, social movement theory, and sociology of knowledge, I ask: How do social movements produce knowledge about the role of race in policing in France? What are the implications of different epistemic practices for activists' racial conceptualizations and political practice? The article is based on an ethnography of three mobilizations contesting policing in France. The comparative methodology reveals that epistemic practices play a role in shaping how mobilizations reach a shared understanding of race and racism. Specifically, how knowledge projects determine racial difference, the methodologies used to capture racial inequality/oppression, and the level of analysis, all matter for the understanding of racism that activists are able to substantiate. Mobilization's epistemic approaches provide some activists with additional resources to promote their preferred racial conceptualizations and can produce the evidence needed to change the mobilization's dominant discourse, from individualistic to structural and systemic conceptualizations of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite evident and oft-cited disparities in the policing of right-wing extremists and more progressive social movements, we understand much less about how such distinctions emerge and unfold as the police prepare for, and act within, protest events. How does the racial and political orientation of social movements affect how they are policed? What are the processes through which such effects are realized? In contrast with most existing studies of protest policing, which emphasize how the actions of authorities are conditioned by the degree of threat associated with, for example, the size or capacity for violence of a given protest target, the analysis here of a cluster of cases associated with the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, recognizes the constructed nature of protest threats and highlights how those assumptions inform and interact with police planning and action. Findings emphasize how the degree of alignment between police and protesters shapes policing agents' preparations for, and operational considerations within, protest events. This alignment provides a basis for asymmetric communication, differential assessment, and—ultimately—distinct treatment of different protest targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Failure of governments across the world to address climate change has fuelled social movements focused on climate-related policy and action. Research analysing these movements has focused mainly on the types of strategies employed including blockades and occupations, marches and petitions, divestment, boycotts and litigation as well as how groups are framing climate change as a problem. What has been largely missed are the ways these groups are framing the change they want to see, that is their demands to governments. Not all demands and actions have the same potential to create the changes needed to mitigate climate change. Used in public health and health promotion, the systems science Intervention Level Framework (ILF) is a tool that can help analyse to what extent different demands have the leverage to create change in a system. We use the ILF to analyse 131 demands from 35 different climate-related advocacy groups in Australia. Results show demands are more focused on lower system leverage points, such as stopping particular projects, rather than on more impactful leverage points, such as the governance structures that determine climate-related policy and decision-making mechanisms. Further, the results highlight the lack of attention on public health related topics of transport and food systems. This paper shows how a systems science framework used in health promotion, the ILF, could enable climate advocacy groups to more effectively target demands to achieve more impactful outcomes from governments, corporations and the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of a national transgender rights movement in the United States in the latter half of the twentieth and first decade of the twenty-first century. Drawing on newly available materials from the Trans Equality Archive at the National Center for Transgender Equality in Washington, DC, this study shows that the transgender movement has been neither wholly independent of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement, nor simply a subdivision of it. Through a process of hybridization, the transgender movement became simultaneously its own independent movement and a constituent of the LGBT movement. In building this argument, this article tells an untold story about the history of the movement. First, I narrate the emergence of a shared transgender collective identity separate from LGB identity. Second, I describe the burgeoning of a transgender movement and detail its continued distinction from the LGB movement. Third, I explain how the transgender movement pushed to turn the "LGB" movement into the "LGBT" movement, while still maintaining its independence. The article sheds light on the complex dynamics of contention among national advocacy organizations that gave shape to the contemporary transgender rights movement. It also contributes to the scholarship by tracing the distinctive evolution of the national transgender movement, which has operated alongside grassroots trans movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the teaching of twentieth-century British history to French undergraduates. It highlights the efforts made by French teachers and scholars to "decenter" their focus and move away from an overly Anglo-centric approach. This includes exploring the complexities of inter-national relations within the UK, as well as addressing racial, class, and gender dynamics both within and outside the country. The article also mentions the challenges faced in balancing different perspectives and topics, as well as the need for a diverse range of primary sources. Overall, the French teaching field has shown adaptability and responsiveness to current research shifts. [Extracted from the article]

Unionization among newsworkers has increased in the U.S. since 2015. This article develops a relational theoretical framework to examine communicative labor resistance practices. It is grounded in critical organizational communication, social movement studies, sociology of work, and labor studies, responding to how newsworkers' union resistance has been undertheorized in extant journalism and media studies research. It argues that communicative labor resistance practices should be based on three propositions: a dialectical process and continual cycle of organizing unions' resistance and exploitative precarious work; the relationship among heterogenous alternative digital communication labor resistance practices; and a relational approach to digitally-mediated communicative material conditions and discursive forms of resistance rhetoric in social movement genres of organizational communication that mutually co-produce and constitute unions' resistance practices and organizational self-structuring. This framework has implications for understanding precarious work, class, professional identity, and journalism's democratic role in society, and for doing labor resistance-oriented communication research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The priorities reflected in the overarching system that includes the regimes dealing with international human rights law, international humanitarian law, and international criminal law are currently undergoing a gradual but highly significant transformation. The cause is a growing preoccupation with 'atrocity crimes' in each of the three fields, along with the imposition of criminal sanctions in response to an ever increasing range of violations, the recasting of other violations as crimes (ecocide), and the urge to describe a great many situations as involving genocide. These developments have diminished the attention given to non-criminal violations and to techniques other than prosecution, and facilitated continuing neglect of the structural dimensions underpinning violations. In the foreign policies of key western states, sanctions against individuals now attract more attention than other human rights responses. The risk is that these trends will entrench an atrocity-centred normative hierarchy, empower judges and criminal lawyers at the expense of social movements, shine a spotlight on individual rather than collective responsibility, reinforce problematic North-South dynamics, and distort resource allocations at the international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper probes alternative meanings and processes for decolonizing English that arise from the particular geopolitical histories and identities of Hong Kong and engagement with political and translingual activism. I illustrate the positioning and tension between English, 'Kongish' (a mix of English and localized linguistic resources in Hong Kong), and Chinese in 1,355 comments from four live-streamed videos of clashes between the police and protesters. Despite the default language of the news page being Chinese (standard written Chinese and written Cantonese), a vast majority of the comments are written in English and Kongish. I analyse the commenters' metalinguistic discourse that represents their alignment and non-alignment stances towards the various linguistic practices in the comment threads. I draw on 'translingual activism' (Pennycook 2019) to understand the linguistic resourcefulness of the commenters who support the protests and the indexing of an us–them relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China. Rather than decolonizing English, I argue that the Hong Kong commenters recolonize English for new subversive purposes to maintain an ideological 'separation' between their Hong Kong and Chinese identities in times of political transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives the news coverage of social movements in the professional news media? We address this question by elaborating an institutional mediation model arguing that the news values, routines, and characteristics of the news media induce them to pay attention to movements depending on their characteristics and the political contexts in which they engage. The news-making characteristics of movements include their disruptive capacities and organizational strength, and the political contexts include a partisan regime in power, benefitting from national policies, and congressional investigations. To appraise these arguments, we analyze approximately 1 million news articles mentioning 29 social movements over the twentieth century, published in four national newspapers. We use negative binomial regression analyses and separate time-series analyses of the labor movement to assess the model's robustness across different movements, time periods, and news sources. In each analysis, the results support the hypotheses based on the institutional mediation model. More generally, we argue that the influence of social movements on institutions depends on the structure and operating procedures of those institutions. This insight has implications for future studies of the influence of movements on major social institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumer research has focused on the various resources and tactics that help movements achieve a range of institutional and marketplace changes. Yet, little attention has been paid to the persistence of movement solidarity, in particular its regeneration, despite a range of threats to it. Our research unpacks mechanisms that help consumer movement solidarity to overcome threats. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of consumer movements in Exarcheia, a neighborhood in central Athens, Greece, we find that consumer movement solidarity persists despite a cataclysmic economic crisis that undermines their prevalent ideology and the emotional fatigue, that is, common in such movements. Three key mechanisms serve to overcome these threats: performative staging of collectivism, temporal tactics, and the emplacement of counter-sites. Overall, our study contributes to consumer research by illuminating how threats to solidarity are overcome by specific internal mechanisms that enable the regeneration of consumer movement solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements pushed to reconceptualize intimate partner violence (IPV) as a social problem deserving of intervention rather than a private family matter. However, little work has examined which interventions the public is likely to support. How and where do personal politics affect perceptions of and responses to a social problem? To address these questions, 739 participants read a victim's narrative from a court case and indicated their concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order, prohibiting the abuser from owning a gun, or the victim owning a gun to protect herself. Concern for the victim and support for issuing a protection order was widespread, regardless of political leaning, with minor variations driven by role-taking and attitudes towards IPV. Similarly, support for the victim receiving a protection order was high, with political ideology and political affiliation having no direct effects. While concern increased support for each intervention, it held less explanatory power for gun-related interventions. Instead, political ideology and affiliation shaped support for disarming the abuser or arming the victim. Support for these interventions seemed to filter through a political lens. Thus, one's personal politics drive divergent intervention attitudes, even when concern for a social problem is shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigates the way local social movements respond to structural transformations in city politics. Drawing from archival research, published scholarship, and 51 in-depth interviews, we characterize the mobilization of experts into social movements in Greater Boston since the 1960s as a long-term shift from "protecting places" to "providing services." Consonant with a shift from centralized to decentralized municipal government, we show how an initially unified resistance to urban renewal morphed into two diverging and opposing movements. One focused on housing affordability and relied on market-driven tactics; the other sought to enhance the "production of nature" through grassroots community organizing. These findings support two contributions to the scholarship on expert activism by showing that: (1) social movement organizations (SMOs) respond to structural shifts epistemologically, as well as organizationally; and (2) expert activism can alter the conditions and context of knowledge production in neighborhoods and the movements that rise in their defense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on interviews, some field research, and an analysis of online material, this paper focuses on the rights struggles of diasporic Indian caste groups formerly considered "Untouchable" whose self-chosen descriptor is "Dalit." It examines Dalit activism in the United States around caste discrimination in both India and the U.S. The goal of this study is to demonstrate how Dalit American leaders use racial analogies in their international activism, and why race is a contested frame within the community. It makes clear that "universalistic" frames can obscure crucial particularities, making it harder to address the issue at hand. But it also reveals that dogmatic, particularistic frames can compromise the unity and mission of transnational movements. A 2020 lawsuit against Cisco Systems alleging caste discrimination toward a Dalit employee by Brahmin supervisors has opened the opportunity for anti-caste activists to develop a global norm specifically around how to address caste-based discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fokin's primary scholarly interests include culture of religious movements in the USSR, history of Protestantism in the USSR, and Protestant culture in the USSR. In addressing patriotism and Protestantism, it should be remembered that all Protestant denominations in Russia and the countries of the former USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) are part of international Protestant organizations. The most authoritative Protestant denominations, after consolidating and fortifying interfaith ties and cooperation, are now capable of large-scale social partnership relations with state institutions, thereby making a significant contribution to the improvement of the moral atmosphere in society and the formation of high standards of business ethics and labor relations among Russian citizens.[10] The History of Western Protestantism in Russia The first Protestants appeared in Russia by the 1520s, as Protestantism spread in Europe. Under these new conditions of existence, with intensive processes of contact and interaction among various religious and cultural traditions in Russia, Protestants believe their presence poses no danger to the preservation of Russia's cultural and religious identity; to the contrary, they believe a Protestant presence can be mutually enriching and mutually beneficial for everyone. [Extracted from the article]

In 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal issued a landmark ruling in First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada v. Canada finding that the government of Canada was racially and ethnically discriminating against First Nations children and their families in its funding and delivery of child welfare services to them. This ruling did not result from an isolated legal case; it was the result of litigation that was part of a broader social campaign with active supporters from all over the world. The litigation was driven by, and supported, a dynamic movement for sovereignty for First Nations Peoples around child welfare. This article examines the Caring Society case through the lens of movement lawyering—using the law to bring about transformative social change. Section 2 examines movement lawyering as an approach to lawyering. Movement lawyering involves a range of practices, advocacy and mobilizing that seek to dismantle architectures of subordination. Section 3 provides an overview of the Caring Society litigation and the social campaign within which the case was litigated. The I am a Witness campaign, a dynamic education and grassroots social campaign that engaged Indigenous and non-Indigenous children and sought to make the litigation accessible to the public, is examined in detail. Section 4 analyses Caring Society as a study of movement lawyering. It examines how three elements of movement lawyering; integrated advocacy; accountability to social movements; and willingness to address the root causes of structural oppression were at play in the litigation and related campaigns. In conclusion, the authors contend that Caring Society and the I am a Witness campaign constitute a successful example of movement lawyering as they properly recognize litigation, and the role of lawyers, as one piece of the mosaic of efforts needed to advance transformative social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay considers Jack Snyder's Human Rights for Pragmatists: Social Power in Modern Times and explores the book's key implications for human rights practitioners and their organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global health agenda—a high stakes process in which problems are defined and compete for the kind of serious attention that promises to help alleviate inequities in the burden of disease—is comprised of priorities set within and among a host of interacting stakeholder arenas. This study informs crucial and unanswered conceptual and measurement questions with respect to civil society priorities in global health. The exploratory two-stage inquiry probes insights from experts based in four world regions and pilots a new measurement approach, analysing nearly 20 000 Tweets straddling the COVID-19 pandemic onset from a set of civil society organizations (CSOs) engaged in global health. Expert informants discerned civil society priorities principally on the basis of observed trends in CSO and social movement action, including advocacy, programme, and monitoring and accountability activities—all of which are widely documented by CSOs active on Twitter. Systematic analysis of a subset of CSO Tweets shows how their attention to COVID-19 soared amidst mostly small shifts in attention to a wide range of other issues between 2019 and 2020, reflecting the impacts of a focusing event and other dynamics. The approach holds promise for advancing measurement of emergent, sustained and evolving civil society priorities in global health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising level of automation has increasingly attracted scholars' attention. On the other hand, there are many studies of the consequences of social movements, but relatively fewer studies focus on their economic consequences, and even fewer studies have examined their consequences on automation. This article bridges the gap between the two literatures by hypothesizing that a rising number of labor protests will lead to a higher level of automation. We argue that political economy factors influence the adoption of more automation. Protests anticipate higher wages and labor costs; contest for social power with employers and the state, and, in extreme cases, pose a public relations challenge to employers, which will likely push employers to replace human workers with robots. We empirically test the relationship by using two protest event datasets in China, the China Labor Bulletin and Collective Action from Social Media and robot data from the International Federation of Robotics. Statistical analysis shows that provinces and industries that have more protests also tend to concentrate more robots, and the results are robust to most specifications and placebo tests. The findings have implications for both understanding the mechanism explaining rising automation and the consequences of social protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1833 Slavery Abolition Act provided for the gradual emancipation of eight hundred thousand human beings. It also confirmed the sovereignty of King-in-Parliament over all people residing in British dominions and resolved a long-standing dispute over whether enslaved people were private property or royal subjects entitled to legal safeguards. This debate first emerged in the late eighteenth century but acquired additional urgency following the 1807 abolition of the slave trade, when attempts to mitigate slavery through the enactment of ameliorative statutes and procedural reforms encouraged enslaved people to petition magistrates for redress in cases of abuse. Slaves vigorously defended their newly granted rights to bodily protection, sustenance, and family preservation through the instigation of legal complaints against overseers, managers, and slave owners. By the 1820s, enslaved litigants across Britain's empire were publicly and collectively petitioning colonial magistrates to intercede on their behalf. The judicialization of quotidian battles over the terms of enslavement refashioned colonial social relations, affirmed enslaved people's status as British subjects, and generated volumes of case files that circulated back to the metropole, where the Colonial Office cited them in critical assessments of slave law and where abolitionists used them to press for immediate emancipation. Enslaved people's legal activism was operationally antislavery; it eroded the power of colonial enslavers and prodded Parliament to pass the 1833 Abolition Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malcolm Chase (1957–2020) was the pre-eminent scholar of the Chartist democratic movement, and more broadly, of working-class political and social action in early nineteenth-century Britain. His work in many respects shaped a shift in the study of Chartism within labour and cultural history. Rejecting the inward-looking diversion into the 'linguistic turn' of the early 1990s, Chase offered a broader and holistic view of not only what class, political radicalism and the land meant to working-class people, but also how it was a lived experience expressed in action as well as words. This article is a re-appreciation of Chase's major contribution to the field. It charts the origins and development of Chartist studies, and surveys recent publications, including the wide range of articles published on Chartism in the English Historical Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the emergence of a pastoral social movement within the Russian Orthodox Church during the late imperial and revolutionary periods in Russia. The clergy responded to calls for aid during times of famine, war, and revolution, leading to a shift in their mentality from a caste-like service estate to a professional one focused on the broader society. This movement played a critical role in shaping the church revolution of 1917-1918, which aimed to reconstruct Church governance based on inclusive and conciliar principles. The article provides case studies from Tver' and Moscow dioceses to illustrate the clergy's evolving activities and their impact on church-state-society relations. The author argues that the pastoral movement was influenced by Konstantin Pobedonostsev's vision of a proactive pastorate, but it also led to increased autonomy for the clergy. The article concludes that this book is a valuable resource for understanding the social role of the Orthodox Church during the late imperial period in Russia. [Extracted from the article]

Benjamin Abrams and Peter Gardner have skilfully combined 15 contributions, examining a range of symbolic objects that feature in contentious politics, including social movements, civil wars and revolutions. As Abrams and Gardner argue, contentious objects are the "collaborators in the execution of contentious action" (p. 293). Politics is inevitably contentious. [Extracted from the article]

Social activism is a burgeoning human response to pressing problems around the world, and nowhere is this response more apparent than in the ongoing global push back against environmental externalities. In this article, we explore—for the first time—whether there are degrees of activism that relate to degrees of regulatory stringency. Using data on environmental conflicts resulting from fossil fuel production across 68 countries over the period 1995–2014, we find that, for a given tax rate, a move from a lax to more stringent regime lowers the rate of environmental conflicts. These findings underscore the contingent role of policy stringency as a trigger for intense social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Rafeef Ziadah, King's College London, UK i Overcoming state-centric rights I Vernacular rights cultures i is an exciting and important contribution to debates on human rights, gender rights and vernacular approaches to both. I Shirin M. Rai, SOAS University of London, UK i Shifting epistemes of rights cultures I Vernacular rights cultures i opens up with a rather erudite review of the literature on the idea of rights, especially focusing on the evolution of human rights scholarship. The world-making potential of I haq i to (re)shape rights is hardly limited to Hannah Arendt's "the right to have rights" or the "umbilical link" between citizenship and rights. Keywords: Human rights; south Asia; decolonization; international law; rights cultures; gender EN Human rights south Asia decolonization international law rights cultures gender 825 835 11 03/15/23 20230301 NES 230301 Introduction I Vernacular rights cultures i tells a different story of human rights. [Extracted from the article]

This article demonstrates how female participation in social movements and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) influences the political participation of women activists. It highlights how women from the social movement Compromiso Ciudadano successfully led progressive bottom-up programs for the democratic transformation of Medellín, Colombia. This study draws upon the first-hand experiences of women who participated in a focus group and in interviews. The findings reveal that engaging in social movements and NGO activities strengthens women's agency in political participation, individually and collectively. This kind of grassroots participation increases women's inclusion in formal politics, and it creates bridges between local governments and female grassroots leaders and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2010–2011 revolution, Islamist and secularist political parties and women's rights organizations formed coalitions in Tunisia. Nothing of the sort had happened before in Tunisian history. This article considers the conditions that led feminists with different ideological beliefs to create what I call an "unlikely feminist coalition" in Tunisia. I argue that Islamists and secularists can form unlikely feminist coalitions when facing similar threats, working on similar tasks prior to formation of the coalition, the experience of common grievances, and a shared feminist identity. Drawing on the gender politics and social movement literature on coalitions, I suggest that more needs to be understood about unlikely feminist coalitions, especially in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that economic indicators like efficiency, productivity, and profitability are key to explaining why some businesses survive and others do not. Yet not all work organizations ascribe to capitalist assumptions about ownership, authority, and even what constitutes success itself. Worker-recuperated businesses (WRBs) in Argentina—organizations closed by their private owners, occupied by their workers, and restarted as worker cooperatives—offer one such example. While research has documented the operational and financial challenges these businesses confront, we know little about why some survive and others do not. This article draws on qualitative and historical research in two WRBs in Buenos Aires: one that survived (Hotel Bauen) and one that closed (FORJA San Martín). Comparing the organizations' trajectories, we argue that labor process, geographic location, and political networks are key to understanding their survival. We find that different types of labor in industrial and service workplaces in conjunction with their geographic locations impacted efforts to develop networks with political actors, consumers, and social movements that provided legitimacy and resources to enable their continuity over time. The article discusses the contributions of these findings to theories of organizations and the implications for studying alternative work organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Greta Thunberg's school strike in Stockholm in August 2018 and the October 2018 'declaration of rebellion' by activists in the UK, 2019 saw several climate protest movements rise to public attention, including Fridays for Future (FFF), Extinction Rebellion (XR), and the US Sunrise Movement. What is striking about them is that they rather bluntly refer to science in their campaigns. In this paper, we present an in-depth and comparative study of how the new climate protest movements relate to scientific evidence. Employing a narrative analysis of different types of data (websites, press releases, and media coverage), we study the movements' understandings of 'the science' as well as of science's role in policy processes. We find that the movements in their initial phase predominantly rely on science for their legitimation and adopt a scientific worldview with very little 'green ambivalence'. Notably, FFF and XR hold a deficit model of existing climate communication and enact roles as science communicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study proposes a sociotechnical framework to study digital media and social movements and uses it to analyze the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. Informed by actor-network theory, this framework examines media technology as infrastructure, practice, and text, and discusses its relation to other actors/actants in the network of social movements. Based on qualitative analysis of live streaming sessions and in-depth interviews with journalists and audiences, I identify and explicate the major actors/actants related to mobile live streaming and argue that mobile live streaming became an obligatory passage point through which actors/actants reached other parts of the network and realized their goals. The assemblage of heterogeneous actors/actants not only contributed to the solidarity and longevity of the movement but also brought risks. This study extends the line of research on media technology and social movements by proposing a framework that examines one specific media technology while maintaining an ecological lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is government repression of self-determination (SD) movements affected by the internal structure of the movements? This article investigates the relation between internal fragmentation of SD movements and state repression. While internal fragmentation of domestic challengers is well-documented in conflict studies, its effect on state repression is largely overlooked by the extant literature. Here, I argue that inter-faction competition and disagreements within an internally divided movement constrain the government's ability to negotiate concessions in a way that can satisfy all the actors involved, engendering incentives to repress the movement. I expect that the degree to which this mechanism operates depends on the extent to which the movement is internally fragmented. The findings show that higher degrees of within-movement fragmentation are positively associated with higher levels of repression, and this effect is greater in the presence of active violent militants but smaller in the presence of one or a few dominant faction(s). This study sheds light on the mechanisms that drive repression over SD disputes, which often lead to escalation of violence and civil conflict onset. A deeper understanding of these mechanisms can help with the development of early warning systems and conflict prevention in the political practice of national and international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of social movements in innovations in general and in mission-oriented policies specifically. The article shows, using the example of the contraceptive pill, how significant societal innovation requires the combination of different communities to create coalitions of change, each with slightly different interpretations of a common mission. Leading mission-driven innovation depends on being able to create and sustain these coalitions—social movements. Such innovation movements play an important role in mission-driven innovation of the kind now being pursued in many countries to ensure that innovation efforts contribute to meeting significant social challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 106 Táíwò Olúfhemi O. Reconsidering Reparations. Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 25 Du Bois W. E. Burghardt. Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 27 Du Bois William Edward Burghardt, Jones Mack H. 2017. Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 21 Dean Lorraine T. 2018. Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 26 Du Bois William Edward Burghardt, Diggs Irene. [Extracted from the article]